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1
Hansen, Tore. "Local Elections and Local Government Performance". Scandinavian Political Studies 17, n.º 1 (marzo de 1994): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1994.tb00047.x.
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Abdullah, Ar Rozi y Payamta Payamta. "Belanja Oportunistik Pemerintah Daerah pada Masa Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia (Studi pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Non-Jawa)". Jurnal Ilmiah Akuntansi 6, n.º 1 (25 de junio de 2021): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/jia.v6i1.30530.
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This article analyses opportunistic behaviour of local government spending in period the elections for non-Javanese local heads in Indoensia which have variability in financial performance. Previous studies have shown that the opportunistic behaviour of regional spending is closely related to the holding of local head elections and the presence of incumbents running for reelections. The effect of election and the existence of incumbents in elections on local government spending is tested using a set of panel data for the 2015-2018 period. A total of 858 observation units were tested, consisting of political and financial factors in the pre-election year, election year, and post-election year. Based on the results of regression testing, it is found that evidence of non-Javanese local government spending is opportunistic around local head elections. This condition is indicated by the increase in Grant and Financial Assistance Expenditures, which are discretionary spending. This evidence confirms some previous research on opportunistic spending behaviour around local head elections.
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Buckley, Fiona y Caroline Hofman. "Women in local government: Moving in from the margins". Administration 63, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2015): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/admin-2015-0011.
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Abstract This article presents a descriptive overview of women’s participation in the elected and administrative structures of local government in the Republic of Ireland. Drawing on analysis of candidate data and electoral results from the 2014 local elections, it shows that women’s political representation currently stands at just under 21 per cent, a record high for women’s participation in the elected structures of county and city councils. The article evaluates the lessons learned about political parties, gender and candidate recruitment at the 2014 local elections. It argues that the impending introduction of legislative gender quotas at the next general election was the main driving force behind women’s increased participation in these elections. Turning attention to the administrative structures of local authorities, it is revealed that men continue to dominate senior management positions. While increasing numbers of women are accessing senior management roles, gendered barriers remain. The article concludes by reflecting on the future prospects for women’s participation in both the elected and administrative structures of local government in the Republic of Ireland. It recommends an extension of legal gender quotas to local elections and a more proactive gender promotional and mentoring campaign within local government administrative structures.
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Kubisz-Muła, Łukasz. "The Character of the Polish Local and Regional Elections – Polytonality". Polish Political Science Review 2, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2014): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0019.
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Abstract Contemporary Polish local and regional elections serve the purpose of electing the government on the level of a municipality, county, and the voivodeship, and therefore represent a particular type of elections which could be referred to as polytonal. A unique quality of polytonal elections is the fact that the separate elections for each of the levels of local/regional government that take place on a single day are quite distinctive in terms of the behaviour of voters, politicians, political parties, and other organisations participating in the elections. As a consequence, we can indeed observe differences in the results of the elections on the level of municipality, county, and voivodeship.
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Pasaribu, Ian. "PILKADA SERENTAK DAN HUKUM POLITIK: KONTROVERSI KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH PUSAT TERKAIT PUTUSAN HUKUM PILKADA KABUPATEN, SIMALUNGUN SUMATERA UTARA TAHUN 2015". Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 8, n.º 1 (25 de octubre de 2017): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.8.1.2017.82-91.
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This study examines, analyzes dna discusses Simultaneous elections Politics and Law: controversy Central Government Policies Related Legal Decisions Election District, North Sumatra Simalungun Where the Year 2015. On December 9, 2015 ago in elections Simalungun which is one of five areas was postponed due Regent Amran deputy candidate Sinaga experienced legal permaslahan. This study uses the theory of Elections, the concept of democracy and the electoral law. This study used qualitative methods with qualitative descriptive analysis techniques. The results of this study are Chronologically elections Simalungun, Inconsistency Regulations, Budget Swelling elections, Process Inaugural JR Saragih. Where the conclusions of this research local elections December 9, 2015 simultaneously experiencing the same problem as well as a substantial permasalahn. Registration problems associated pair of candidates is the responsibility of political parties to avoid any single candidate. On the issue of the availability of budget, the government and local governments need to give a strong political will to urgently solve the problem.
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Sørensen, R. J. "The Legitimacy of Norwegian Local Government: The Impact of Central Government Controls". Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 15, n.º 1 (marzo de 1997): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150037.
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The Norwegian system of government comprises three levels: highest is the central government, or Storting (Parliament); in the middle are the counties, and at the lowest level are the municipalities. The municipal and county levels are considered local government. In this paper the degree of central control of the lower two levels of Norwegian government are compared and the implications of national regulations for local democracy, particularly for county governments, are discussed. The counties are more heavily controlled by the central government than are the municipalities, measured both by reliance on central grants and by regulation of the service supply. Whereas the representatives of the municipal councils are ambiguous when it comes to expressing the extent of central government control, the county-level politicians are clearly dissatisfied with central governmental constraints. Central regulations appear not to weaken the attractiveness of positions on the local councils, and the desire for reelection appears higher at the county level than at the municipal level. Voters see the parliamentary elections as most important, the municipal elections as of secondary importance, and the county elections as least important. At the county elections, national policymakers are to some extent responsible for the performance of the county government. It is argued that the lack of voter interest and voter control increases the ability of lobbying organizations to influence county decisions, which is likely to strengthen the dominance of producer interests relative to that of citizens and consumers. Such developments may induce demand for further state legislation to protect consumer interests, which will challenge the overall legitimacy of intermediate democracy.
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Chakim, M. Lutfi. "PERUBAHAN SISTEM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DALAM DINAMIKA PELAKSANAAN DEMOKRASI". Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional 3, n.º 1 (30 de abril de 2014): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.33331/rechtsvinding.v3i1.60.
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Pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada) secara langsung adalah suatu mekanisme yang berfungsi sebagai pelaksanaan demokrasi. Namun, dalam perjalanannya muncul ketidakpuasan berbagai pihak untuk tidak lagi menggunakan sistem pemilihan gubernur secara langsung. Hal itulah yang menjadi dasar bagi Pemerintah untuk mengusulkan sistem pemilihan gubernur oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (DPRD) melalui Rancangan Undang-undang tentang Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (RUU Pilkada). Usulan perubahan sistem tersebut merupakan topik yang sangat serius, karena berpotensi mengingkari kedaulatan rakyat yang dijamin dalam UUD 1945. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif, dapat disimpulkan bahwa, pertama , pemilihan secara langsung merupakan satu-satunya cara yang paling efektif untuk memaknai frasa ”dipilih secara demokratis” sebagaimana dimuat dalam Pasal 18 ayat (4) UUD 1945. Kedua , sejarah pemilihan kepala daerah ditandai dengan diberlakukannya berbagai peraturan perundang-undangan terkait dengan pemerintahan daerah mulai sejak masa kolonial hingga reformasi. Ketiga , sistem pemilihan gubernur secara perwakilan oleh DPRD merupakan kemunduran bagi demokrasi. Oleh karena itu, pemerintah perlu mengambil pelajaran dari sejarah sistem pemilihan kepala daerah. Setelah itu, diharapkan pemerintah dapat meninjau kembali kebijakannya tentang sistem pemilihan kepala daerah oleh DPRD yang tertuang dalam RUU Pilkada.<p>Local government election directly is a mechanism of democracy implementation. However, it doesn’t work as expectation while disappointing parties urge to not use governor election system directly anymore. That’s the basis for the Government to propose Governor election system by House of representatives through Draft Law About the local government elections. The proposal to change the system of the local government elections is a very serious topic, because it has to deny the sovereignty of the people in the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution potentially. Using normative legal research method approach, it could be concluded that, first, government election directly is the most effective way to interpretate the phrase ”democratically elected” as mentioned in article 18 verse (4) of the Republic of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution. Second, the history of local government elections marked by the enactment of various regulations on Local Government since the colonial era to the reform. Third, the Governor election system by House of representatives is a setback for democracy. Therefore, the Government needs to learn from the history of local government election. After all, the government expected to review its policy about local government election system by House of representatives in draft Law About the local government elections.</p>
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Słobodzian, Beata. "Polish electoral system to self local government – changes and effects". Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2016): 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0013.
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Abstract Poland as a young democracy is supported by extensive experience of mature democratic systems. Poland is still seeking reasonable and effective solutions regarding its electoral system. The right for electing the representatives of authority bodies is one of the fundamentals of democracy. This right entitles citizens for active public participation through expressing their support (votes) for candidates, which will respectively represent their voters in certain institutions. Polish electoral law, which regulates the local self-government elections is very controversial. The existing legal rules have been changed many times since 2011. Among the subjects being discussed are electoral campaigns, and candidate registration rules and organization of elections. Frequent changes in the electoral law result in misunderstandings and an unwillingness to participate in elections. Their effect is low voter turnout and a large number of invalid votes. Regardless of the above, it is worth to consider, why the Electoral Code was prepared so chaotically and without any further discussion? Why before the forthcoming elections to the European Parliament and municipalities planned for 2014 it was not possible to be assured about the electoral regulations, which were the subject of numerous changes?
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Zlotkovskij, Vladimir I. "The municipal elections in the Krasnoyarsk Territory in 2005-2020 as reflected in a socio-political analysis". Siberian Socium 5, n.º 2 (2021): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2587-8484-2021-5-2-78-91.
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The relevance of the research topic is due to the important role that local self-government bodies play in people’s lives: according to experts, 70-80% of everyday life issues that concern most people on a daily basis are solved at the local level. Therefore, the search for an optimal model of organizing the local self-government and relationships between local and regional authorities are still urgent tasks for our country. The purpose of this article is to trace how the implemented models of the organization of local self-government, which provide for indirect elections of heads of local self-government, affect the formation of local authorities and whether it was possible to bring the municipal authorities closer to the population. This goal is realized by analyzing the results of four municipal elections in the Krasnoyarsk Territory held in 2005, 2010, 2015, and 2020. The 3rd model of the organization of local self-government is already applied for the specified time. The methods used include a sociological survey of the population and the analysis of electoral statistics and mass media. The results allowed making the following conclusions. First off all, a system of government has been created at the municipal level, characterized by stability, continuity, and manageability, in which the United Russia party plays a dominant role. At the same time, the results of the last election highlighted the shortcomings of this system. Secondly, the transition to indirect elections of heads of municipalities did not lead to the creation of an effective mechanism for selecting the most worthy local leaders. Third, the steadily declining electoral activity of citizens in municipal elections: 62.4% (2005); 39.6% (2010); 29.6% (2015); 24.6% (2020), and the number of supporters of the “party of power” reduce the legitimacy of local governments. Fourthly, citizens are beginning to place responsibility for the situation on the ground on regional authorities.
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Cavalcante, Pedro Luiz Costa. "Elections and local government performance in Brazil". Organizações & Sociedade 24, n.º 83 (diciembre de 2017): 580–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-9240832.
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Abstract The 1988 federal Constitution introduced a complex and innovative institutional arrangement that not only reestablished political rights and democratic procedures, but also reinforced decentralization as a fundamental guideline for policy implementation in Brazil. As a result, municipalities have become pivotal actors in the policymaking process. Scholars of Latin American politics have given much emphasis to the causes and determinants of decentralization, but not much has been done toward a more general understanding of how this increased decentralization has affected policymaker behavior and policy outcomes. This paper aims to do exactly that. Specifically, it investigates how institutional arrangements and electoral competition affect local government performance. The theoretical basis is the electoral democratic theory that broadly highlights elections as instruments of citizen control in retrospective and prospective voting approaches. The research employs a large-N cross sub-national analysis based on a dataset of electoral, partisan, socioeconomic and public financial information collected from over 5500 municipalities. Local governments’ performance, our dependent variables, are synthetic indicators formulated from 2009 nationwide surveys on public education, health, housing and welfare services. The OLS regression results confirm the hypothesis that politics variables do matter in how politicians make decisions and implement policy under the new Brazilian democratic Era. The empirical evidences suggest that electoral competition does not present a direct effect on government performance, however, ideology and citizen participation do. Therefore, this paper helps to expand our understanding of a political system’s impact on public policy outputs, which is extremely important not only for academic purpose but also to support policymakers’ decisions.
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Seethal, Cecil. "South Africa's local government elections of 2011". South African Geographical Journal 94, n.º 1 (10 de abril de 2012): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649365.2012.676879.
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Nwosu, Nereus I. "The Nigerian local government elections of 1998". Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 38, n.º 1 (marzo de 2000): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040008447811.
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Sudrajat, Hendra. "Phenomenon of Constitutional Law Regarding the Authority of Deputy Local Leaders in Local Elections (Pilkada) Results". Jurnal Bina Praja 12, n.º 2 (16 de diciembre de 2020): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.261-272.
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Since the reformation era in 1998 through amendments to the 1945 Constitution, which began in 1999 to 2002, it has impacted Indonesia's state administration system's structure. The direct election system's opening in the election of the President and Vice President and the legislature to the local elections (Pilkada). Local elections (Pilkada) candidates are a package for local leaders, which fascinating to examine. In Article 18, paragraph (4) to the 1945 Constitution does not mention the Deputy local leaders, thus causing problems. When the Deputy local leaders authority is limited by the constitution, which has an impact on conflicts of authority between the local leaders and Deputy local leaders, which results in disrupted government services. This study aims to provide a solution to this phenomenon so that it finds two options, namely, first to retain the position of Deputy local leaders in the local elections with the complaint mechanism method and precise judgment of taxation, and secondly to be consistent with the state constitution, the local elections (Pilkada) is held without a Deputy local leaders candidate with his position replaced. by the local secretary.
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Tukina, Tukina. "Asymmetrical Local Elections: Affirmation of Sovereignty for People's Welfare". Jurnal Bina Praja 12, n.º 2 (16 de diciembre de 2020): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.237-248.
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The purpose of this study is to find the background of the Direct of Regional Heads Election, their relationship with welfare and asymmetric regional elections. The study conduct with a qualitative descriptive method where the role of researchers is very important. Research continues conducted until researchers feel enough to answer the research goal. Data obtained in the field and exposed by inductive analysis through planned stages. To support data retrieval research; participatory observation, looking for key informants, in-depth interviews, discussions and literature. Direct Election by people gives the role of the local community to choose leaders, check and balance the Government and as a form of direct accountability. Elections related to political and economic access, with that access there is a connection between the elections, people's sovereignty for welfare. Recommendation; Regional Head Election needs adapted to the characteristics of diverse communities and online society development. National-local Election Commission needs to think and do in new ways especially in the COVID 19 era to use Electronic Election (E-Voting). E-Voting is in line with the Internet-based Society and Technology development. Asymmetrical regional head elections need to answer that challenges.
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DE BENEDICTIS-KESSNER, JUSTIN y CHRISTOPHER WARSHAW. "Accountability for the Local Economy at All Levels of Government in United States Elections". American Political Science Review 114, n.º 3 (16 de marzo de 2020): 660–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000027.
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Retrospective voting is a crucial component of democratic accountability. A large literature on retrospective voting in the United States finds that the president’s party is rewarded in presidential elections for strong economic performance and punished for weak performance. By contrast, there is no clear consensus about whether politicians are held accountable for the local economy at other levels of government, nor how voters react to the economy in a complex system of multilevel responsibility. In this study, we use administrative data on county-level economic conditions from 1969 to 2018 and election results across multiple levels of government to examine the effect of the local economy on elections for local, state, and federal offices in the United States. We find that the president’s party is held accountable for economic performance across nearly all levels of government. We also find that incumbents are held accountable for the economy in U.S. House and gubernatorial elections. Our findings have broad implications for literatures on representation, accountability, and elections.
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Akirav, Osnat. "Women's Leadership in Local Government". Review of European Studies 13, n.º 1 (18 de febrero de 2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v13n1p77.
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In the last two decades the number of women involved in politics locally and nationally has increased. Nevertheless, there is limited empirical work investigating the increase in the number of female candidates for the position of mayor. To fill this gap in the literature, we conducted interviews with 57 of the 72 female candidates for mayor in Israel before the October 2018 elections, and 37 of the 72 female candidates for mayor after the election. In addition, we interviewed 11 male candidates and men elected as mayors after the election, as well. On the individual level with regard to political ambition, we found that there are four components whose synergy results in more women being encouraged to run for mayor: mentoring, information, networking for women and training. We called this model the MINT model, which has emerged from the interviews conducted with the candidates. On the societal level, it is important to increase public awareness of the importance of gender representation and hence, voting for women to be mayors.
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Hasnain, Zahid. "Devolution, Accountability, and Service Delivery in Pakistan". Pakistan Development Review 49, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2010): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v49i2pp.129-152.
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This paper examines into the relationship between devolution, accountability, and service delivery in Pakistan by examining the degree of accessibility of local policymakers and the level of competition in local elections, the expenditure patterns of local governments to gauge their sectoral priorities, and the extent to which local governments are focused on patronage, or providing targeted benefits to a few as opposed to providing public goods. The main findings of the paper are threefold. First, the accessibility of policy-makers to citizens in Pakistan is unequivocally greater after devolution, and local government elections are, with some notable exceptions, as competitive as national and provincial elections. Second, local government sectoral priorities are heavily tilted towards the provision of physical infrastructure—specifically, roads, water and sanitation, and rural electrification—at the expense of education and health. Third, this sectoral prioritisation is in part a dutiful response to the relatively greater citizen demands for physical infrastructure; in part a reflection of the local government electoral structure that gives primacy to village and neighbourhood-specific issues; and in part a reaction to provincial initiatives in education and health that have taken the political space away from local governments in the social sectors, thereby encouraging them to focus more towards physical infrastructure. JEL classification: H7, D72, H4 Keywords: State and Local Government, Inter-government Relations, Political Processes, Rent-seeking, Lobbying, Elections, Legislatures, and Voting Behaviour, Publically Provided Goods
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Karlsson, David y Mikael Gilljam. "Cost-of-ruling in Local Elections – The Case of Sweden". Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 14, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2016): 695–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/14.3.695-714(2016).
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There is a cost-of-ruling effect for parties who are part of ruling coalitions I local multi-party elections. Results from the case of Sweden (based on 8,892 election results of parties in local elections 1998-2010) indicate that a party on average loses almost a quarter of its share of the votes after an election period in government. The results also indicate that this cost-of-ruling effect varies depending on the party’s prominence and its political company within the ruling coalition. The voters punish anti-establishment parties who enter into ruling coalitions especially hard.
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Darmastuti, Dewi Darmastuti y Dyah Setyaningrum. "THE EFFECT OF DISCRETIONARY SPENDING ON INCUMBENT VICTORIES IN ELECTIONS". Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, n.º 4 (27 de septiembre de 2019): 685–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7488.
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Purpose of the study: This study aims to investigate the opportunistic behavior of local government heads in Indonesia using discretionary spending (grant spending, social assistance, and financial assistance) to win an election.
Methodology: The study uses logistic regression on 133 samples of district/municipal governments in Indonesia prior to the election period.
Main findings: The study finds no evidence that the average proportion and growth of discretionary expenditure affects the electability of incumbents in Indonesia’s local government head elections. That is, the use of discretionary spending is not sufficiently effective to attract sympathy from voters.
Applications of the study: The results of the study provide inputs, especially for incumbents, to help focus more on performance, as it is proven that it leads to a higher probability of being re-elected, rather than the use of discretionary spending as an election-winning strategy. Government and NGOs should inform voters to be more cautious about the opportunistic behavior of their leaders.
Novelty/originality of the study: Although some previous studies have examined the use of discretionary spending by incumbents, there has been little research, which provides evidence that such spending for political purposes can in fact help to win elections.
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Kuć-Czajkowska, Katarzyna A. y Justyna Wasil. "Wybory samorządowe w Norwegii. Przykład obywatelskości w ugruntowanej demokracji lokalnej". Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 27 (22 de diciembre de 2020): 183–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2020.27.08.
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The main aim of this paper is to present the issues concerning local elections in Norway. The following timeframe was adopted: from the date of passing the first bill on local government (1837), to the comprehensive description of the municipal and provincial elections held in 2011, 2015, 2019. The electoral system for Norwegian local government allows all social groups and local electoral committees to be represented in local government. This is proved by: the ability to ‘create’ their own electoral registers by adding new names on ballots, a large number of political entities seeking mandates, the way of counting votes and the distribution of seats in councils. The proportional system of counting votes in Norway (applying the modified Sainte-Laguё method) is connected with the opportunity to cast an individual vote (the principle of proportional representation). This solution enables numerous political groups and local committees to stand for election. Moreover, women have a sufficient representation in local governments to exert a real impact on the decision-making process. Such an electoral system is open to foreigners who, after fulfilling specific requirements, have the right to vote and be elected.
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Ociepa, Marcin. "The Specifity of the Local Government Elections in the Opolskie Province in 2018". Political Preferences, n.º 26 (2 de julio de 2020): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2020.26.5-26.
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The objective of this paper is to analyse the political activity of the local community of the Opolskie Province in the local government elections in 2018 and to identify the characteristic features determining its specificity. The attempt to identify the electoral specificity of the region will consist in presenting a characterization of the region in terms of its size and population as well as its administrative and social aspects. An analysis of the elements inseparably connected with the election process, such as geography, voting turnout, the number of electoral registers and candidates, the types of electoral committees, is equally important. And finally, comments on the election results are significant as well. The local government elections of 2018 were held in a specific atmosphere, largely related to the amendment of the election law. Undoubtedly, the most characteristic aspect for the Opolskie Region is its last position among other provinces with regard to size and population, but it should not be forgotten that it is a borderland region inhabited by a high percentage of the German national minority, which actively shapes the image of not only the local communities at every level, but also the entire Opolskie Region as such.
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Khaniya, Bharat y Arun Kumar Sharma. "Election and Development in Federal Nepal: Perspective of APF in Election Security". Journal of APF Command and Staff College 1, n.º 1 (14 de diciembre de 2018): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v1i1.26711.
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Free and fair elections are the elements that contribute in strengthening the democracy. They are more important for the fragile democracies like Nepal. The new constitution promulgated in 2015 by Constituent Assembly led the country to federal state. Elections of all three tiers of government were to be held within two years from the date of promulgation. The constitution granted a number of tasks to be performed by local bodies for the development of the country. Elections and development are interrelated and connected. Elections elect candidates and those candidates are the vehicle of development. But the first year passed by without doing much and later government had to execute the task within the period of eight months. Local elections were planned and held in three phases due to security reason, whereas, provincial and federal elections were completed in two phases. All security forces mobilized in duty performed their duty well and elections went on peacefully except some petty incident in some parts of the country.
This article is centered on the security provision of election and a long-term security plan. It needs to be prioritized by the government, as the security situation deteriorates further each day. Anti-election elements, agitating groups attempting to achieve their rights, lack of law and order, and banditry are just some of the security challenges Nepal is currently facing, and affects the ability to hold free and fair elections. Consequently, security is integral and inseparable part of an election and electoral process. The study concluded that the security agencies were proactive, capable of providing security to the political leaders, candidates and voters perform their functions effectively and peacefully during legislative elections 2017.
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Luhukay, Roni Sulistyanto. "Refleksi Atas Pemisahan Pemilu Nasional dan Pemilu Local". Legalitas: Jurnal Hukum 12, n.º 2 (23 de diciembre de 2020): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/legalitas.v12i2.205.
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The holding of general elections is held simultaneously in Indonesia as part of the success of democracy. Various legal problems arise from the tenure of public officials which will not end when the implementation of a democratic party simultaneously is carried out. This research uses the normative juridical method which is carried out in response to the urgency of separating national and regional elections in the implementation of a five-box election, can increase the workload and can potentially eliminate the lives of Kpps officers besides that it is not only a matter of management management, but also its relevance to the government system and purity. Voting rights, the existing concurrency design impact on the non-optimal implementation of voting rights and the insecurity of the election process according to the principles of honesty and fairness. To understand that, the problem of simultaneous election struggles occurs after the simultaneous implementation of consuming many victims with a five-box system but the potential if it is not carried out simultaneously will also result in the weakness of the president's position to align the government agenda and development agenda because the regional head is an extension of the central government, at the same time as the organizer of regional autonomy for the purpose of national development, will face changes in the political configuration.
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Dubrovnik, Tadej. "The Position, Election and Powers of the President of the Republic of Estonia". Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 7, n.º 1 (4 de septiembre de 2009): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/65.
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Estonia has a typical parliamentary system in which the President of the Republic is indirectly elected. This paper deals with the position of the President of the Republic of Estonia, with the election of the President, and with his powers. Particular attention is paid to standard functions and powers in the legislative and executive realms. In addition, the extraordinary powers of the President of the Republic are also mentioned. The largest chapter of this paper describes the election of the President of the Republic. The Estonian regulation is specific because it allows up to five rounds of elections. The President of the Republic is elected by the Parliament in the first three rounds of elections. If no candidate receives a majority of votes, a special electoral body is formed (it is made up of the Members of Parliament and the representatives of local self-governing communities) to elect the President of the Republic in the fourth round of elections and, if necessary, in the fifth round of elections. The local council of each local community elects at least one representative to this body. The number of the representatives an individual local community will have depends on the number of citizens living in its area. In the end, the paper presents the responsibilities of the President of the Republic.
KEY WORDS: • electins • President of the Republic of Estonia • local self-government • parliament • Estonia
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Dipoppa, Gemma y Guy Grossman. "The Effect of Election Proximity on Government Responsiveness and Citizens’ Participation: Evidence From English Local Elections". Comparative Political Studies 53, n.º 14 (26 de abril de 2020): 2183–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020912290.
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Does political engagement depend on government responsiveness? Identifying the drivers of political action is challenging because it requires disentangling instrumental from expressive motives for engagement and because government responsiveness is likely endogenous. We overcome the first challenge by studying citizens’ reporting of street-problems—a form of participation arguably driven by instrumental considerations. We overcome the second challenge by taking advantage of variation in local elections timing in England’s district authorities. We report three key results. First, local governments address requests faster in the months leading to elections. Second, street-problem reporting increases in (pre)electoral periods. Third, the increase in requests sent in preelection periods is driven by districts in which government responsiveness is higher. These findings show that, individuals consider expected benefits when choosing to undertake at least some instrumental forms of participation. Our results also underscore the importance of temporal factors that increase the perceived benefits of one’s political engagement.
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Gum, Chang Ho, Young-Chool Choi y Jong Gwan Park. "Party Nomination System in the Local Government Elections". Journal of the Korea Contents Association 13, n.º 10 (28 de octubre de 2013): 278–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5392/jkca.2013.13.10.278.
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Connolly, Michael y Colin Knox. "The 1985 local government elections in Northern Ireland". Irish Political Studies 1, n.º 1 (enero de 1986): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907188608406429.
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Carmichael, Paul. "The 1993 local government elections in Northern Ireland". Irish Political Studies 9, n.º 1 (enero de 1994): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189408406528.
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Bennie, Lynn. "TRANSITION TO STV: SCOTTISH LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS 2007". Representation 42, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2006): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890600951841.
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Nugroho, Wahyu. "Politik Hukum Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi atas Pelaksanaan Pemilu dan Pemilukada di Indonesia". Jurnal Konstitusi 13, n.º 3 (22 de noviembre de 2016): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1331.
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After amendment 1945, whether legislative elections and the election of the executive power implementing held directly by the people, and going political reform electoral laws and local election, both in the revision of the existing political regulations, and rules in the law after the Constitutional Court decision, namely Law No. 42 of 2008 on General Election of President and Vice President, and and Law No. 10 of 2016 on the Second Amendment of Act No. 1 of 2015 on Stipulation of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2014 on the election of Governors, Regents and Mayors became acts. The purpose of the study on the implementation of the legal political and local elections are to conduct political rearrangement and local elections law in a mosaic of Indonesian state structure, maturity in politics, the consolidation of local democracy, and changes in local people’s minds to develop the region very hung to the figure of its leader, as well as ensuring the political rights of citizens in national and local political constellation. The results in this study is the need for consistency of law enforcement for compliance with a number of legal instruments and the implementation of procedures and penalties in the administration of elections. Aspects of legal certainty and the cultural aspect is very important law met in order for the elections and the local election purpose in achieving this goal idealized.In addition, the electoral administration in central and local levels, as well as participating in the election and the election shall comply with laws and regulations, ranging from the Commission Regulation, Act, as well as adherence to Constitutional Court decision. The author draws conclusions that the renewal of electoral politics and the local election after the Constitutional Court Decision in the Indonesian constitutional structure has implications for changes in the system, the mechanism and the pattern of elections and the local election organizers and participants of the election and the local election. On some empirical experience that was shown in the administration of elections and the election, people think the dynamic to organize and improve the system, as well as have awareness of constitutional rights guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution on political rights for the sake of the spirit of building area through the local elections to choose a figure that is idealized.
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Doddy Setiawan y Farah Rizkiah. "Political Budget Cycles In Municipalities: Evidence From Indonesia". International Journal of Business and Society 18, n.º 3 (31 de diciembre de 2017): 533–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/ijbs.3144.2017.
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This study aims to examine the presence of politically induced and electorally motivated economic policy in local government budget. Further, the study examine the presence of pre-electoral manipulation through the behavior of budget balance, total expenditures, investment expenditures, and other administrative expenditures including donations, social assistance, and financial assistance expenditure during election year. Samples of the study consists of 451 district municipalities in Indonesia which held direct local elections over the period 2010-2014. The result of the study shows an opportunistic PBC pattern in the budget balance, total expenditures, donation expenditures, and financial assistance expenditures. The result suggest that there is an increase in local budget deficit in election years.Total expenditures also seem to increase duringthe election year, along with donation and financial assistance expenditures. This result supports the notion that elections have a positive effect on the government expenditures through the increase of municipal expenditures, especially expenditures thatare highly visible to electorate.
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Stanwick, Hannah. "A Megamayor for All People? Voting Behaviour and Electoral Success in the 1997 Toronto Municipal Election". Canadian Journal of Political Science 33, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2000): 549–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000196.
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Case studies of municipal elections hold little appeal for students of local government. Recent scholarship for the most part has focused on gender or the election of councillors, but studies of mayoral contests are virtually non–existent. This is somewhat surprising, considering the constituent size of several large Canadian municipalities where local government leaders are directly elected. If indeed local government is the level closest to the people, a study of municipal electoral behaviour in large cities can provide insights about the relationship between local politicians and the electorate.
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Connolly, Michael. "Reflections on local government elections 1991 and local government reform in the Republic of Ireland". Local Government Studies 18, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1992): 260–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003939208433643.
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Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War". Modern Italy 15, n.º 2 (mayo de 2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.
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The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.
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Marzec, Marcin. "COOPERATION OF LOCAL GOVERNMENTS WITH UNIVERSITIES AS A FORM OF STRENGTHENING THE CONDUCTED LOCAL ELECTIONS". Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 4, n.º XX (30 de diciembre de 2020): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.8422.
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The process of decentralization of public administration has enabled territorial self-governments to establish independent cooperation with entities operating on the local / supra-local market. Legal regulations specify the activities of the city / commune (i.e. act on local government), among others in the scope of satisfying the collective needs of the local community, including public education in primary schools, kindergartens and other educational establishments. In turn, they do not specify tasks in the field of higher education. Cooperation of local governments with universities, therefore, is not based on an obligation, is voluntary for both parties. The partnership of local government authorities with the university authorities determines the nature and scope of cooperation. An example of cooperation between the parties to the relationship can be commissioned tasks, which have a nationwide character, including organization of local elections by local authorities. Thanks to this form of cooperation, local governments implement management policy and long-term development of the commune, often building cooperation and support networks.
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Gavazza, Alessandro, Mattia Nardotto y Tommaso Valletti. "Internet and Politics: Evidence from U.K. Local Elections and Local Government Policies". Review of Economic Studies 86, n.º 5 (9 de junio de 2018): 2092–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdy028.
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Abstract We empirically study the effects of broadband internet diffusion on local election outcomes and on local government policies using rich data from the U.K. Our analysis shows that the internet has displaced other media with greater news content (i.e. radio and newspapers), thereby decreasing voter turnout, most notably among less-educated and younger individuals. In turn, we find suggestive evidence that local government expenditures and taxes are lower in areas with greater broadband diffusion, particularly expenditures targeted at less-educated voters. Our findings are consistent with the idea that voters’ information plays a key role in determining electoral participation, government policies, and government size.
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Ruchkin, A. V. y A. A. Chizhov. "Electronic voting for elections to government authorities and local government: Estonia experience". Management Issues 1, n.º 5 (2018): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2304-3369-2018-5-54-60.
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Brown, Trevor L. "Local Autonomy versus Central Control during Transition: Explaining Local Policy Outputs in Post-Soviet Ukraine". Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, n.º 6 (diciembre de 2002): 889–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c25m.
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Many post-Soviet central governments have assigned numerous policy responsibilities to local governments, but have simultaneously constrained local autonomy in an effort to ensure that local governments pursue central objectives. In this paper, I examine the interplay between local autonomy and central control in one post-Soviet central government—Ukraine—by examining the case of small-enterprise privatization. Shortly after Ukraine's independence, the central government transferred ownership of state-run small enterprises to local governments, but required that local governments meet annual privatization targets set by a central agency. Some local governments have met the annual targets, while others have lagged behind. The results of an empirical analysis of local privatization levels indicate that central control mechanisms currently have limited influence over local decisionmaking. The results demonstrate that, instead, local elections have increased the influence of local groups whose interests do not always coincide with those of the central government. In response, the central government has instituted several changes to the intergovernmental finance system that are likely to increase central government authority and continue to move Ukraine towards a system in which local governments carry a heavy service-delivery load with limited autonomy.
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Benoit, Kenneth y Michael Marsh. "CAMPAIGN SPENDING IN THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS OF 1999". Irish Political Studies 18, n.º 2 (junio de 2003): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1364298042000227622.
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Lodge, Tom. "The South African local government elections of December 2000". Politikon 28, n.º 1 (mayo de 2001): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340120058085.
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Abott, Carolyn y Asya Magazinnik. "At‐Large Elections and Minority Representation in Local Government". American Journal of Political Science 64, n.º 3 (18 de marzo de 2020): 717–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12512.
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Rokicki, Jarosław. "SELF-GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS 2018 (EXAMPLE OF THE DĄBROWA GÓRNICZA CITY)". Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 2, n.º XX (30 de junio de 2020): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.1693.
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The issue of choosing the commune executive body is important both from a democratic, and a social point of view. In the theoretical-practical article, an attempt was made to: − cataloging the most important legal acts and other regulations focused on local government elections (from the perspective of choosing the commune executive body); − indication of changes in the electoral law made in 2018 that are the background to the practical part of the article − defining the role of local government as the organizer of local government elections among other entities involved in the preparation and conduct of the elections. In addition, using the example of the city of Dąbrowa Górnicza, organizations of local government elections were presented from the point of view of the selection of the commune executive body (in particular, its organizational aspect against the results)
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Sijapati, Dipendra Bikram. "Local Election of Nepal 2017: An Overview of Gender Inclusion Prospective". Journal of Population and Development 1, n.º 1 (27 de noviembre de 2020): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jpd.v1i1.33101.
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Gender refers to the socially constituted relations between men and women. It focuses on power relations, roles and challenges along with the existing women's subordination in the society. Gender Inclusiveness is additional diverse activity and process of local governments, local institutions like Ward, Rural Municipality, District Coordination Committee and Municipality with self-reliant local governance and sustainable and effective service providing agencies. This article based on the objective to highlight the existing variation of women's inclusion in local governments among developed and developing countries. It analyses the provisions regarding inclusion addressed in the federal Constitution of Nepal in local elections. This paper widely covers concept, definition, theories, practice, situation, laws, policies and program at all levels. The paper is based on secondary sources of information, data published by Election Commission 2017, in Nepal. The raw data are analysed using the Excel spread program on computer and are calculated in frequency distribution and percentage to make its meaningful analysis. Data are carefully analysed and interpreted for generalization. The gender inclusion in local government is gradually increasing. As in national election 2017, the female elected members in local government are almost 40 percent in the districts of Nepal and the data is more than allocated (33%) by the Constitution of Nepal 2015 and election manifestos of different political parties. All the acts, policies and constitutions also emphasized the gender inclusion in all sector of Nepalese government.
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Alkan, Ayten. "New Metropolitan Regime of Turkey: Authoritarian Urbanization via (Local) Governmental Restructuring". Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, n.º 3 (31 de julio de 2015): 849–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.849-877(2015).
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In December 2012, approximately 1,5 years before the March 2014 Local Elections and 2 years before the August 2014 Presidential Elections, Turkish Grand National Assembly –of the single party AKP majority government- enacted a Law not only establishing 14 new Metropolitan Municipalities in addition to the 16 former, but also annihilating 30 Provincial Local Governments, 1.635 Town Municipalities, and 16.580 Village Local Administrations, which makes almost the half of Turkey’s local governments. The Law, at the same time, made amendments to the legislation on local governments. As a consequence of this arrangement which represents the largest restructuration of the (local) administrative system all throughout the Republican history, Turkey’s urban population artificially increased to 91% from 77% in 2012, and 77% of Turkey’s population started to live in metropolitan areas. This paper analyses the demographic, administrative, local governmental changes brought by the new system, and tries to make clear its wider context in terms of late AKP government’s economic and urban policies, and authoritarian tendencies.
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Ahmad, Niaz, Abida Bano y Ashfaq Rehman. "Impact of the Informal Institutional Forces on the Local Government Elections in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan". Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 1, n.º 1 (31 de diciembre de 2017): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/1.1.7.
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Local government is visualised as a tool for promoting political participation, downward accountability, which consequently leads to the establishment of good governance at the grass-root level. In the establishment of the local government system, the main ingredients of good governance, such as participation and downward accountability, reckon almost on the nature of elections. However, societies marked with strong cultural and socially embedded informal institutions, already existed from generations, hinder formal institutions to play its intended role. In Pakistan, some socio-cultural features like gender, ascribed status, and economic background of the individuals influence the entire process of elections adversely. This paper attempts to assess the processes of the local government elections in District Karak, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Pakistan. It aims to highlight the deterministic role of other informal institutional forces that affect the outcome of local elections. It investigates, how the process of local government elections is influenced in Pakistan and how do people decide whom to vote for in these elections. The study argues that policymakers should work on strengthening the formal institutions of elections through measures such as monitoring by media, referendums, auditing, evaluations, education, and political awareness as alternatives to ensure good governance at the local level in Pakistan.
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Dahal, Girdhari. "Performance Evaluation of Local Body of Pokhara Metropolitan City". Janapriya Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, n.º 1 (31 de diciembre de 2020): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jjis.v9i1.35276.
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Local governments are the closest unit of government to the people at grass root levels. The principal objective of this paper is to evaluate the performance of the local government of Pokhara Metropolitan City that lies in Kaski district, Nepal. This paper describes and analyzes the performance of the newly formed local government. It is based on the source of primary data from fieldwork with ground theory and secondary data- journal articles, books, Constitution of Nepal, 2015, act, rule, and regulations. The election of local government was held in Nepal in 2017, after 20 years. It is expected to bring political stability as well as peace and prosperity in Nepal. Nepal has been restructured as a federal democratic republic nation with federal, provinces and local government units- for sharing of power among the three tiers of government. Following the local elections, Pokhara Metropolitan City has already ratified more than six dozen laws (rules and regulations) for effective day to day service delivery to the local people. With grievances and grudges, the Nepalese people are experiencing the governance system of local bodies but the notion of people’s participation is more rhetoric. Also, financial capacity-both expenditure capacity and revenue generating capacity has severely limited the operational efficiency of local government. Moreover, transparency in public affairs has not been fully achieved yet.
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Averweg, Udo Richard y Marcus Leaning. "The Use of “Community” in South Africa's 2011 Local Government Elections". Africa Spectrum 50, n.º 2 (agosto de 2015): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971505000206.
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In South Africa, local government elections are held every five years, with the next ones scheduled for 2016. During the last local government elections in 2011, much media coverage was given to political parties’ manifestos and slogans. They are frequently layered with social and political references, and the terms used are often emotionally resonant across a broad spectrum of the electorate. One term frequently found in such rhetoric is “community.” This article explores the term as it was used in a number of different political parties’ manifestos during the 2011 local government elections. The authors utilise research methods that allow a neutral interrogation of the manifestos.
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Maksimov, A. A. "Local government or local arbitrariness: on the setting of priorities for the municipal community". Russian Journal of Legal Studies 2, n.º 2 (15 de junio de 2015): 216–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18053.
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Local government is a form of self-organization of citizens for the purpose of addressing issues of local importance in the interests of the population. Key elements of this process - socially active, concerned the responsibility of local community. Based on the practice of the electoral process, electoral behavior in the municipal elections little activity. Based on the current situation has been suggested that this passivity is caused by the legislative authority disabilities and the population on issues of local importance, especially in terms of his participation in the work of local governments. System formulated proposals to expand the share of participation in the work of local governments, as well as subject to analysis and evaluation of the individual elements of the local government reform in 2014.
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Murugasu, Sheila. "DEMOCRATIZING LOCAL GOVERNMENT: WHAT MALAYSIA CAN LEARN FROM MEXICO AND INDIA". Journal International Studies 16 (30 de diciembre de 2020): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2020.16.11.
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The Pakatan Harapan 2018 election manifesto, had as one of its commitments, to strengthen the authority of local government and to make local councils more accountable. Many took this to mean that local government elections would resume, after an absence of more than 60 years. While Pakatan Harapan’s tenure as Malaysia’s ruling government was short-lived, their rise to power did put local government back in the spotlight, as well as raise the prospect of the resumption of local government elections in the country. There are a number of reasons why a more democratic and participatory approach to local government is to be hoped for in Malaysia. These include the view that it discourages public malfeasance and produces local officials that are more responsive to the needs of the citizens they serve. There are however challenges that come with introducing a more democratic form of local government, especially for countries which are attempting to transition from authoritarianism to a democracy at the national level and which have a diverse multi-ethnic population of differing socio-economic backgrounds. In order to better understand what these challenges are and how they can be overcome, I examine two case studies, that of Mexico and India, which have some similarities to Malaysia in terms of regime-type and demographics. I consider the evolving approach taken by these two countries towards local government, in terms of their structure and practices, with a view to gleaning potential lessons for Malaysia. This paper begins with a brief historical overview of the system of local government in Malaysia up to the present day. This is then followed by a discussion of Mexico and India’s own uneven experience with democratizing their local governments. What these case studies reveal is the manner in which countries with an authoritarian past often undergo a transitional period, in which even as structures of local governance become more democratic, local officials and citizens remain trapped in old authoritarian modes of behavior. And that unless interventionist steps are taken, democratizing local government structures alone, does not necessarily lead to greater citizen empowerment, especially for those from the more marginalized sections of society.
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Zoorob, Michael. "Going National: Immigration Enforcement and the Politicization of Local Police". PS: Political Science & Politics 53, n.º 3 (21 de abril de 2020): 421–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000207.
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ABSTRACTThis article develops a theory of when and how political nationalization increases interest in local elections using evidence from county sheriff elections. A quintessentially local office, the sheriff has long enjoyed buffers from ideological or partisan politics. However, many sheriff elections since 2016 were waged on ideological grounds as progressive challengers—often backed by outside money—linked their campaigns to opposition to President Trump. I argue that this “redirected nationalization” becomes possible when a salient national issue impinges on a local government service, enabling challengers to expand the scope of conflict against valence-advantaged incumbents. In the highly nationalized 2018 midterm election, the question of cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement in the nation’s jails provided a compelling link between local sheriffs and national politics, infusing new interest and energy in these races. Although redirected nationalization can help align local policies with voter preferences, the politicization of local law enforcement also might undermine police professionalism and credibility.