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1
Downe, James Daniel. "The determinants of voter turnout in English local government elections." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1647.
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Xiao, Lihui. "Cun min wei yuan hui xuan ju yan jiu." Beijing Shi : Zhongguo she hui chu ban she, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/56976354.html.
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Students, National Union of South African. "October elections: a recipe for conflict?" Student Representative Council, University of the Witwatersrand, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773.
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On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
4
Wang, Guohui. "Tamed village 'democracy' : elections, governance and clientelism in a contemporary Chinese village." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/251/.
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The thesis is an exploration of the elections and governance in a contemporary Chinese village. It is a qualitative case study of one village in Shandong Province, China, using in-depth interviews with villagers, village candidates, township officials as well as national, provincial, township and village documents. It reveals how the clientelist system functions in and shapes the process of the village elections and governance. Drawing upon the qualitative data and empirical evidence collected in the field site, the thesis challenges the liberal-democratic view that the implementation of direct village elections and self-governance, which is generally considered to be “village democracy”, has empowered villagers to resist the state and may mark the beginning of a bottom-up democratization in China. In contrast, it argues that even procedurally “free and fair” village elections largely fail to deliver meaningful results, and that village governance, although in the name of self-governance, actually continues to be dominated by the Chinese local state. This is because clientelist structures, embodied in vertical patron-client alliances between political elites and villagers, have strongly influenced the actors and functioned to facilitate and supplement the authoritarian control of the state. The thesis also contests interpretations of village elections and self-governance that stress the state’s formal administrative capacity over controlling and manipulating village politics. While it shows some of the formal mechanisms by which township government control village affairs, it demonstrates also that after the implementation of the “village democracy” the state is still able to maintain its authoritarian capacity by taking advantage of the informal clientelist interaction between local state officials and the village elites.
5
Sloan, Luke Samuel. "Minor parties in English local government." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/302.
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This thesis examines the electoral performance of minor parties in English local government from 1973 to 2008, a period that has seen a sharp increase in the numbers of candidates from such parties. Beginning with an overall assessment of the extent to which candidates from minor parties have contested local elections and the level of success in being elected, the thesis then explores the spatial distribution of minor party candidates, the types of people that become candidates and, considering the relative lack of electoral success, their motivations for standing. Traditional studies of party systems frequently exclude parties that do not win a relatively large share of votes and seats or are incapable of forming part of a subsequent government or administration. However broader definitions of what constitutes a party allow that small political parties can influence policy and the behaviour of mainstream parties simply because they are present in an electoral contest. Using the concept of presence, this thesis demonstrates that there has been an unprecedented increase in contestation by minor parties over the past 10 years that has not been proportionally matched by vote share and electoral success. Examination of patterns of contestation reveals that the growth in minor party contestation is uneven across England but is not apparently related to the different electoral systems used by local authorities. Furthermore, it becomes clearer that minor party contestation appears to be primarily a function of temporal local factors and is not necessarily influenced by electoral history, thus making it difficult to predict beforehand where and when such parties may begin to contest local elections and the relative level of electoral support they might subsequently enjoy. Having examined at a general level the electoral nature of minor party activity the thesis offers a new typology, an analytical framework within which to locate the various types of minor parties that feature in modern English local government. Using individual level data we examine whether it is possible to distinguish between candidates based on their party’s location within this typology, thus testing whether the recent increase in minor party activity is due to the rise of a new political class. Initial survey observations subsequently inform the development of a multinomial logistic regression model that seeks to identify similarities and differences between candidates standing for the range of parties currently contesting English local elections. This modelling suggests that candidates from across the range of minor parties are rather similar to each other and, moreover, similar to candidates from major parties. There does not, therefore, appear to be any association between the rise in the frequency of minor party candidates and the existence of a new political class of candidates that are different to those already located within the party political mainstream. Consequently, the value of the typology as a heuristic for establishing a better understanding of minor party activity is brought into question and further research into the phenomenon of minor party contestation in English local government is recommended.
6
Ho, Chiew-siang. "Legitimacy and participation in rural Post-Mao China : cases from Anhui /." View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B32020260.
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Filla, Jackie Ann. "Access and participation election structure and direct democracy in American cities /." Diss., UC access only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=1871892031&SrchMode=2&sid=7&Fmt=6&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1265655211&clientId=48051.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009.<br>Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 160-169). Issued in print and online. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations.
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Tzeng, Wei Feng. "Elections and Authoritarian Rule: Causes and Consequences of Adoption of Grassroots Elections in China." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011791/.
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This dissertation investigates the relationship between elections and authoritarian rule with a focus on the case of China's adoption of elections at the grassroots level. In this dissertation, I look at the incentives facing Chinese local governments in choosing between holding competitive elections or state-controlled elections, and how the selection of electoral rules shapes the public's preferences over political institutions and influences the citizens' political behaviors, especially voting in elections and participation in contentious activities. The overarching theme in this dissertation proposes that the sources and consequences of Chinese local elections are conditioned on the state-owned resources and the governing costs. When the amount of state-owned resources to rule the local society is limited, the paucity of resources will incentivize authoritarian governments to liberalize grassroots elections to offset the governance costs. The various levels of election liberalization will lead to different consequences in the public's political behavior. An abundance of state-owned resources not only discourages rulers from sharing power with the local society, but also supplies the rulers with strong capacity to obtain loyalty from voters when elections are adopted. As a result, elections under authoritarian governments with an abundance of state-owned resources will see more loyalist voters than elections with authoritarian governments with fewer state-owned resources. In addition, the varieties of election practices will exert impacts on public opinion toward the authoritarian government: awareness of elections will enhance public trust in the government and decrease the public's intention to challenge the incumbents' authority while at the same time increasing the public's faith in the institutions, thereby encouraging the public to adopt official channels to air their grievances. The analysis of the village-level as well as individual-level survey data and cases lends empirical supports to the argument. First, I find that the governing costs—measured by the size of labor force—are significantly and positively associated with the likelihood that local officials allow the villagers to freely nominate candidates. Second, I find that party members are more likely to vote in rural elections than urban elections while urban elections attract citizens with higher levels of democratic consciousness. The rural-urban divide in voter type indicates that the possession of economic resources by rural grassroots governments helps mobilize rural loyalist voters to participate in village committee elections, whereas the lack of such resources by urban governments discourages regime loyalist but encourage democratic voters to turn out to vote in urban elections. Third, I find significant evidence that citizens who are aware of grassroots elections are less likely to engage in contentious activities such as protest, strikes or demonstrations. Yet, the awareness of elections also encourages citizens to more frequently adopt, shangfang (petition), a government-sponsored conflict resolution mechanism, than those who are not aware of such elections. The implications of these findings suggest that the capability of state in controlling resources is vital to the success or failure of elections in stabilizing authoritarian regimes. The findings also provide an assessment on the substantial influence of the rural and urban grassroots elections in China's subnational democratization.
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Ware, Lawrence. "The development of party systems and the determinants of partisan voting in English local government elections 1973-1998." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1658.
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This thesis takes a quantitative approach to the study of the development of party systems in English local government following its reorganisation in the early 1970s. Aggregate data, including local election results and census information, are used to identify the determinants of partisan support and the subsequent effects upon variations in local party systems. The study develops the first major classification of local party systems between 1973 and 1998, focussing principally upon factors accounting for variations in the evolution of such systems. This study provides the first clear evidence that the operation of local electoral systems contributes towards the production and maintenance of two-party dominance. However, in contrast to the national parliamentary situation, the two parties are not restricted to Conservative and Labour. The thesis highlights how third parties, particularly the Liberals, became a significant part of the local party system in a relatively large number of cases. Variations in electoral arrangements between local authorities, including differences in district magnitude and the nature of the electoral cycle, permit examination of their effects upon local party systems within a common national political culture. The effects of these variations are shown to either benefit or discriminate against the Liberals. Using aggregate data and methods of linear regression, the thesis analyses patterns of partisan voting in local government. It shows that socioeconomic factors such as class, housing and employment, theoretically identified as important for parliamentary elections, are related also to local voting for the three main parties, although the relationships are weaker for the Liberals than for the traditional two main parties. Confirmation of these findings is provided by the application of methods designed to solve the problems of ecological inference.
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Ho, Chiew-siang, and 何秋祥. "Legitimacy and participation in rural Post-Mao China: cases from Anhui." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015417.
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Li, Jiansi. "Villager self-governance in China: a case study of Luocheng county." University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This research report examined the implementation of villager self-governance in China, of which the election of village leader is the most distinct feature. Unlike previous studies of village self-governance, which focused on policy intentions of the Chinese leadership or the speculation of scholars about what may happen, this study attempted to examine whether or not the elections are competitive and what the consequences of self-governance are.
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Engelbrecht, Maria Magdalena. "Sustaining administrative effectiveness after municipal elections through change management." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85774.
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Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Municipalities are vulnerable to a potential regime change every five years due to municipal elections. These elections leave a municipality susceptible to the instituting of a new political leadership with its own strategies and ideologies. As part of the government sphere considered closest to its citizens, it is essential that municipalities run efficiently and effectively. The new political leadership could, however, propose and institute changes within the municipality which could temporarily threaten the efficiency of the municipality. It is imperative that the change process is managed effectively to ensure minimum disruption to the administration of the municipality and its ability to deliver services to its citizens.
This study focuses on change management as an instrument to manage the changes proposed and instituted by a new political leadership post-municipal election. The study explores the role of governance, councillors and administration, as well as examines the effects which regime change has on municipalities, both politically and administratively. It explores change management, the various models and approaches which can be applied to change processes and applies this to the case of an anonymous municipality in the Western Cape.
The municipality, used in this study, experienced administrative changes in 2012 with a policy and macrostructure change initiated by the new political leadership. The study uses non-empirical as well as empirical research to illustrate the change process, after which change management principles are applied to this case study.
The importance of instituting a sufficient implementation plan based on change management principles is identified as key to ensure that the change process is managed effectively. The study further emphasises the importance of communication to officials throughout the change period. These findings resulted in the development of a Change Management Procedure Model to serve as guideline for municipal management during change periods. This model, which serves as recommendation to the study, will potentially minimise the possible disruption which changes can bring to the municipality and ensure that efficient service delivery is maintained.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vyfjaarlikse munisipale verkiesings laat munisipaliteite kwesbaar vir ’n potensiële regime-verandering en die daarstelling van ’n nuwe politiese leierskap met sy eie strategieë en ideologiëe. As deel van die regeringsfeer wat die naaste aan sy burgers beskou word, is dit uiters belangrik dat munisipaliteite doeltreffend en effektief bestuur word. Die nuwe leierskap kan egter veranderinge voorstel en instel wat die doeltreffendheid van die munisipaliteit tydelik bedreig. Daarom is dit noodsaaklik dat hierdie veranderingsproses effektief bestuur word ten einde die minimum ontwrigting vir die munisipaliteit en sy vermoë om dienste aan burgers te lewer tot gevolg te hê.
Hierdie studie fokus op veranderingsbestuur as ’n instrument om die veranderinge van ’n nuwe politiese leierskap na ’n munisipale verkiesing te bestuur. Die studie ondersoek die rol van die bestuur, raadslede en die administrasie, asook die effek wat ’n regime-verandering op munisipaliteite, beide polities en administratief, het. Verder word die verskeie modelle en benaderings tot veranderingsbestuur wat op veranderingsprosesse toegepas kan word, verken en op Alak Munisipaliteit toegepas.
Die munisipaliteit wat gebruik is in hierdie studie, het in 2012 administratiewe veranderinge ervaar as gevolg van ’n beleid- en makrostuktuurverandering wat deur die nuwe politiese leierskap geïnisieer is. Hierdie studie gebruik nie-empiriese sowel as empiriese navorsing om die veranderingsproses te illustreer, waarna veranderingsbestuurbeginsels op die gevallestudie toegepas word.
Die bevindinge van die studie identifiseer hoe belangrik ’n voldoende implementeringsplan gebaseer op veranderingsbestuurbeginsels is ten einde te verseker dat die veranderingsproses effektief bestuur word. Die studie benadruk verder die belangrikheid van kommunikasie met amptenare gedurende die veranderingstydperk. Hierdie bevindinge het gelei to die ontwikkeling van ’n Veranderingsbestuur Prosedure Model om as riglyn vir munisipale bestuur gedurende veranderingstydperke te dien. Die model, wat dien as aanbeveling na aanleiding van die studie, het die potensiaal om die moontlike ontwrigting wat veranderinge in die munisipaliteit tot gevolg kan hê te verminder en te verseker dat doeltreffende dienslewering gehandhaaf word.
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Mabotja, Mpheta Samuel. "An evaluation of the integration of the 'white' town of Pietersburg and the 'black' township of Seshego after the local government elections of 1995." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52105.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of urban systems in South Africa was from the start shaped by racial bias.
The black people of this country were refused any form of participation in town planning.
To aggravate the situation, urban space was manipulated in a manner that each racial
group had its own residential space. The manipulation of urban space gave rise to what is
called "the Apartheid City." This "Apartheid city" is characterised by stark contrast in
development between a well-serviced, first world town lying side by side with underserviced
third world townships.
The "Apartheid City" of Pietersburg-Seshego has been undergoing restructuring since
1990. The Local Government Transitional Act (LGTA) has served as an intervention
whereby the two formerly unequal areas had to integrate and become one city. The
central aim of this study is to evaluate, by using a series of indicators, the integration
level that has been achieved since 1995, i.e. since the first local government elections.
The study will focus on three key areas to reflect the level of integration, namely, land
use patterns, ward demarcation, and integration of personnel.
The main conclusion is that though one council has been formed where there were
previously two, spatial inequalities and racially-based ward demarcations between the
former Pietersburg town and the former Seshego township persist. On the other hand,
personnel drawn from the administrations of former white Pietersburg and former
Lebowa civil service has not been fully integrated. The former Pietersburg municipality
personnel is still white male dominated in both senior and middle management levels
while the former Lebowa personnel is black male dominated found in the lowest levels of
the TLC structure.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontstaan van metropolitaanse sisteme in Suid Arfika was nog altyd gekenmerk deur rasse
bevooroordeling. Die swart bevolking van Suid Afrika was nog altyd in die verlede uitgesluit
van deelname aan stadsbeplanning. Om die situasie nog te vererger, was metropolitaanse areas
op so 'n wyse gemanipuleer, dat groepe van verskillende rasse elk hul eie residensiële allokasie
gehad het. Hierdie manipulasie van metropolitaanse areas het die ontstaan van die
"apartheidstad" tot gevolg gehad. Hierdie "apartheidstad" word gekenmerk deur 'n skerp
kontras in ontwikkeling tussen 'n goed voorsiene eerste wêreld deel aan die een kant en 'n
swak voorsiene derde wêreld deel aan die ander kant.
Die "apartheidstad" van Pietersburg - Seshego het sedert 1990 herstrukturering ondergaan, Die
"Plaaslike Owerheidsoorgangs Wet" het gedien as 'n middelom twee histories ongelyke areas
te integreer om een stad te vorm. Die doelwit van hierdie studie is om die vlak van integrasie
sedert 1995 te evalueer deur gebruik te maak van sekere indikatore. Die studie fokus op drie
aspekte wat die vlak van integrasie weerspieël naamlik grondgebruikspatrone, wykafbakening
en personeel integrering.
Die belangrikste gevolge is dat daar nou een plaaslike raad is waar daar voorheen twee was
terwyl ruimtelike ongelykhede en ras gebaseerde wyksafbakening nog steeds plaasvind tussen
Pietersburg en die vorige Seshego nedersetting. Die nuwe personeelstruktuur - wat bestaan
hoofsaaklik uit voormalige wit lede van die Pietersburg raad en hoofsaaklik swart lede van die
voormalige Lebowa staatsdiens - is nog nie ten volle geintegreerd nie. Die personeel van die
Pietersburg Munisipaliteit is nog steeds oorwegend wit en manlik gedomineerd in beide die
middel en senior bestuursposte en die Lebowa personeel is hoofsaaklik swart en manlik
gedomineerd in die laer pos bekleding in die struktuur van die nuwe plaaslike
regeringstruktuur.
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Pela, Noko Tshegofatso. "Youth responses to political party messages on Social Media: a case study of Rhodes University students during the 3 August 2016 local government elections." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68308.
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Rhodes University was awash with political tension and activity in the 2015 and 2016 academic years. The University had been the scene of radical protests and demands for change by students. The #RhodesMustFall, #FeesMustFall and the #RUReferenceList protests at Rhodes University started debates, conversations and public lectures amongst students and staff on and off social media on aspects of decoloniality, transformation, free education, issues of safety on campus and gender-based violence (Grocott’s Mail, 2015b). However, very little of this was reflected in the election campaigns of political parties and seemingly, in student engagement with political processes, at least as reflected in this election. The three biggest political parties in South Africa, and the only ones that contested Ward 12 (Rhodes) ANC, EFF, and the DA, were active on social media aiming to directly engage with constituents and draw citizens to the polls. All the parties had former and current Rhodes University students as candidates for councillor. There was a substantial engagement by students on social media, on the Rhodes SRC Facebook page, and on Twitter. However, only 39% of registered students, turned out to cast their vote on election day (IEC, 2016b). This study examines the interpretations and meaning-making amongst young people at Rhodes University, of the political party messages during the 3 August 2016 local government elections on social media. In addition, the study sought to understand whether youth at Rhodes (Rhodes University) actively sought out political party messages on social media (by following the ANC, DA, EFF Facebook and Twitter accounts), or were the messages incidental on their timelines (for example, following news organisations). Finally, the study sought to understand whether the media messages resonated with them and spoke to the issues faced by young people on the campus. The research used qualitative thematic content analysis and focus group discussions to examine the relationship between the content provided by the political party messages and the audience’s process of making sense and derived meaning from the content. Six focus group discussions were convened. This study found that young people are social media enthusiasts, they actively sought election related content on social media by following the Twitter and Facebook accounts of the parties, and from news organisations. Furthermore, the study discovered that, although, young people engaged with the political party messages on social media, they did not feel like the messages were targeted at them, and as such they felt the messages did not speak to them and the issues they face.
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Marneur, Victor. "Rapports sociaux de sexe et pouvoir municipal dans les espaces ruraux : le cas des ₀ petites ε communes de Gironde au tournant des réformes paritaires". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0251/document.
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La parité s’est enrichie d’une consolidation en 2013, avec l’abaissement du seuil pour son application aux communes de plus de 1000 habitants. L’étude de la sélection et des carrières des élu-e-s ruraux-ales des années 1970 à 2015, à partir du cas girondin, permet de saisir la manière dont l’espace des activités politiques est investi par les hommes et par les femmes et le rôle qu’y joue la nouvelle contrainte paritaire. À l’aide d’une méthodologie reposant à la fois sur des techniques qualitatives et quantitatives, cette thèse s’efforce de relier les transformations constatées dans la sélection du personnel politique des « petites » communes aux mutations des mondes ruraux contemporains. Elle se veut tout autant une contribution à la sociologie politique des espaces ruraux qu’à la sociologie du genre en politique<br>The reform for equal representation of men and women started in 2000s has been consolidated in 2013 by lowering the threshold for an implementation in towns of more than 1’000 inhabitants. The study of political recruitment and political careers of local elected politicians in rural area from 1970 to 2015 in Gironde allows us to understand the political activities of men and women in a context of gender parity which became binding. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, this dissertation aims to connect the transformation of political recruitment in small towns with the changes of contemporary rural societies. It will thus contribute to the literature in both political sociology of rural societies and gender in politics
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Dietz, Robert D. "Spatial competition, conflict and cooperation." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1058471128.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.<br>Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 268 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Adviser: Donald Haurin, Dept. of Economics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 256-268).
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Roesel, Felix. "Do mergers of large local governments reduce expenditures? - Evidence from Germany using the synthetic control method." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-229858.
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States merge local governments to achieve economies of scale. Little is known to which extent mergers of county-sized local governments reduce expenditures, and influence political outcomes. I use the synthetic control method to identify the effect of mergers of large local governments in Germany (districts) on public expenditures. In 2008, the German state of Saxony reduced the number of districts from 22 to 10. Average district population increased substantially from 113,000 to 290,000 inhabitants. I construct a synthetic counterfactual from states that did not merge districts for years. The results do neither show reductions in total expenditures, nor in expenditures for administration, education, and social care. There seems to be no scale effects in jurisdictions of more than 100,000 inhabitants. By contrast, I find evidence that mergers decreased the number of candidates and voter turnout in district elections while vote shares for populist right-wing parties increased.
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Mikolaitytė, Kristina. "Mero vaidmuo savivaldybės institucinėje struktūroje: Šiaulių miesto savivaldybės atvejis." Bachelor's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20140403_114443-77950.
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Bakalauro baigiamąjį darbą sudaro teorinė (iš dviejų skyrių) ir praktinė dalys. Teorinėje darbo dalyje aptariama vietos savivaldos ir savivaldybės sampratos, atskleidžiant kaip jos kito įvairiais laikotarpiais. Pateikta vietos savivaldos principų analizė, siekiant atskleisti kaip yra įgyvendinama savivalda tiek nacionaliniu, tiek tarptautiniu lygmeniu. Analizuojant vietos savivaldos modelių tipologiją, buvo aptarti klasikinių bei konkrečiai Lietuvoje taikomų savivaldos modelių ypatumai, akcentuojant mero vaidmenį savivaldos sistemoje. Taip pat aptartos galimybės dėl tiesioginių mero rinkimų formos įgyvendinimo Lietuvoje.Empirinėje darbo dalyje atlikta dokumentų turinio analizė, siekiant atskleisti kaip kito mero kompetencijos kintant įstatyminei bazei. Analizė atskleidė, kad nors kompetencijų kiekis sulig kiekviena įstatymo redakcija ir didėjo, tačiau įgaliojimų atžvilgiu mero veikla buvo suvaržyta, tapo labiau atstovaujamojo pobūdžio dėl nuo 2003 metų pasikeitusio vietos savivaldos modelio. Ekspertų interviu metu buvo apklausti buvę ir esami Šiaulių miesto merai, kurie pateikė nuomonę analizuojamais klausimais iš savo ilgametės patirties.<br>Bachelor's thesis consists of theoretical (two sections) and of practical parts. The theoretical part of the paper discusses the local self-government and municipal concepts, revealing the way they changed over time. There are supplied the principles of local self-analysis in order to reveal how the implementation of self-government at both the national and international level is being realized. The analysis of the typology of local self-government models were discussed about the classical and Lithuanian cases, emphasis on the role of the mayor's municipal system. Also discussed the possibility of direct mayor elections in Lithuania.The empirical part of the work there is conducted content analysis of documents, in order to reveal how the mayor legislation changed while changing the legislation. The analysis revealed even though the amount of legal competency increased, but the powers in respect of the mayor's activities were restricted, become more representative because of the changed local self-government model in 2003. During experts interview there were interviewed present and former mayors of the city of Šauliai, who provided opinions on the issues of their long experience.
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Selokela, Thulaganyo Goitseone. "The representation of women in municipal councils and executive structures - analysing the trends in the implementation of the Municipal Structures Act from the results of the 2006 and 2011 South African local government elections." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3560_1370595210.
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Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.
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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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Bekink, Bernard. "The Restructuring (Systemization) of Local Government under the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996." Thesis, [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-12042006-163249/.
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Moses, Meshay Lee. "Vote-switching in South Africa: exploring the motivations of voters who switched from the ACDP and COPE to the DA in the 2011 local government election." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4090.
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Magister Administrationis - MAdmin<br>This study explores the motivations of voters who chose to switch their vote or support from the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) and the Congress of the People (COPE) to another opposition, the Democratic Alliance (DA) in the 2011 local government election. The study was informed by a qualitative research approach. Accordingly, an interview schedule was utilized as a research tool. This schedule contained questions prepared in order to acquire the necessary insight of voters who previously supported the ACDP and COPE (in the 2009 general elections) and moved to the DA in the 2011 local government election. In addition, interviews were conducted with party representatives from the ACDP and COPE in order to gain further insights into their perceptions of the key reasons for their party’s poor performance in this election. Popkin’s integrated theory is used as a basis to make sense of the behaviour and movement of voters during the 2011 local government election. Popkin (1991) argues that voters utilise low-information rationality or “gut-reasoning” when evaluating political parties, their candidates and the issues they present. As will be shown throughout this thesis, Popkin’s approach, where voters combine various sets of information obtained through daily life, the media and political campaigns, best explains the dynamics in the research findings. Based on the research findings, it appears that Popkin’s approach is the most useful for understanding the reasons for the voter migration to the DA in the 2011 election.
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Petter, Lundqvist. "Sverigedemokraterna och svenska kommunstyren : Ett pariapartis politiska påverkan." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-392219.
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The Pariah Party Influence on Local Government Formation in Swedish Municipalities 2002-2018 This paper studies the correlation between the rise of the radical right party The Sweden Democrats and the rise of minority governments and bloc transcending/cross-partisan coalitions in Swedish local governments; the role of the Sweden Democrats in this development is studied and further its impact in the relation between right/left-wing governments. Taking off in classical coalition- and government formation theory together with the concept of pariah parties, I also continue to discuss the setting of local government in Sweden and its implication on local government studies in general. Regression analysis of formed government in the 290 Swedish municipalities over the last five local elections, 2002-2018, is used to answer the question of how the pariah party that is the Sweden Democrats, have affected the types of local government in Sweden. The study finds that the rise of the Sweden Democrats in Swedish municipal parliaments to a large extent can explain both an increase of cross-partisan coalitions and of minority governments. This can however only be said when the party holds the balance of power; just the size or sheer presence of the party in local parliaments does not seem to have a significant impact on government type. When the party does hold the power of balance, one can observe a significant shift in favour of right-wing governments over left-wing governments. Albeit not participating in government and being considered a pariah party, or perhaps because of this fact, the rise of the Sweden Democrats has significantly affected the character of Swedish local governments.
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López, Villanes Noam. "Political spechees from local authorities about the coca leaf in the districts of Kimbir and Pichari 2006-2010." Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/48654.
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The article addresses the relationship between drug trafficking and subnational politics having as unit of analysis the local authorities’ speeches of the Cuzco districts of Kimbiri and Pichari form 2006 to 2010 Based in a qualitative methodology but backed by a pair of statistical tests, it is found that candidates and then authorities have a dualistic perspective about the cultivation of coca leafs, which is directed mostly to the production of cocaine Thus, also the radicalism in the defense of coca leaf is not constant in time, but rather strategic and casual Last, based on model proposal about drug trafficking networks of influence, we conclude that the closer this illegal economic activity is at the authorities, these have an ambiguous and contradictory speech on the issue<br>El artículo aborda la relación del narcotráfico con la política subnacional teniendo por unidad de análisis los discursos de las autoridades municipales de los distritos cusqueños de Kimbiri y Pichari de 2006 a 2010 En base a una metodología cualitativa pero respaldada de un par de pruebas estadísticas se comprueba que los candidatos y luego autoridades no tienen una perspectiva dualista sobre el cultivo de hoja de coca cuya producción se dirige en su mayoría a la producción de cocaína Así también la radicalidad en la defensa de la hoja de coca no es constante en el tiempo, sino más bien estratégica y ocasional Por último, en base a un modelo propuesto sobre las redes de influencia del narcotráfico, se concluye que mientras más cercana se encuentre esta actividad económica ilegal a las autoridades, estas tendrán un discurso ambiguo y contradictorio sobre el tema<br>O artigo aborda a relação do narcotráfico com a política subnacional tendo a unidade deanalise aos discursos das autoridades municipais dos distritos cusqueños de Kimbiri e Pichari dos anos 2006 aos 2010 Na base duma metodologia qualitativa, mas apoiada de duas provas estadísticas se podem comprovar o que os candidatos e logo as autoridades, não tem uma perspectiva dualista sobre o cultivo da folha de coca o que sua produção dirige, maiormente a produção da cocaína Da mesma forma, a defensa radical da folha de coca não é constante no tempo, mas é estratégica e ocasional Finalmente, na base dum modelo proposto sobre as redes de influência do narcotráfico, pode-se concluir que se a atividade econômica ilegal fica per todas autoridades, elas tem um discurso duvidoso e com contradições sobre o tema
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TSAI, MIN-XIN, and 蔡旻妡. "The Impact of Local Elections on Taiwan Local Government Debt." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/dsh728.
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碩士<br>逢甲大學<br>財稅學系<br>107<br>Local government debt is rising, borrowing debt creates a vicious circle, people are concerned with the issue about local fiscal situation. In this paper, local government divided into two levels–city and municipality. The data over the period 2004 to 2017, variables concerning local government debts, the election year of local government, the election year of central government, revenues from aid and assistance, self-financing resources and the political party. We using these variables intend for analysis the impact of local elections on Taiwan local government debt.
Before proceeding to examine empirical analysis, we use unit root test to verification. Then, we apply Hausman test and F-test to choose fixed effects model and random effects model. According to the results, it can be seen that the influence of city election and municipality election.The local debt is affected by the political operation of the local elections.
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"The 1985 district board election in Hong Kong: a geographical perspective." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1986. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5885797.
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Moreno, Carlos Luis Ward Peter M. "Decentralization, electoral competition and local government performance in Mexico." 2005. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/1636/morenoc72203.pdf.
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Lin, Hsiu-Tao, and 林秀桃. "The relationship between local government budget distribution and elections--taking Taipei township example." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/52419507305008947659.
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碩士<br>國立政治大學<br>行政管理碩士學程<br>98<br>This paper analyzes the impact of election and government structure factors on municipal budget behavior. For the purpose of empirical analysis, we have obtained 29 townships of Taipei County during a nine-year period from 2000 to 2009, with Univariate tests for each selective budget expenditure variable affect by selective political factor.
Empirical evidence is found no significant influence in the local budget to manipulate the economy at election year. When consider the political party factor, the divided government is significantly higher total expenditure than unified government. When consider both election and political party factor, budget distribution has no significant difference between divided government and unified government. The total budget scale does not increase but transfer capital expenditure to general expenditure and increase the capital expenditure of traffic topic for stand out political achievements to construct the place and promote the economic development.
Keyword：Budget Distribution, Distribution Theories, Political Business Cycle
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Cuellar, Carlos. "Latino Descriptive Representation in Municipal Government: An Analysis of Latino Mayors." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/71280.
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Various questions regarding Latinos’ descriptive representation in the mayoralty are examined in this dissertation including: Where and why are Latino mayors elected? Why do Latino mayoral candidates emerge and win? And, is there is a link between Latino ethnicity and electoral outcomes in municipal elections?
The empirical results of a cross-sectional analysis of U.S. cities from 1981-2006 suggest that institutions such as term limits and mayor-council governments influence the representation of Latinos in the mayoralty. These effects, however, are conditioned by Latinos’ numerical strength in a city – which suggests that Latino descriptive representation in the mayoralty is largely a function of population size. Despite the prominence of this factor, the results further reveal that Latinos need to swell the ranks of the city council to provide a steady supply of qualified Latino candidates to ultimately win the mayoralty.
An analysis of 648 mayoral elections in 113 cities in the Southwest further tests theories of Latino candidate emergence and success based on city-level factors – that supply elections with Latino candidates – as well as strategic factors in elections – that influence Latino candidates’ cost-benefit decision calculus. The results reveal a combined effect of supply and strategy on candidate emergence and success. For example, in cities where Latinos are sizeable (+40 percent) and the electoral context is more competitive (i.e., where turnout is high, more candidates are on the ballot, and when incumbents are not vying for reelection), Latino candidates are more likely to emerge. A similar pattern occurs with regard to the success of Latino candidates except that the individual candidate’s previous political experience is particularly influential in improving their chances of winning.
Given the theoretical expectation regarding the impact of ethnicity on electoral outcomes in municipal elections, I also examine whether Latino ethnicity shapes turnout rates and the margin of victory. Latino ethnicity is not statistically associated with these outcomes. However, other factors such as the election timing and the type of election (i.e., runoff election, open seat) seem to be more influential. In sum, the research here examines various aspects of Latino representation in the mayoralty that is the most comprehensive to date.
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Peng, Hui Zhen, and 彭蕙珍. "Roles and Interactions among Central, Local Government and Peasants in China''s Villege Elections." Thesis, 2002. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/96862887379060147077.
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Hagan, Angela Stallings. "Race and city-county consolidation : black voting participation and municipal elections /." 2009. http://digital.library.louisville.edu/cgi-bin/showfile.exe?CISOROOT=/etd&CISOPTR=912&filename=913.pdf.
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Moreno, Carlos Luis. "Decentralization, electoral competition and local government performance in Mexico." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1636.
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Roodt, Marius. "Race and the Democratic Alliance: An analysis of the party’s performance in elections with specific reference to the 2011 local government elections." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/26271.
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Research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Studies<br>This thesis aims to determine the impact that race has on voting patterns in South Africa, and whether race is still the most salient factor in determining how South Africans vote. The focus is on local government elections and the performance of the Democratic Alliance (DA), and examines voting patterns and demographic indicators (such as race and income and education levels) in selected wards to ascertain what trends and exist, specifically looking at how important race still is in determining how South Africans vote. Through a thorough review of the existing literature, as well as an examination of selected wards (both those in metropolitan municipalities and those in rural areas) this thesis aims to find an answer to the question of whether South African elections are still little more than racial censuses. This thesis also examines to what degree other social indicators affect how people vote. Although the findings broadly show that the ‘racial census’ theory of voting patterns in South Africa still broadly holds true, there are indications that this is changing and that South African voters are increasingly becoming ‘floating’ voters.<br>GR2019
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陳政勤. "The Effect of Fiscal Performance on Party Rotation of Local Government Elections in Taiwan：1989-2005." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/15086963441333776925.
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碩士<br>國立政治大學<br>財政研究所<br>94<br>By the five campaigns from 1989 to 2005 of the 21 local jurisdictions (includes 16 counties and 5 townships) in Taiwan, this paper discusses how fiscal health, revenue and expenditure conditions affect the election results. We analysis that the possible factors that cause election results to appear party rotation. Except for economic voting and other political factors, we mainly examine if fiscal performance results in party rotation. We adopt the Probit model to setup our empirical model. Our hypothesis is that party rotation possibly happens if local officers do not devote in fiscal health or fiscal policy that voters need. For the fiscal variables, the empirical evidence shows that increasing fiscal health in election year and total expenditures growth rate in one year before election help incumbents persist in political power. However higher crime rate on burglaries and larcenies in two year before election will reduce the probability in party rotation. If the president and incumbents are the same party affiliation, incumbents will be implicated while national and local unemployment rate worsen. Besides, incumbents who run for reelection will be in dominant position. The jurisdictions in the northeast and middle areas of Taiwan compare to the others, it is more possible to occur party rotation.
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Lin, Tzu-yin, and 林姿吟. "Elections, Checks and Balances and the Allocation of Public Expenditure：An Empirical Analysis of Local Government in Taiwan." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/38342809944010974044.
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碩士<br>逢甲大學<br>財稅所<br>99<br>Previous empirical work on political budget cycles focused solely on the dynamics of overall budget, and ignore that the government could adjust expenditure contents to win the election under overall budget expenditure or fiscal deficit unchanged. And traditional empirical research also implicitly assumes the executive has full discretion over fiscal policy. It didn’t discuss the relationship between checks and balance and political budget cycle.
To explore how the level of decentralization can explain the size of the political budget cycles, the political constraints index for the 21 local governments in Taiwan province is developed following the coding procedure of Henisz(2005). The impacts of elections, checks and balances on the allocation of local public expenditures over the period of 1984 to 2009 are then explored by panel unit root test by Levin, Lin and Chu(LLC, 2002), Im, Pesaran and Shin(IPS, 2003), and Hadri(2000). And using random-effects regression and the generalized method of moments(GMM) developed for dynamic models of the panel data of Taiwan’s 21 local governments. By doing so, this study contributes to this line of research by determining whether elections, checks and balances have significant impacts on the allocation of local public spending in Taiwan.
According the empirical results, we find that the government would indeed adjust the budget expenditures contents to achieve their goals in the election period. Such as such as the deletion of the general government budget expenditures towards the social welfare expenditure budget. In addition, by adding an effective legislative checks and balances index, can indeed reduce or eliminate the political budget cycle. Regardless of whether the local government has discretion or not, it does not affect the checks and balances ability of the legislature.
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Jheng, Hong-ru, and 鄭鴻儒. "Local Government Expenditures and Electoral Cycles：The Case of Elections for County Magistrates and City Mayors in Taiwan." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/24808180985525832088.
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碩士<br>逢甲大學<br>財稅所<br>95<br>This paper focuses on the issue of the electoral and ideological cycles in local government expenditures for 21 cities and counties in Taiwan. The data over the period 1988-2005, variables concerning local government expenditures in the empirical models include: total expenditures, expenditures for general administration, expenditures for education, science and culture, expenditures for economic development and expenditures for social security.
The former empirical literatures concerning political budget cycles in Taiwan using panel data model ignore the stantionarities of variables. Therefore, panel unit root test employed in this study before empirical analysis. The results of panel unit root tests show that all variables are stationary except unemployment rate variable. Thus, we use level data of all variables excluding unemployment rate that using first difference data to estimate the empirical models.
According to the results of the panel data models, we find that the local government expenditures including total expenditures, expenditures for education, science and culture, and expenditures for social security were increasing in electoral years. Empirical results support the opportunistic cycle theory, but little empirical results support the ideological cycles. Furthermore, the budgetary variables of local government expenditures were affected significantly by last level. This implies the incremental budgetary theory. The implementation of National Health Insurance caused expenditures for social security significantly increased.
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Msiza, Nkosinathi. "Editorial politricks : a content analysis of selected newspapers' coverage of the ANC, DA and EFF during the 2016 local government elections in South Africa." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24733.
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Global research shows that media owners tend to influence the editorial direction of their newspapers. Such influence generally tends to be in line with the media owner’s economic and / or political interests. Naturally, this is a challenge because media is regarded as the fourth estate and is supposed to be an objective yet effective channel for the citizenry to make informed decisions about their world. The study seeks to find out if the owners of four daily newspapers in South Africa, based on their political proximity; may have influenced their newspapers to be biased in favour or against any of the three biggest political parties contesting the 2016 Local Government Elections. This study is an exploratory and descriptive content analysis based on an Agenda Setting theoretic framework – supported by framing analysis and game framing. Findings reveal the correlation between the media owner’s interests and the biased reporting within their respective newspaper. This suggests that although media may not be directly or explicitly forced to adopt a specific ideology, it can be argued that political relations with media owners can influence editorial decisions. Therefore, it can be inferred that media owners of The New Age, The Citizen and The Star influenced editorial content of their newspapers during the 2016 local government elections. Given the findings of this study and the elections scheduled for 2019 in South Africa, it is important for more political communication studies to be conducted in order to establish guidelines for unbiased news reporting across all media – including newspapers. Alternatively, to compel media owners to declare their bias towards and against specific political parties in each news content, upfront. Particularly important during election period, is the need for each media (including newspapers) to have an independent editor – potentially one from the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to ensure that each piece of content produced is validated as bias or impartial.<br>Communication Science<br>M.A. (Communication Science)
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Deuze, Martinus Johannes Petrus. "Lokaal bestuur, verkiezingen en dagbladverslaggeving in Gauteng, Zuid-Afrika, (1982-1995)." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/6108.
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M.A.<br>Het doel van deze studie is te komen tot een inventarisatie van de problemen -zowel op praktisch als theoretisch vlak- aan welke de nieuw gekozen plaatselijke overheden het hoofd moeten bieden, zoals deze zijn overgeleverd vanuit het verleden. Daarnaast wordt middels het empirische gedeelte bekeken, hoe de dagbladen in de provincie Gauteng - vaak het 'hart' van Zuid-Afrika genoemd - met deze problematiek en geschiedenis omgingen om de lezer annex kiezer adequaat te informeren. 3 Gekozen is voor een media-onderzoek over enkele maanden rond de twee laatste verkiezingen voor plaatselijke overheden: oktober 1988 en november 1995. Daarnaast wordt gekeken naar enkele van de vele begripsverwarringen binnen de Zuid-Afrikaanse politieke en media-context, zoals deze bijvoorbeeld onder meer bestaan rond zaken als 'democratie', 'macht', 'detribalisatie' en 'non-racialisme; allen termen die er in het discours omtrent regeren en geregeerd worden, nieuws produceren en nieuws ontvangen voortdurend met de haren bijgesleept worden maar voor de verschillende deelnemers aan het debat soms geheel uiteenlopende betekenissen hebben. De scriptie hoopt met deze onderwerpskeuze een bijdrage te leveren aan het voortdurende debat in Zuid-Afrika over het heden, verleden en wellicht ook toekomst van de gedrukte media, de politieke en sociaal-economische geschiedschrijving en de functionering en definiring van plaatselijk bestuur. Hoewel deze studie weliswaar nauwelijks alternatieve voorstellen voor de toekomstige behandeling van deze kwesties aandraagt, kan een kritisch en samenvattend overzicht hiervan zoals gepresenteerd in de hierna volgende hoofdstukken hemieuwde stof tot nadenken bieden, zowel gedragen als beperkt door de buitenlandse kijk van de auteur.
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Lang, Matthew Joseph. "Gubernatorial coattail effects in state legislative elections : a reexamination." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3753.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)<br>Prior studies on state legislative elections have found gubernatorial coattails playing a key role; however, they fail to examine the temporal and state-based trends of this phenomena. Using precinct level data from nine states (Alabama, Arkansas, California, Minnesota, New York, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming), over two election cycles (2002 and 2006), I measure the importance a state’s ideological makeup, and a governor’s institutional powers has on gubernatorial coattails. Findings reaffirm the importance of coattails, and previously researched variables; however, the addition of the above measures greatly affects coattail strength, dependent on host of controlling factors.
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Kirkland, Patricia A. "America's Mayors: Who Serves and How Mayors Shape Policy." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8183K08.
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This dissertation asks three fundamental questions about representation in American cities. Who serves as mayor? How do voters select mayors? And, do mayors shape policy? Responsible for funding and providing essential services, municipal governments have a huge impact on the public's safety and quality of life. As chief elected officials, mayors are unquestionably important but also understudied political actors. A number of rich and detailed case studies provide valuable insights on individual mayors and their influence, but quantitative cross-city studies have yielded mixed findings on mayors' abilities to affect outcomes. To date, efforts to comprehensively and systematically study mayors have been hampered by a lack of data.
To overcome these data limitations, I amassed an original dataset that includes detailed background information on more than 3,200 mayoral candidates, covering nearly 300 U.S. cities over the last 60 years. My data reveal that mayors, like politicians at higher levels of government, are not very representative of their constituents---they are much more likely to be white and male, with prior political experience and white-collar careers. Business owners and executives are especially well represented in American city halls, accounting for about 32% candidates and mayors.
This study provides compelling new evidence that mayors can and do influence policy outcomes. Using a regression discontinuity design, I find that business executive mayors shape spending priorities, leading to significantly lower levels of spending on redistributive programs and greater investment in infrastructure. Perhaps counterintuitively, electing a business executive mayor appears to have little effect on the overall size of government. However, suggestive evidence indicates that they may increase local revenue, but in the form of fees and charges rather than taxes. My findings suggest that business executives preside over policy changes with implications for the distribution of both costs and benefits of local government.
In another component of the dissertation, I employ a conjoint survey experiment to investigate why voters so often elect business executives. The experimental results suggest that a candidate's experience as a business owner or executive is likely to influence voters preferences and evaluations. These findings are consistent with longstanding claims that voters rely on candidate characteristics, such as race, ethnicity, or incumbency, as information shortcuts in the absence of party cues. Notably, the cues they use may vary with party identification. In nonpartisan contests, political experience has an even stronger influence on the preferences of Democratic respondents, while Republicans give more weight to occupation.
Overall, my experimental results suggest that electoral institutions may interact with voters' preferences to shape descriptive representation. At the same time, my analyses of new observational data on mayoral candidates document striking deficits of descriptive representation in America's cities and suggest that who serves in office has meaningful policy consequences.
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Lin, Chen-lu, and 林振祿. "Indulge or Intervene: The Research On the Role of the Local Government in the Process of Abbot Election of A Temple." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/61718898934017178247.
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碩士<br>立德管理學院<br>地區發展管理研究所<br>94<br>The responsibility of the abbot to a temple is to administer the daily operation of the temple. He plays an important role in building up and carrying out an operational system for the temple for centuries. There are about 1,200 temples registered in Tainan County. It is the most populated temples among the Counties of Tawan. However, it is also the most disputed county in Taiwan. The responsibility of settlement of the disputes falls on the local government. The local government has an authority to consider and decide its own ways to solve these arguments. This causes a conflict among the county people. Some people ask the local government to intervene the disputes. The others request the local government to indulge to protect the freedom of religions. The dilemma is the motivation of this study.
The purpose of the research is to resolve the role of the local government in the election process of an abbot for a temple. The method of bibliography analysis is used to determine the best way to resolve the system of the abbot election. The discussions are emphasized on the election system instead of the personnel characteristics and the technique of the election.
The results of the study suggest that the local government should not intervene the abbot election. A guidance given from the local government is necessary when the regulations of the abbot election are violated. Based on the autonomy of religion, the local government officers should not involve in the election process of an abbot. In this way, the autonomy of religion and the human rights are protected.
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Fisher, Geoffrey Griswold. "A Connecticut compromise for Connecticut an analysis of how reforming the state legislature into a true bicameral institution will revive the local citizenry, producing more thoughtful and effective public policy for Connecticut /." Thesis, 2006. http://worldcat.org/oclc/166327338/viewonline.
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Silima, Troy Musandiwa. "The role of ward committees in the development of participative governance." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13289.
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Fořtová, Šárka. "Diskuse o zavedení přímé volby starostů v ČR." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-322431.
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The aim of the thesis is to analyse and assess discussions related to the implementation of the direct election of mayors, both in the Czech Republic and in selected European countries. The thesis compares the evolution and course of the discussions that precede the anchoring of direct election of mayors in five European countries, such as the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Croatia, and Belgium-Walloon. It is particularly focused on the central motives leading towards the launch of discussion, main arguments included in the discussion, key actors, and the levels of the discussion. The crucial part of the thesis is devoted to the analysis of the discussion of possible implementation of directly elected mayors in the Czech Republic. The emphasis is put on the identification of individual platforms of the Czech political scene that intervene into the discussion. The thesis also highlights the attitude of key political parties, interest groups, and mayors, towards the question of the direct election. The Ministry of the Interior of the Czech Republic represents the principal mediator of the ongoing discussion. The thesis targets to answer the following questions. At which platforms the discussion about the eventual implementation of direct...
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Brown, Nancy Eileen. "The 1901 Fort Wayne, Indiana City Election: A Political Dialogue of Ethnic Tension." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3658.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)<br>In 1901, three German American candidates ran for the office of mayor in Fort Wayne, Indiana. The winner, Henry Berghoff, had emigrated from Germany as a teenager. This thesis examines the election discourse in the partisan press for signs of ethnic tension. The first chapter places Fort Wayne in historical context of German immigration and Indiana history. The second and third chapters investigate the editorial pages for evidence of ethnic tension. I also reference a few articles of an editorial nature outside of the editorial pages. The second chapter provides background information about the election and examines indications of the candidates’ ethnicity and references to the German language papers. The third chapter considers the editorial comment about Germany, the intertwining of ethnicity and the issues, and ethnic name-calling. In order to identify underlying bias for or against Germany and to better understand the context of the references to German ethnicity, the fourth chapter explores the portrayal of Germany in the Fort Wayne papers.
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PEKAŘ, Martin. "Česká pirátská strana v lokální politice." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-381466.
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This diploma thesis deals with the Czech Pirate Party participation on the Czech political scene. It focuses on the formation of the party and its programme, achievements in the past elections and the preparations for the upcoming elections. It analyses the 2014 municipal council election, which happened to be the most successful election for the Czech Pirate Party in terms of elected representatives. It defines the municipal authorities in accordance with the relevant law. It focuses on the principle of the local election, its system, electoral method and the rules for the candidate parties. It introduces local coalition typology and also analyses the type of coalition in selected municipalities. It introduces the Czech Pirate Party 2014 municipal council election programme and party's candidate lists in selected municipalities. It analyses thoroughly the fulfilment of their campaign promises and the methods used for the realization of the Pirate politics. It compares Czech Pirate Party's coalition and opposition behaviour.
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Miguel, João Luís Monteiro. "Ciclos político económicos nos municípios portugueses: fatores explicativos e implicações de uma política orçamental oportunista (2003-2017)." Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/22320.
Texto completoResumen
A presente tese de doutoramento avalia a existência de ciclos político económicos (CPE) nos
municípios portugueses. É investigada a trajetória das diferentes rubricas da despesa pública ao
longo dos mandatos dos Presidentes de Câmara e de que forma a limitação de mandatos
autárquicos afetou a política orçamental local. Para tal, foi criada uma base de dados original,
especificamente desenhada para responder a este propósito de pesquisa. Os dados em que se
suporta a análise reportam a 275 dos 278 municípios portugueses do continente, abarcando o
lapso de tempo entre 2003 e 2017.
Os testes empíricos realizados revelam a existência de comportamentos oportunistas por parte
dos Presidentes de Câmara relativamente à despesa municipal, especialmente às despesas de
capital. Os resultados indicam a ocorrência de ciclos oportunistas em rubricas de despesa mais
visíveis para o eleitorado, um comportamento consistente com a sinalização de competência ao
eleitorado por parte do incumbente. Esta conclusão é consistente com o observado em estudos
anteriores sobre ciclos político económicos municipais.
A introdução da limitação de mandatos no panorama autárquico veio reforçar a competitividade
eleitoral e as contas públicas, pelo menos nos anos de maior rotatividade, reduzindo a
observação de ciclos políticos económicos. Não foram identificados comportamentos
oportunistas relativamente às rubricas de receita. Por fim, não foi identificado qualquer padrão
ideológico na despesa pública, pelo que é possível concluir que a dicotomia esquerda/direita
não aparenta ter influência na forma como são orçamentalmente geridos os municípios. Ao
contrário das conclusões de estudos anteriores, ambos os lados do espectro ideológico são
igualmente oportunistas.<br>This doctoral thesis assesses the existence of political economic cycles (PBC) in Portuguese
municipalities. The behaviour of the different items of public expenditure is inquired
throughout the terms of Mayors. Similarly, it is appraised how the limitation of municipal
mandates affected local budgetary policy. To this end, an original database was created,
specifically designed to respond to this research purpose. The data set used in the empirical
work is based on financial information for 275 (out of 278) Portuguese continental
municipalities from 2003 to 2017.
The study reveals the existence of opportunistic behaviour by Mayors seeking re-election
regarding municipal expenditure, especially capital expenditure. The empirical results indicate
the occurrence of opportunistic cycles in more visible items of expenditure for the electorate, a
behaviour consistent with the incumbent's signalling of competence to the electorate. The
introduction of limitation of mandates at the municipal level has strengthened electoral
competitiveness and public accounts, at least in the electoral years in which the incumbent
cannot run for office.
Regarding revenues, no opportunistic behaviours were identified. Finally, no ideological
pattern emerges regarding municipal public spending, so we can say that the left / right
dichotomy does not appear to have any influence on how municipalities are managed. Unlike
previous studies, we conclude that both ends of the political spectrum are shown to be equally
opportunistic.