Tesis sobre el tema "Local constitutionnal law"

Le quota est un instrument juridique courant en droit français. Le législateur en adopte dans différents secteurs, pour poursuivre des objectifs très variés : discrimination positive, protection de l'ordre public, préservation de l'environnement, protection de la santé publique, préservation des ressources halieutiques, contrôle des excédents agricoles. Le quota reste toutefois un instrument très controversé en droit public, notamment parce qu'il semble contrevenir au principe d'égalité. Les quotas féminins et les quotas ultras-marins illustrent de façon saisissante une forme d'allergie du droit français à certains types de quotas, objets de revendications politiques parfois anciennes. À partir des années 1980, les lois instaurant de tels quotas ont systématiquement été jugées inconstitutionnelles. Le Constituant a donc été amené à réviser, à quatre reprises en une seule décennie, la Constitution du 4 octobre 1958, afin d'habiliter le législateur à adopter de tels quotas.Les obstacles constitutionnels une fois levés, on aurait pu s'attendre à une prolifération des quotas naguère impossibles à établir. Mais tel n'a pas été le cas. D'une part parce que, à l'instar des autres quotas, l'adoption de quotas par sexe et ultras-marins relève de la compétence exclusive du législateur. D'autre part parce que, adoptés sur le fondement d'une habilitation constitutionnelle ad hoc, ils dérogent à certains principes constitutionnels, et font l'objet, à ce titre, d'un contrôle juridictionnel étroit. Pourquoi a-t-il fallu réviser la Constitution, qui plus est à quatre reprises, pour adopter des mécanismes si ordinaires du droit français ? Quelle est la portée exacte des nouvelles habilitations à instaurer des quotas ? Les quotas par sexe et ultras-marins sont-ils devenus des quotas comme les autres ? C'est notamment à ces questions que la recherche s'est efforcée de répondre. Elle met ainsi en lumière le rôle central de la figure du juge dans l'appréhension des quotas, et les insuffisances qui entourent encore aujourd'hui leur régime contentieux
Quota is an usual legal instrument in french law.The legislator adopts quotas in differents sectors, to pursue differents objectives : affirmative action, protection of the public order, environnemetal protection, public health protection, ... . However, quota is, in french public law, a controversial legal instrument, because it seems to be in opposition with the constitutionnal principle of equality.Gender quotas and ultramarine quotas illustrate in a striking manner this allergy of french public law towards quotas. Since the 80's the law wich introduce this type of quotas are systematically be declared inconstitutional.In order to empower the legislator to introduce these quotas, the constituent power has review the french Constitution four times.Since the revisions of the french Constitution these quotas are particularly framed by the judges. In one hand, as the other quotas, gender quotas an ultramrines quotas belong to the competence exclusive of the legislator. In the other hand, them depart from some constitutionnals principles, so they are strictly controled by the judges.Why has it been necessary to review four times the Constitution to introduce these usual legal instruments in french law ? What will be exactly the effect of these new habilitations ? Are Gender quotas and ultramarine quotas became like other quotas ? It is to these questions that the research has attempted to answer. It highlights the central role of the judges and the underdevelopment of their contentious system

La lecture de l’article 72 de la Constitution témoigne d’une organisation territoriale décentralisée reposant sur l’absence de hiérarchisation formelle des collectivités territoriales. La décentralisation française repose, d’une part, sur la reconnaissance d’une autonomie garantie aux collectivités territoriales, avec le principe de libre administration des collectivités territoriales et, d’autre part, sur un refus de hiérarchisation des collectivités territoriales qui se traduit notamment par le principe d’interdiction de tutelle entre collectivités territoriales. Pourtant, certaines collectivités territoriales apparaissent susceptibles de déterminer le contenu des décisions des autres collectivités territoriales. Pour dépasser ce paradoxe, notre thèse se propose d’interroger les rapports entre collectivités territoriales à travers le concept de domination. Une telle approche permet de constater que les rapports de domination entre collectivités territoriales sont consubstantiels à la décentralisation. Le premier temps de l’étude démontre que la domination entre collectivités territoriales est induite de la législation. En effet, le législateur organise par différents procédés une domination fonctionnelle des collectivités territoriales. La domination entre collectivités territoriales connaît aussi une forme spontanée qui se révèle permise par la loi. Or, cela n’apparaît finalement possible qu’en raison de la libre administration des collectivités territoriales. Le second temps de temps de l’étude révèle que la domination entre collectivités territoriales est induite de la libre administration des collectivités territoriales. L’étude du principe de libre administration permet de démontrer que son contenu influence de façon latente ce que peut être la domination entre collectivités territoriales. Les rapports de domination entre collectivités territoriales apparaissent alors comme une manifestation originale de la libre administration des collectivités territoriales
A reading of Article 72 of the French Constitution reveals a decentralized territorial organization based on the absence of a formal hierarchy of local authorities. French decentralization is based, on the one hand, on the recognition of a guaranteed autonomy for local authorities, with the principle of free administration of local authorities, and, on the other hand, on the rejection on the refusal to establish a hierarchy among local authorities, which is reflected, in particular, by the principe of the prohibition of supervision between local authorities. However, some local authorities appear likely to determine the content of the decisions of other local authorities. To overcome this paradox, our thesis aimes to examine relations between local authorities through the concept of domination. Such an approach reveals that relations of domination between local authorities are consubstantial with decentralization. The first part of the study demonstrates that domination between local authorities is induces by legislation. Indeed, throught various mechnisms, the legislator organizes the functional domination of local authorities. Domination between local authorities also takes a spontaneous form that is allowed by law. However, this is only possible because of the free administration of local authorities. The second part of the study reveals that domination between local authorities is induced by the free administration of local authorities. An examination of the principle of free administration demonstrates that its content latently influences what domination between local authorities can be. Thus, relations of domination between local authorities appear as an original manifestation of the free administration of local authorities

The political context that prompted the formation of district municipalities in the present form can be summarized as follows: before 1994, there were a few sporadic Regional Services Councils and Joint Services Boards responsible mainly for bulk service provision in rural areas. In many rural areas, the acute imbalances in personal wealth, physical infrastructure and the provision of services were most patent. Provinces decided which of the local government models best suited their province. Consequently, it was possible for the institutions of local government to differ from province to province and there would be a two-tier system of local councils and region-wide district councils throughout non-metropolitan South Africa. The aim of this study was two-fold. FIrst to analyze the key causes of conflict that arise within the two-tiered system. Second, to determine whether district intergovernmental forums will be able to address the key causes of conflict identifies and assist in making the relationship between district and local municipalities more co-operative.

This research project examines the consistency of Italian regional and local electoral systems with the Constitution. After a brief presentation of the international, European and constitutional norms regulating the right to vote, the thesis follows the evolution of the electoral laws of every level of government and the corresponding judicial decisions, both constitutional and not, which formed in the same years. It then analyzes thoroughly the electoral rules of the 19 Regions, 2 Autonomous Provinces, of the Provinces/Metropolitan Cities and of the Municipalities. The project assesses whether the standards provided by the Constitutional Court in relation to a particular level of government can be applied to other levels: in particular, the focus is on the interpretation of section 2, art. 48 Const. as applied to the national electoral law in the 1/14 and 35/17 decisions. After demonstrating that it would probably be appropriate to differentiate the application of the constitutional standards (more strictly to the Regions and less to the other entities), the thesis compares today’s laws with these standards. Finally, in order to allow a comparative analysis, the research project presents the German and Spanish systems of local electoral laws and its constitutional norms, from which it derives proposals to solve some of the long-lasting issues of the Italian local electoral system.

This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.

This dissertation analyses the ability of Chinese lawyers to use administrative litigation to protect individuals and groups from an authoritarian state that frequently infringes on their rights. These plaintiffs fill administrative courts in China, opposing the overzealous tactics of police, challenging the expropriation of their land, and disputing the seizure and demolition of their homes. Empirically, it relies on several unique data sources in a mixed-methodological approach. Qualitative and small-n quantitative data from 126 interviews with a random sample of Chinese lawyers and 52 additional interviews are supplemented by documentary sources. These findings are then tested against official data and a large survey of Chinese lawyers. This research demonstrates that administrative litigation is part of a polycentric authoritarian system that helps the Chinese state to monitor its agents, allows limited political participation, and facilitates economic development (Chapter One). By giving ordinary Chinese a chance to hold their local governments accountable in court, administrative litigation represents a significant step towards rule of law, but its limited scope means that it has not been accompanied by dramatic liberalisation (Chapter Three). In part, this is because the most prolific and successful administrative litigators are politically embedded lawyers, insiders who challenge the state in court but eschew the most radical cases and tactics (Chapter Four). The tactics that allow politically embedded lawyers to successfully litigate administrative cases rely on and contribute to China’s polycentric authoritarianism by drawing in other state, quasi-state, and non-state actors (Chapter Five). Multinationals in China are largely failing to contribute to the development of China’s legal system because they readily accept preferential treatment from the Chinese state as an alternative to litigation (Chapter Six). While administrative litigation bolsters China’s polycentric authoritarianism in the short term, it offers tremendous potential for rationalisation, liberalisation, and even democratisation in the long term.

O meio ambiente cultural, composto de natureza e cultura, é parte integrante do direito ambiental, e sua proteção caracteriza-se como direito constitucional fundamental de todo cidadão, vez que visa a manter viva a história e identidade de um povo, evitando dissipar a geração antecedente daquelas que ainda estão por vir. A preservação do patrimônio ambiental cultural pode ser considerada como o direito à preservação do meio ambiente cultural, que é meio para a garantia da sadia qualidade de vida humana. Os valores que retratam a proteção do patrimônio ambiental cultural estão presentes no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, com previsão constitucional, infraconstitucional e legislações esparsas, com caráter nacional e internacional, voltadas à proteção desse patrimônio de forma abrangente. A tutela do patrimônio ambiental cultural, que porta referência à ação, à memória e à identidade do povo brasileiro, encontra guarida nos principais instrumentos jurídicos de tutela administrativa e judicial dos bens culturais, bem como naqueles de ordem local, regulamentados no Estatuto da Cidade e executados pelo Plano Diretor Municipal, os quais buscam tutelar e fiscalizar a proteção que faz jus o patrimônio cultural, mantendo preservado o meio ambiente cultural, histórico e paisagístico de uma comunidade, resguardando suas memórias históricas, suas origens, seus costumes e, em especial, sua identidade. A preservação do meio ambiente histórico e cultural de uma localidade, cidade ou região, deve ser incentivada na atual sociedade, pela própria comunidade local, que deverá reconhecer o valor intrínseco de cada bem que pretende ver preservado, bem como mediante políticas públicas que visem não deixar cair no esquecimento a história do povo que a colonizou, evitando dissipar a memória da geração antecedente.
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The cultural environment, consisting of nature and culture, is an integral part of environmental law and its protection is characterized as a fundamental constitutional right of every citizen, as it seeks to keep alive the history and identity of a people, preventing the absorption of previous generation from those who are yet to come. The preservation of cultural heritage environment can be considered as the right to preservation of cultural environment, which is the way to guarantee healthy quality of life. The values that reflect the cultural heritage protection environment are present in Brazilian law, with constitutional and infra-constitutional provision and sparse legislation, with national and international character, that aim to protect this heritage in a comprehensive manner. The preservation of the cultural heritage environment, which carries a reference to action, memory and identity of the Brazilian people, find shelter in the main legal instruments for administrative and judicial protection of cultural property, as well as those of local order, regulated by the Statute of the City and performed by the Municipal Master Plan, which seek to protect and enforce the protection that lives up the cultural heritage preserved by keeping the cultural environment, history and landscape of a community, protecting its historic memories, their origins, their habits and, in particular, their identity. The preservation of historic and cultural environment of a city, town or region should be encouraged in today´s society, by the local community itself, which should recognize the intrinsic value of each item you want to see preserved as well as through public policies that do not allow the history of the colonized people to be forgotten, avoiding dispel the memory of the previous generation.

A Mayotte, le droit privé régit la situation juridique civile des Mahorais fondant leur vie maritale sur les coutumes du mahr, la répudiation, la polygamie et le logement familial chez la femme mariée. Sa réforme insiste sur le réalisme dans la modernisation du droit régissant les rapports juridiques de ces derniers. Elle tend à focaliser ses sources sur une législation écrite qui respecte la lettre des dispositions du Code civil. Elle oriente le rapport de la coutume et de la loi sur leur concurrence et non leur complémentarité. Elle implique la primauté et l'établissement de l'exclusivité des sources écrites légiférées. Elle favorise une application ne distinguant pas les statuts civils d'appartenance des Mahorais. Elle aligne le statut civil établi par les coutumes sur le statut civil défini par les articles 75 et 34 de La Constitution en vigueur. Elle revient sur le maintien des droits coutumiers, rendant difficile, voire impossible leur exercice. Elle entraine des situations de non-droit et non-saisies par le droit. Le mariage de droit coutumier est rapproché du concubinage et non du mariage civil. L'intention matrimoniale des Mahorais n'est pas reconnue par le droit
In Mayotte, the private law governs the civil legal situation of Mahorais basing their marital life on the customs of the mahr, the repudiation, the polygamy and the family housing at the married woman. Its reform emphasizes on the realism in the modernization of the law governing the legal reports of the latter. It tends to focus its sources on a written legislation which respects the letter of the clauses of the civil code. It directs the report of the custom and the law on their competition and not their complementarity. It involves the superiority and the establishment of the exclusivity of the legislated written sources. It promotes an application without distinguishing the civil statutes of membership of Mahorais. It aligns the civil statute established by the customs on the civil statute defined by articles 75 and 34 of the current Constitution. It returns on the preservation of the common laws, making difficult, even impossible their exercise. It entails situations of lawlessness and unapprised by the law. The marriage of common law is moved closer to the cohabitation and not to the civil wedding. The matrimonial intention of Mahorais is not recognized by the law

The role risk taking has played in American history has helped shape current legislation concerning gambling. This thesis attempts to explain the discrepancies in legislation regarding distinct forms of gambling. While casinos are heavily regulated by state and federal laws, most statutes dealing with lotteries strive to regulate the activities of other parties instead of those of the lottery institutions. Incidentally, lotteries are the only form of gambling completely managed by the government. It can be inferred that the United States government is more concerned with people exploiting gambling than with the actual practice of wagering. In an effort to more fully understand the gambling debate, whether it should be allowed or banned, I examined different types of sources. Historical sources demonstrate how ingrained in American culture risk taking, the core of gambling, has been since the formation of this nation. Sources dealing with the economic implications of gambling were also studied. Additionally, sources dealings with the political and legal aspects of gambling were essential for this thesis. Legislature has tried to reconcile distinct problems associated with gambling, including corruption. For this reason sports gambling scandals and Mafia connections to gambling have also been examined. The American government has created much needed legislature to address different concerns relating to gambling. It is apparent that statutes will continue to be passed to help regulate the gambling industry. A possible consideration is the legalization of sports wagering to better regulate that sector of the industry.

Defence date: 19 September 2018
Examining Board: Prof. Bruno De Witte, Maastricht University/EUI (Supervisor); Prof. Loïc Azoulai, Sciences Po Paris; Associate Prof. Jacco Bomhoff, LSE; Prof. Guillaume Tusseau, Science Po Paris
The author was awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best doctoral thesis in the field of comparative law (June 2019)
Proportionality increasingly dominates legal imagination. Initially conceived of as a principle that regulates police action, today it is progressively established as an advanced tool of liberal constitutional science. Its spread, accompanied by a global paradigm of constitutional rights, appears to be an irresistible natural development. This thesis was inspired by the intuition that even though courts and lawyers around the world reason more and more in proportionality terms, proportionality can mean very different things in different contexts, even within the same legal system. While the relevant literature has paid little attention to differences in the use of proportionality, identifying the local meanings of proportionality is crucial to making sense of its spread, to assessing its success, and to appraising the possibility of convergence between legal systems. Through an in-depth study and comparison of the use of proportionality by legal actors in France, England and Greece, this work shows that the local meanings of proportionality are not simply deviant applications of a global model. Instead, they reflect the legal cultures in which they evolve, local paths of cultural change and local patterns of Europeanisation. La proportionnalité a progressivement pris une place centrale dans l’imaginaire juridique. Initialement conçue comme un principe qui régit l’utilisation des pouvoirs de police, elle est aujourd’hui considérée comme un outil avancé de science constitutionnelle. Sa généralisation, accompagnée par le paradigme du droit constitutionnel global, est perçue comme irrésistible et naturelle. Cette recherche a été guidée par l’intuition que, même si les juristes à travers le monde raisonnent de plus en plus en termes de proportionnalité, celle-ci peut avoir des sens très différents, et ce, même au sein d’un seul système juridique. Les différentes utilisations du langage de la proportionnalité sont rarement étudiées en tant que tels. Pour autant, l’identification des sens locaux de la proportionnalité est cruciale si l’on veut comprendre sa propagation, apprécier son succès et évaluer les possibilités de convergence entre systèmes juridiques. Ce travail consiste en une étude approfondie et comparative de l’utilisation du langage de la proportionnalité parmi les acteurs juridiques en France, en Angleterre et en Grèce. Il cherche à montrer que les sens locaux de la proportionnalité ne sont pas simplement des applications imparfaites d’un modèle global. Au contraire, ils reflètent les cultures au sein desquelles ils évoluent, des chemins d’évolution culturelle propres à chaque système et des trajectoires locales d’européanisation.

Ce mémoire propose un portrait global et une critique de l'état du droit canadien relatif au statut juridique des municipalités. L'adage voulant que les municipalités constituent des créatures des législatures ne possédant aucun statut constitutionnel est un héritage du droit américain (théorie du Dillon 's rule) de la fin du 1ge siècle. Or, plusieurs États américains ont introduit très tôt le principe du home rule (autonomie locale) dans leurs constitutions. Le Canada n'a pas fait de même et les institutions municipales ne sont toujours pas protégées dans la Constitution écrite. On constate toutefois une évolution de la législation et de la jurisprudence vers une augmentation de l'autonomie municipale. Notre hypothèse est que l'existence d'institutions municipales représentées par des élus et pourvues de pouvoirs autonomes dans les matières d'intérêt purement municipal fait partie de la Constitution non écrite. Les exceptions non écrites au pouvoir d'une province de modifier sa constitution interne, ainsi que les principes structurels de la démocratie et de la protection des minorités sont étudiés. Un statut protégé pour les municipalités est conforme au droit international et plusieurs États, dont la Californie et l’Italie, ont constitutionnalisé les pouvoirs locaux. Enfin, nous proposons diverses avenues inspirées du droit international et du droit comparé afin que le Canada, ou le Québec, reconnaisse expressément que l'existence de la troisième branche de gouvernement est protégée et que la Législature ne peut porter atteinte au caractère démocratique des municipalités, ni à leurs pouvoirs municipaux généraux.
This thesis proposes a global portrait and criticism of Canadian Law concerning the legal status of municipalities. The adage that municipalities are merely creatures of legislatures that have no constitutional status is an inheritance of the American Law (Dillon’s rule) dating back to the end of the 19th century. Many American states have rejected this rule though and implemented home rule powers in their state constitution. But canadian case law has not followed and still refuses to recognize constitutional protection to municipalities. We notice however an evolution of the legislation and the case law towards an increase of municipal autonomy. This research tries to demonstrate that the existence of municipal institutions steered by elected representatives and provided with autonomous powers on subjects of purely municipal interest is part of the unwritten constitutional law. The unwritten exceptions to the legislative power of a province to amend its internal constitution and the unwritten fundamental principles of democracy and protection of minorities will be examined. A protected status for municipalities is in compliance with the international instruments concerning local powers and is present in the constitutions of several States, among which California and Italy. Finally, we propose different measures inspired by international law and comparative law for Canada or Quebec to recognize expressly that the existence of the third branch of government is protected and that the democratic character of municipalities and their general municipal powers cannot be withdrawn by the Legislature.

M.A.
In terms of the Constitution, municipalities have a mandate to govern, to provide services and to promote social and economic development. Several pieces of legislation enhance the developmental role of local government, such as the Development Facilitation Act, 1995 (Act 67 of 1995) empowering municipalities to establish statutory land development objectives setting out a clear approach to land development for each municipality. The objects of local government as stipulated in section 152 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa , serve as a guideline in fulfilling its role and functions. The Integrated and Development Plan approach is more appropriate in facilitating efficiency and effectiveness in municipalities. Several provinces have passed regulations requiring that the land development objectives also cover economic development goals.The Department of Provincial and Local Government (DPLG) is compelled by law to use the Integrated Development Planning (IDP) and this is likely to shape the actions of local government in implementing policies intended to reduce poverty and inequality. A municipality must structure and manage its administration and planning process to give priority to the basic needs of the community and to promote the social and economic development of the community, according to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. Only when the majority of the citizens receive at least a lifeline supply of basic-need services and goods, can equity be achieved. This study focuses on the City of Johannesburg's constitutional obligation to promote local economic development. The study is limited in this way to make it more manageable. This area is selected on the basis that there is a diversity of people whose economic levels are highly different and therefore there is a need for LED. A municipality's approach to street traders in, for example, former Black township areas, is likely to be quite different to approaches in CBDs. The study is mainly a historical study of both published literature and unpublished material concerning municipalities' constitutional obligations to promote LED. The study is trying to pin down facts, and identify trends, in a rapidly changing environment.

The aim is to answer the question of whether effective control mechanisms exist in the Czech Republic which would guarantee the fulfilment of legal regulations by municipalities and regional authorities dealing with public property. It is also my aim to explore whether such control mechanisms result from the constitutionally guaranteed rights to local government and, if they do, to what extent they may be incorporated in the Czech legislation. My diploma thesis is based on specific case studies, the case law of general courts and the current jurisprudence of the Czech Constitutional Court. After the description of the current state of affairs in the Czech Republic, I further focus on the definition of the control mechanisms of local governments in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars (1918 - 1938) and partly also during the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This diversion leading to this era has been selected to reflect the efforts to resume the local government traditions in the context of the renewal of the local government scheme in the Czech Republic after 1989. It is proven towards the end of the historical survey that unlike today, there were effective control mechanisms available before World War II, with several alternatives. The thesis also compares the legal regulations beyond the control...

The Regulation of Gatherings Act 205 of 1993 is a old order piece of legislation, but gives full recognition to the right to freedom of assembly and expression. These rights are entrenched in sections 16 and 17 of the Bill of Rights and enjoy a generous interpretation. Section 5 of the Act creates limitations on these rights, as the responsible officer of a local authority is allowed to prohibit a gathering when he has reasonable grounds to believe that the police will not be able to prevent traffic disruption, injury or substantial damage to property. Given the fact that this limitation serves to protect a compelling state interest, it constitutes a reasonable and justifiable limitation in terms of section section 36 of the Bill of Rights.
Law
LL.M.