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De Vroey, Michel. "El liberalismo económico y la crisis". Lecturas de Economía, n.º 70 (7 de septiembre de 2009): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.le.n70a2221.
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En los numerosos debates que evocan el liberalismo económico, éste se presenta como una realidad monolítica; el objetivo de este artículo consiste en poner de manifiesto que distintos grados de liberalismo deben distinguirse: el pleno liberalismo, el liberalismo mitigado y el antiliberalismo mitigado, con subdistinciones al interior de las dos primeras categorías. En la primera parte se recuerdan las características que marcan el liberalismo económico en general. En la segunda se menciona la justificación que Adam Smith ha dado del liberalismo. Finalmente, en la tercera parte, inicio el trabajo de des-homogenización del liberalismo económico y muestro cómo distintas formas de éste se han encadenado históricamente, en particular, respecto a las grandes crisis económicas. Palabras clave: Smith, liberalismo, tipos de liberalismo, economía de mercado, crisis. Clasificación JEL: A11, B10, N00. Abstract: In the many debates concerning economic liberalism, this appears as a monolithic reality. The aim of this paper is to show that this is not the case and that different degrees of liberalism must be distinguished: total liberalism, mitigated liberalism and mitigated anti-liberalism, with subdistinctions within the first two categories. In the first part of the paper, the characteristics of economic liberalism overall are recalled. Subsequently, Adam Smith's justification of liberalism is introduced. Finally, in the third part, I attempt to des-homogenize economic liberalism and show how different forms of this have been linked historically, particularly with respect to the great economic crises.Abstract: In the many debates concerning economic liberalism, this appears as a monolithic reality. The aim of this paper is to show that this is not the case and that different degrees of liberalism must be distinguished: total liberalism, mitigated liberalism and mitigated anti-liberalism, with subdistinctions within the first two categories. In the first part of the paper, the characteristics of economic liberalism overall are recalled. Subsequently, Adam Smith's justification of liberalism is introduced. Finally, in the third part, I attempt to des-homogenize economic liberalism and show how different forms of this have been linked historically, particularly with respect to the great economic crises. Keywords: Smith, liberalism, types of liberalism, market economy, crisis. Classification JEL: A11, B10, N00. Résumé: Dans les nombreux débats évoquant le libéralisme économique, celui-ci est présenté comme une réalité monolithique. L'objectif de cet article est de montrer que ceci n'est pas le cas et que différents degrés de libéralisme doivent être distingués : le plein libéralisme, le libéralisme mitigé et l'anti-libéralisme mitigé, avec des sous-distinctions au niveau des deux premières catégories. Dans sa première partie, les traits saillants du libéralisme économique en général sont rappelés. Dans la seconde, j'évoque la justification qu'Adam Smith en a donnée. Enfin, dans la troisième partie, j'entreprends le travail de dés-homogénéisation du libéralisme économique et montre comment différentes formes de celui-ci se sont enchaînées historiquement, notamment en réaction aux grandes crises économiques. Mots clé: Smith, libéralisme, types de libéralisme, économie de marché, crises. Clasification JEL : A11, B10, N00.
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Hidayatullah, Muhammad Fahmi, Muhamad Anwar Firdausi, Yusuf Hanafi y Zawawi Ismail. "THE DIALECTICS OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LIBERALISM IN THE TRANSCULTURAL ERA". El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 23, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2021): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/eh.v23i2.13956.
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Trans culture is a cross-cultural condition which can develop or survive within the life of a community. Religion and culture as the pillars for unity in the cross-cultural era can potentially develop into liberalism. This study aims to reveal the process of religious and cultural liberalism along with the solutions. It uses a qualitative-analysis method with hermeneutic approach based on the thoughts of the figures of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in East Java. To collect the data, the researchers conduct in-depth interviews and data analysis of the works and news on religious and cultural liberalism. The study discovers the dialectic model of religious liberalism by making human rights the main source of law, which is called theological-capitalism. Besides, it finds cultural liberalism in the form of an identity crisis, which is called enculturation-liberalism. To overcome the religious liberalism, we can use clarification techniques and logical-systematic thinking. Meanwhile, the solution to deal with cultural liberalism is through cultural realism and socio-cultural learning. Transkultural adalah kondisi lintas kebudayaan yang dapat berkembang atau bertahan di kehidupan masyarakat. Agama dan budaya sebagai pilar persatuan yang dalam era lintas kebudayaan berpotensi berkembang pada paham liberal. Tujuan penelitian ini mengungkap proses liberalisme agama dan budaya yang disertai solusi dalam menangkalnya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif-analisis dengan pendekatan hermeneutik berdasarkan pemikiran tokoh Ulama’ NU Jawa Timur. Dalam menggali data, dilakukan interviu mendalam serta analisis data dokumentatif karya dan berita liberalisme agama dan budaya. Hasil penelitian ditemukan model dialektika liberalisme agama dengan menjadikan Hak Asasi Manusia sebagai sumber hukum utama disebut teologis-kapitalistik, sedangkan dialektika liberalisme budaya dalam bentuk krisis identitas disebut enkulturasi-liberalistik. Solusi dalam menaggulangi liberalisme agama dengan menggunakan teknik klarifikasi dan berfikir logis-sistematis. Sedangkan solusi menghadapi liberalisme budaya melalui realisme culture dan socio-culture learning.
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Fajri, Muhammad Rizkal, Radiansyah Radiansyah y Anjas Baik Putra. "Islam vs Liberalisme: Konstruk Pemikiran Binder dan Kurzman". Al Mabhats : Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Agama 7, n.º 1 (15 de octubre de 2022): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.47766/almabhats.v7i1.1017.
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Abstract: This research examines, compares, and identifies the conceptual distinctions between Binder and Kurzman's perspectives on Islamic Liberalism. The study employs a qualitative methodology and library approaches. Data were retrieved from fifty sources and then analyzed. The study's findings indicate significant distinctions between Binder's and Kurzman's modes of thought. Through talks with some western-educated Islamic philosophers, liberalism is shown to be more binding than the ideology itself. Western liberalism and the interaction between these teachings and Islamic aspects, in the context of a dialogue process between Islamic liberalism and Western liberalism, so that the two might share resources. Meanwhile, Kurzman's study of the Islamic setting will be conflict- and blessing-free. Abstrak: Penelitian bertujuan untuk menganalisis, mengkomparasi dan menemukan konstruk perbedaan pemikiran Binder dan Kurzman terkait Islam Liberal. Penelitian menggunakan paradigma kualitatif dengan teknik kepustakaan. Data diambil dari 50 rujukan, selanjutnya dianalisis secara komparatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan perbedaan esensial antara paradigma pemikiran Binder berbeda dengan Kurzman. Binder lebih menekankan pada konsep liberalisme melalui metode diskusi dengan beberapa pemikir Islam berasal dari barat. Liberalisme barat dan hubungan ajaran tersebut dengan elemen-elemen Islam dengan pemikiran inti adanya proses dialog antara liberalisme Islam dengan liberalisme Barat sehingga terjadi adanya take and give di antara keduanya. Sedangkan kajian Kruzman mengedepankan konteks keislamannya agar terbebas dari pertikaian dan pertentangan.
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Muhajir, Muhammad. "REFORMASI HUKUM KELUARGA ISLAM TUNISIA PASCA ARAB SPRING: Antara Liberalisme dan Konservatisme". Al-Ahwal: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga Islam 14, n.º 1 (12 de mayo de 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ahwal.2021.14103.
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After the Arab Spring, which was distinguished by the development of liberalism, Tunisia's personal status law became more progressive. This liberalism is exemplified by the enactment of a law permitting Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men. Tunisia's efforts to liberalize Islamic family law appear to be impeded, however, by the rejection of a proposal to change the law on inheritance equality between men and women. The purpose of this study is to examine the liberalism of Islamic family law in Tunisia. Using information media such as news, articles, and other sources, the research utilizes a descriptive-qualitative strategy with a theoretical and fact-based approach. This article argues that there are at least three reasons for Tunisia's modest liberalization of Islamic family law 1) Avoiding confrontations with secularists as much as possible. 2) Learning from the failure of the 2014 parliamentary general election, which revealed that Tunisians prefer non-religious parties. 3) The idealistic and pragmatic reasons of Ennahdha members.Pasca terjadinya Arab Spring, sistem perpolitikan di Tunisia menjadi lebih demokratis menyebabkan liberalisme pemikiran semakin menguat. Liberalisme tersebut ditunjukan dengan disahkanya undang-undang pernikahan wanita muslimah dengan laki-laki non-muslim. Namun upaya liberalisme hukum keluarga Islam Tunisia tampaknya masih terbatas dengan ditolaknya penyeruan amandemen undang-undang persamaan hukum waris antara laki-laki dan perempuan. Penelitian artikel ini adalah penelitian pustaka (library research). Metode yang penulis gunakan adalah metode deskriptif-kualitatifdengan pendekatan teoritis dan fakta melalui media informasi baik berita, artikel, maupun sumber lainya. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa terjadinya liberalisme terbatas hukum keluarga Islam di Tunisia disebabkan tiga alasan. 1) Menghindari ketegangan dengan kaum sekuler 2) Belajar dari pengalaman kekalahan dalam pemilihan umum legislatif pada tahun 2014 yang menujukan masyarakat Tunisia cenderung memilih partai yang tidak berbasis agama, 3) Motif idealis dan pragmatis anggota partai Ennahdha].
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Varacalli, Thomas F. X. "In Defense of Catholic Fusionism". Catholic Social Science Review 24 (2019): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20192426.
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Patrick Deneen’s criticisms of liberalism are both penetrating and persuasive. Yet, Deneen does not adequately address liberalism’s strongest arguments. Deneen’s concept of “liberalism” is problematic because it minimizes the significant distinctions between classical liberalism and progressivism. Certain principles of classical liberalism, such as the free market and an increased awareness of human beings as rights-bearing individuals, are compatible with the Catholic faith. Progressivism, on the other hand, is not. Progressivism’s moral failings are far worse than those associated with classical liberalism. Although classical liberalism is itself flawed, it remains viable to the extent that it may be integrated with core Christian teachings.
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Ryan, William J. "New Liberalisms for the Masses: Ontological Aristocratism and Equal Rights in José Ortega y Gasset’s La rebelión de las masas (1930) and María Zambrano’s Horizonte del liberalismo (1930)". Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos 45, n.º 3 (17 de mayo de 2024): 715–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/rceh.v45i3.6811.
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In view of the importance of mass movements and the sociopolitical crises in the early twentieth century, this article offers close readings of the liberalisms proposed in La rebelión de las masas and Horizonte del liberalismo. Ortega posits an ontological differentiation between masas and minorías excelentes based on the notion of “effort,” allowing individuals not belonging to hereditary aristocracies to ideologically appropriate aristocratic prestige. By contrast, Zambrano emphasizes the power of reform invested in the liberal subject. Although they assess the equality of rights divergently, both philosophers coincide in situating aristocratism at the core of liberalism.
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Strier, Roni, Tami Surkis y Dorit Biran. "Neo-liberalism". International Social Work 51, n.º 4 (julio de 2008): 493–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872808090242.
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English Neo-liberalism has become the pillar of post-industrial social thought. One of the critics of neo-liberalism refers to the discursive nature of its assumptions. This article examines the validity of these assumptions by means of an explo rative study that analyzed the views of families living in poverty in Jerusalem, Israel. French Le néo-libéralisme est devenu le pilier de la pensée post-industrielle. Une des critiques contre le néo-libéralisme se référe à la nature discursive de ses suppositions. Cet article examine la validité de ces hypothéses au moyen d'une étude exploratoire qui a analysé les vues de familles vivant dans la pauvreté à Jérusalem, Israël. Spanish El neo-liberalismo se ha convertido en el pilar del pensamiento social postindustrial. Una de las críticas en contra del neo-liberalismo se refiere a la naturaleza discursiva de sus presupuestos conceptuales. Este artículo examina la validez de esos presupuestos a través de una exploración que analiza los puntos de vista de familias que viven en la pobreza, en Jerusalén (Israel).
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Curtis, William M. "Rorty as Virtue Liberal". Contemporary Pragmatism 13, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2016): 400–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-01304004.
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Virtue liberalism holds that the success of liberal politics and society depends on the citizenry possessing a set of liberal virtues, including traits like open-mindedness, toleration, and individual autonomy. Virtue liberalism is thus an ethically demanding conception of liberalism that is at odds with conceptions, like Rawlsian political liberalism and modus vivendi liberalism, that attempt to minimize liberalism’s ethical impact in order to accommodate a greater range of ethical pluralism. Although he claims to be a Rawlsian political liberal, Richard Rorty’s pragmatic liberalism is best understood as a version of virtue liberalism that, in particular, recommends a controversial civic virtue of irony for good liberal citizenship. Indeed, Rorty ultimately joins Dewey in conceiving of liberal democracy as a “way of life,” rather than merely a set of political relations that have a minimal effect on our characters or on the shape of our private commitments and projects.
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Alexander, Gregory S. "Can Human Flourishing Be Liberal?" Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 32, n.º 1 (febrero de 2019): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cjlj.2019.10.
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The renewed interest in virtue ethics raises again a persistent question, namely, the relationship between the virtue ethics theory and liberalism as a political philosophy. Virtue ethicists focus on the good—i.e., human flourishing—and debate what constitutes that good. This focus creates a problem for liberals who are rights-oriented, which is the dominant form of contemporary liberalism.The recent and timely book by Menachem Mautner, Human Flourishing, Liberal Theory, and the Arts, reminds us, however, that liberalism comes in many stripes. There is no one liberalism. Rather, there are many liberalisms. I discuss three aspects of Mautner’s remarkable and important book: first, his conception of human flourishing and its relationship to liberalism; second, his argument that a liberal political order committed to human flourishing ought to promote the arts; and third, his argument that the liberalism of flourishing is better able than neutralist liberalism to compete with religion in providing what Mautner calls “Big Meaning.”
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Cherniss, Joshua L. "A Tempered Liberalism: Political Ethics and Ethos in Reinhold Niebuhr's Thought". Review of Politics 78, n.º 1 (2016): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051500087x.
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AbstractThis article examines Reinhold Niebuhr's contributions both to twentieth-century liberalism and to reflection on liberalism's relationship to political ethics. These contributions are, I argue, twofold. First, Niebuhr's account of moral psychology chastens liberal ambitions and assumptions, offering a more “realistic” liberalism (while avoiding certain weaknesses of “realist” theories). Second, Niebuhr's thought points to the importance of ethos—the combination of dispositions, temperament, and perceptions that shape individual conduct—in defining liberalism and determining the quality of political action. In articulating an ethos of humility, moderation, skepticism, irony, and self-restraint, Niebuhr offers a reformulation and defense of liberalism, and a warning against dangers that threaten liberalism both from within and without.
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Grafstein, Robert. "Missing the Archimedean Point: Liberalism's Institutional Presuppositions". American Political Science Review 84, n.º 1 (marzo de 1990): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963636.
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Though liberalism has been widely criticized for its attempt to frame a detached judgment of society based on an asocial conception of individuals, insufficient attention has been paid to the particular social and political relationships this search for an Archimedean point presupposes. Using collective choice theory, I show that liberalism has adopted two distinct kinds of Archimedean points reflecting different and unjustified presuppositions about the true institutional relation between politics and society. Liberalism's Archimedean search is not merely unsuccessful but biased in a way that is significant even for positions critical of liberalism. It is possible, I argue, to have a normative political theory that avoids an asocial conception of individuals without falling victim to liberalism's specific biases concerning institutional relations. The implications for both Rawlsian- or Nozickian-style liberalism are discussed, including the possibility of a political philosophy that avoids their “analytical extremism.“
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Haleem, Irm. "Toleration, Diversity, and Global Justice". American Journal of Islam and Society 19, n.º 3 (1 de julio de 2002): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i3.1929.
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In his book Toleration, Diversity, and Global Justice, Kok-Chor Tan challengesthe realist tradition's popularity and its assumption that the state ofnature is essentially immoral. Instead, he points to the growing role of internationalgovernment organizations ( e.g., the UN and the EU), which he statesindicate morality's global predominance. Centered on the premise of liberalism'sprimacy- as an ideology and a practice- the book focuses on the philosophicaltensions among liberals in terms of liberalism's meaning and scope.Two questions domjnate his analysis: First, what are the limits of liberaltoleration, and should liberal states tolerate or criticize nonliberal statesin the name of furthering liberalism? Second, is liberalism, based on theidea of individualism, compatible with collectivist cultures or societies?Within this context, the author examines liberalism's domestic and globalconsequences. Tan notes that if a society is formatted along the parametersof liberalism, then toleration and individualism compliment each other.However, as such compatibility does not exist in nonliberal states, the questionbecomes one of liberals' morality and responsibility in terms ofwhether such non liberal states should be tolerated.By posing this question, it appears that the author is alluding to theimplications of liberalism in the international front, namely, whether liberalstates have the jurisdiction to intervene in nonliberal states' matters ofdomestic jurisdiction. Another question is whether such intervention - indefense of individualism, morality, and autonomy - contradicts the veryessence of liberalism, namely, its commitment to autonomy even for nonliberalstates. The author phrases the question slightly differently by askingwhether liberalism's emphasis on autonomy (defined in individual terms)defines the limits of tolerating non liberal states.ln addressing the questions surrounding the moral imperative of liberalsvis-a-vis nonliberal societies and states, Tan distinguishes between twokinds of liberalism: political liberalism with an overriding emphasis on toleration(acceptance), and a comprehensive liberalism with an overridingemphasis on autonomy and individualism. In other words, those politicalliberals restrict their concerns only to those "uncontroversial concerns ofsociety." Instead, the concern is on the design of political institutions and, ...
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Stewart, Iain. "On Recent Developments in the New Historiography of (Neo)Liberalism". Contemporary European History 29, n.º 1 (12 de noviembre de 2019): 116–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000158.
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Over the last twenty years or so several new waves of research on the history of liberalism have emerged. The novelty of this should not be exaggerated as broad scholarly interest in liberalism has in fact been increasing at a remarkable rate since the 1980s. Nevertheless, it is clear that the historiography of liberalism has broken much new ground since around the turn of the century. This has been driven partly by the influence of larger developments in the humanities and social sciences. The global and post-colonial turns, for instance, have helped to reshape the historiography of liberalism by provoking debates over the extent of its complicity in slavery and colonialism, while also drawing attention to the contribution of theorists from the global south. But even much of this ‘normal’ innovation has been driven at least indirectly by a growing sense that liberalism is in crisis. The War on Terror, the financial meltdown of 2008 and the global rise of populist authoritarianism are the obvious staging posts in liberalism's journey from post-Cold War triumphalism to contemporary fears for its imminent demise. And it is not a coincidence that the end of the end of history has seen the beginning of a new historiography of liberalism. Since the early 2000s the emergence of new sub-fields like the histories of ‘Cold War liberalism’, human rights and neoliberalism can all be seen in different ways as responding to liberalism's unfolding crisis.
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Mohamad Kamil, Ibrahim Majdi, Khadijah Mohd Khambali @Hambali y Wan Adli Wan Ramli. "Falsafah Liberalisme di Malaysia: Satu Sorotan Awal Liberalism Philosophy in Malaysia: A Preliminary Highlights". Online Journal of Research in Islamic Studies 9, n.º 2 (21 de diciembre de 2022): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/iris.vol9no2.4.
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This article focuses on the evolution and development of liberalism especially in Malaysia since being brought by western colonizers till form social movements in Malaysia preliminary. The philosophy of liberalism in Malaysia is not a newly thought issue, but one that has existed among Malaysian Muslim community for a long time. Throughout the history, the liberalism ideology has evolved among the people of Malaysia since it was first brought in, it is known as liberal Islamic movements. In the modern times, Liberalism's advocates have increasingly and rapidly embraced the ideology of liberalism, especially through the liberal Islamic movement and in the name of human rights. Although liberalism has been part of the society in the areas of life such as economy, politics, culture, law and administration in Malaysia, the development and dissemination of the liberalism ideology can lead to a threat in ‘aqidah (faith) especially among Muslims today in Malaysia.
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Mohamad Kamil, Ibrahim Majdi, Khadijah Mohd Khambali @Hambali y Wan Adli Wan Ramli. "Falsafah Liberalisme di Malaysia: Satu Sorotan Awal Liberalism Philosophy in Malaysia: A Preliminary Highlights". Online Journal of Research in Islamic Studies 9, n.º 2 (21 de diciembre de 2022): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ris.vol9no2.4.
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This article focuses on the evolution and development of liberalism especially in Malaysia since being brought by western colonizers till form social movements in Malaysia preliminary. The philosophy of liberalism in Malaysia is not a newly thought issue, but one that has existed among Malaysian Muslim community for a long time. Throughout the history, the liberalism ideology has evolved among the people of Malaysia since it was first brought in, it is known as liberal Islamic movements. In the modern times, Liberalism's advocates have increasingly and rapidly embraced the ideology of liberalism, especially through the liberal Islamic movement and in the name of human rights. Although liberalism has been part of the society in the areas of life such as economy, politics, culture, law and administration in Malaysia, the development and dissemination of the liberalism ideology can lead to a threat in ‘aqidah (faith) especially among Muslims today in Malaysia.
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김은희. "Two Understandings of Liberalist Sexual Ethics: Pleasure-based Liberalism and Autonomy-based Liberalism". Korean Feminist Philosophy 19, n.º ll (mayo de 2013): 85–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.17316/kfp.19..201305.85.
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ANCELL, AARON. "The Fact of Unreasonable Pluralism". Journal of the American Philosophical Association 5, n.º 4 (2019): 410–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/apa.2019.17.
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AbstractProponents of political liberalism standardly assume that the citizens of an ideal liberal society would be overwhelmingly reasonable. I argue that this assumption violates political liberalism's own constraints of realism—constraints that are necessary to frame the central problem that political liberalism aims to solve, that is, the problem of reasonable pluralism. To be consistent with these constraints, political liberalism must recognize that, as with reasonable pluralism, widespread support for unreasonable moral and political views is an inevitable feature of any liberal society. I call this the fact of unreasonable pluralism. This fact threatens Rawlsian political liberalism's account of stability because an overlapping consensus cannot stably order a society pervaded by unreasonable views. My argument also raises questions about the coherence of Rawls's conception of ideal theory.
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Kurunmäki, Jussi. "On the Difficulty of Being a National Liberal in Nineteenth-Century Finland". Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2013): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080205.
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This article examines the ways in which the Finnish liberals described themselves as national liberals and how they were labeled by their opponents as supporters of foreign doctrines and cosmopolitanism in the late nineteenth century. It will be shown that the rhetoric of liberalism was entangled in an inflamed issue between the advocates of Finnish and Swedish languages in Finland. Ultimately, this contest dealt with the concept of nation. Furthermore, the article discusses the uses of other countries' political life as exemplary cases, thus bringing a transnational perspective into the analysis. The contested character of the concept of liberalism and its compound form, national liberalism (nationell liberalism, kansallinen liberalismi), will be highlighted by paying attention to the semantic differences between Swedish-language and Finnish-language uses of the concept. The article closes with an interpretation of the weak role that the concept of liberalism has played in nineteenth-century Finnish political culture.
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Hartley, Christie y Lori Watson. "Is a Feminist Political Liberalism Possible?" Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 5, n.º 1 (5 de junio de 2017): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.26556/jesp.v5i1.48.
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Is a feminist political liberalism possible? Political liberalism’s regard for a wide range of comprehensive doctrines as reasonable makes some feminists skeptical of its ability to address sex inequality. Indeed, some feminists claim that political liberalism maintains its position as a political liberalism at the expense of securing substantive equality for women. We claim that political liberalism’s core commitments actually restrict all reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that secure genuine substantive equality for all, including women and other marginalized groups. In particular, we argue that political liberalism’s criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that eliminate social conditions of domination and subordination relevant to reasonable democratic deliberation among equal citizens and that the criterion of reciprocity requires the social conditions necessary for recognition respect among persons as equal citizens. As a result, we maintain that the criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that provide genuine equality for women along various dimensions of social life central to equal citizenship.
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Talisse, Robert B. "Religion, respect and Eberle’s agapic pacifist". Philosophy & Social Criticism 38, n.º 3 (9 de enero de 2012): 313–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453711430931.
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Christopher Eberle has developed a powerful critique of justificatory liberalism. According to Eberle, justificatory liberalism’s doctrine of restraint, which requires religious citizens to refrain from publicly advocating for policies that can be supported only by their religious reasons, is illiberal. In this article, I defend justificatory liberalism against Eberle’s critique.
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Anomaly, Jonathan y Filipe Nobre Faria. "CAN LIBERALISM LAST? DEMOGRAPHIC DEMISE AND THE FUTURE OF LIBERALISM". Social Philosophy and Policy 40, n.º 2 (2023): 524–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052524000189.
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AbstractLiberal political institutions have been an enormous boon for humanity. The free market aspect of liberalism has led to an explosion of innovation, ranging from new kinds of technology and novel forms of entertainment to advances in science and medicine. The emphasis on individual rights at the core of liberalism has increased our ability to explore new ways of living and to construct an identity of our own choosing. But liberal political institutions around the world are facing two crises: low fertility and declining social trust. In particular, liberalism’s focus on individual liberty rather than group cohesion can increase economic productivity by encouraging the free movement of people and capital, but this movement is associated with declines in social cohesion and fertility. In this essay, we highlight some challenges to the long-term evolutionary stability of liberalism. In other words, we raise the question: Can liberalism last?
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Grasso, Kenneth L. "Getting Liberalism Right". Catholic Social Science Review 24 (2019): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20192429.
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Patrick Deneen’s Why Liberalism Failed offers a compelling critique of liberalism that casts considerable light on many of our current discontents. Nevertheless, its argument is vitiated by certain shortcomings, namely, a failure to recognize the role of other traditions in inspiring and shaping liberal democracy, and to do justice to the achievements, history, and complexities of the liberal intellectual tradition. Likewise, its account of liberalism fails to address that tradition’s defining philosophical commitments, commitments that determine the limits and possibilities of its political theorizing and explain its historical trajectory toward an ever-deeper individualism. It will not be possible to escape the intellectual prison of Enlightenment Liberalism’s moral emotivism and hyper-individualism until we have transcended the impoverished metaphysics from which they issue.
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Precalya, Hayu Mentari. "Liberalisme Pendidikan dan Wacana Link And Match Sekolah Kejuruan di Indonesia". Jurnal Basicedu 6, n.º 4 (26 de mayo de 2022): 6580–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31004/basicedu.v6i4.3310.
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Penelitian bertujuan penelitian untuk mengalisis secara kritis mengenai wacana link and match sekolah kejuruan dengan liberalism pendidikan. Fokus studi ini mengkaji kesesuaian liberalisme dalam pendidikan dengan kebijakan-kebijkan link and match yang diberlakukan di sekolah kejuruan. Penelitian ini menggunkan analisa teori kritis dari tokoh pendidikan kritis sosiologi untuk menjelaskan liberalism pendidikan dalam wacana-wacana link and match sekolah kejuruan di Indonesia. Studi menggunakan pendekatan critical discourse analysis. Kebanyakan kajian link and match pendidikan membahas mengenai efektivitas kebijakan serta dampaknya bagi peserta didik, namun dalam artikel ini akan melihat Critical Discourse link and match sekolah kejuruan dan liberalisme pendidikan di Indonesia. Hasil dalam penelitian ini menggambarkan bagaimana liberalism pendidikan dalam wacana link and match sekolah kejuruan di Indonesia. Program-program yang disusun dalam kebijakan link and match didasarkan pada persyaratan dunia industrialisasi dan perubahan teknologi. Atas dasar ini wacana kebijakan link and match menjelaskan hubungan negara, pendidikan, dan dunia usaha yang mengarah pada ideologi yang ditanamkan dan keuntungan ekonomi yang didapatkan.
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Pham, Kevin D. "Phan Chu Trinh's Democratic Confucianism". Review of Politics 81, n.º 4 (2019): 597–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000494.
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AbstractA consensus on three claims has emerged in literature that explores the relationship between Confucianism and democracy: democracy is not the exclusive property of Western liberalism, Confucianism and liberalism are opposed, and democracy in East Asia would be best buttressed by Confucianism, not liberalism. Why, then, does Phan Chu Trinh (1872–1926), Vietnam's celebrated nationalist of the French colonial period, argue that liberalism and democracy are Western creations that cannot be decoupled, and, if adopted by the Vietnamese, will allow Confucianism to find its fullest expression? The answer is that Trinh ignores liberalism's individualism while celebrating other aspects of liberalism and Western civilization. Trinh's interpretation of Western ideas, although naive, is a creative one that offers political theorists a lesson: it may be useful to view foreign ideas as foreign, to interpret them generously, and to import the creative distortion to revive our own cherished, yet faltering, traditions.
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Arraes, Roosevelt. "O senso de justiça em tempo de pandemia: a perspectiva do liberalismo político de John Rawls / The sense of justice in a time of pandemic: a perspective from John Rawls' political liberalism". REVISTA QUAESTIO IURIS 15, n.º 1 (24 de febrero de 2022): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rqi.2022.52973.
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ResumoO artigo investigou como o liberalismo político de John Rawls pode oferecer argumentos razoáveis para equacionar os dilemas políticos, econômicos e sociais ocasionados pela pandemia de COVID-19. Apesar de a teoria de Rawls aplicar-se, especificamente, para sociedades bem ordenadas quase-justas, nos §§ 10 e 11 da Conferência VIII do livro Liberalismo político, o filósofo discute a forma de se governar em ocasiões de emergência que afetam a estabilidade das instituições do Estado de direito. A partir da diferenciação entre os tipos de instabilidade institucional (crise e tensão), indicou-se que a situação gerada pela COVID-19 assemelha-se ao contexto de tensão. Utilizando o liberalismo político de John Rawls para esse contexto de tensão, é possível afirmar a razoabilidade do argumento favorável a restrições à liberdade de ir e vir e de empreender, em favor da não exposição das pessoas a riscos excessivos de morte.Palavras-chave: Justiça. Pandemia. Tensão. Liberalismo político.AbstractThe article investigated how the political liberalism of John Rawls can offer reasonable arguments to address the political, economic and social dilemmas caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Although Rawls' theory applies specifically to well-ordered societies, in §§ 10 and 11 of Conference VIII of Political Liberalism, the philosopher discusses how to govern in times of emergency that affect stability institutions of the rule of law. From the differentiation between the types of institutional instability (crisis and apprehension), it is indicated that the situation generated by COVID-19 is similar to the context of tension. Using John Rawls' political liberalism in this context of tension, it is possible to affirm the reasonableness of the argument in favor of restricting the freedom to go and the entrepreneur, in favor of not exposing people to excessive risks of death.Keywords: Justice. Pandemic. Apprehension. Political Liberalism.
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Mohd Salleh, Norsaleha, Noor Hafizah Mohd Haridi, Ahmad Munawar Ismail y Mohd Shairawi Mohd Noor. "Modus Operandi Gerakan Liberalisme di Malaysia". International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 2, n.º 1 (28 de mayo de 2021): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2021.28.
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Abstrak
Liberalisasi adalah proses tersusun dalam mempromosi dan menerapkan bentuk-bentuk pemikiran bebas dalam minda masyarakat khususnya umat Islam. Matlamat asasnya adalah untuk membebaskan pemikiran umat Islam daripada pandangan-pandangan turath yang dianggap tidak munasabah dan menyekat kemajuan. Kepercayaan daripada matlamat ini jelas bertentangan dengan prinsip-prinsip asas Ahli Sunah Waljamaah yang menuntut umat Islam berpegang teguh kepada al-Quran dan hadis serta pandangan-pandangan mujtahid dari pelbagai bidang dan sudut. Tulisan ini bertujuan mengenal pasti modus operandi penyebaran pemikiran liberal dalam masyarakat Islam di Malaysia. Kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang melibatkan analisa kandungan dan temu bual separa berstruktur bersama lima orang belia yang menyokong idealisme liberal dan agenda liberalisme kepada masyarakat Islam di Malaysia. Dapatan temu bual dianalisis menggunakan kaedah analisa perkataan dan thematic. Hasil dapatan kajian menunjukkan gerakan liberalisme di Malaysia mempunyai kerangka modus operandi yang tersusun dalam menyebarkan fahaman tersebut kepada masyarakat di Malaysia. Mereka menggunakan sembilan (9) kerangka modus operandi iaitu persepsi, prinsip, motif, skala, propaganda, perkaderan, proksi, lingkaran sosial dan indoktrinasi. Dapatan ini mendedahkan tentang modus operandi gerak kerja liberalisme dalam mempengaruhi pemikiran masyarakat Islam dan menjauhkan masyarakat daripada peraturan hidup Islam yang sebenar. Namun begitu, kekuatan Islam yang terkandung di dalamnya akidah, syariah dan akhlak dapat menjadi perisai utama dalam mendepani pelbagai ancaman pemikiran khususnya ancaman liberalisme di Malaysia.
Kata Kunci: Liberalisme; Pemikiran Islam; Ahli Sunah Waljamaah; Islam; belia
Abstract
Liberalization is a structured process in promoting and implementing forms of free-thinking in the minds of the people, especially Muslims. Its basic purpose is to free the minds of Muslims from the views of turath which are considered unreasonable and to hinder progress. Beliefs of this aim are clearly at odds with the fundamental principles of the Sunnis who require Muslims to adhere to the Qur'an and the hadith as well as the views of the mujtahid from various fields and angles. This paper aims to identify the modus operandi of disseminating liberal thought in the Muslim community in Malaysia. This study uses a qualitative approach that involves content analysis and semi-structured interviews with five youths who support liberal idealism and the liberalism agenda for the Muslim community in Malaysia. Interviews were analyzed using word and thematic analysis methods. The findings of the study show that the liberalism movement in Malaysia has a modus operandi framework in place to disseminate that understanding to the Malaysian public. They use nine (9) modus operandi frameworks namely perception, principle, motive, scale, propaganda, proportion, proxy, social circle, and indoctrination. This finding reveals the modus operandi of liberalism's work in influencing the thinking of the Muslim community and keeping society out of the true rules of Islamic life. Nonetheless, the Islamic power contained in the creed, sharia and morals can be a key shield in dealing with various threats of thinking especially the threat of liberalism in Malaysia.
Keywords: Liberalism; Islamic thought; Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah; Islam; youth
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Owen, J. Judd. "Church and State in Stanley Fish's Antiliberalism". American Political Science Review 93, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1999): 911–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586121.
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Even though they contain one of the most forceful critiques of liberalism in contemporary political thought, the political writings of Stanley Fish have been neglected by political theorists. Fish's critique of liberal claims of moral and religious neutrality points to the conclusion that the liberal separation of church and state lacks a coherent justification. I offer a qualified defense of liberalism by arguing that while Fish's critique of liberal neutrality is sound, he fails to do justice to liberalism's substantive basis. Moreover, by simply negating liberalism, Fish's thinking remains within the liberal horizon in a way he fails to recognize.
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Mehring, Reinhard. "Liberalism as a “Metaphysical System”: The Methodological Structure of Carl Schmitt's Critique of Political Rationalism". Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 10, n.º 1 (enero de 1997): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900000266.
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It is a commonplace that liberalism appears to be in crisis. While the tragedy of German liberalism consists above all in its collapse into National Socialist dictatorship, at present one often speaks of liberalism's final victory. There is no alternative, it appears, to the constitutional state. Liberal constitutional principles have been so fulfilled that no political goals and lessons seem left beyond their global self-affirmation.
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Rosales, José María. "Liberalism's Historical Diversity". Contributions to the History of Concepts 8, n.º 2 (1 de diciembre de 2013): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2013.080204.
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Rooted in late seventeenth-century theories of rights, liberal ideas have brought forth since the nineteenth century a full-edged complex of traditions in moral, political, economic, social, and legal thought. Yet in historiographical debates such complexity is often blurred by presenting it under the uniform terms of a canon. Along with other methods, conceptual history is contributing to the rediscovery of liberalism's diversity. This group of articles compiles three conceptual studies on scarcely explored aspects of the history of liberalism in Denmark, Finland, and Hungary—countries whose political past has only occasionally figured in mainstream accounts of European liberalism. This introductory article is a methodological discussion of the rationale and forms in which liberalism's historical diversity is rendered through comparative conceptual research. After reflecting on the limits of the Anglophone history of political thought to grasp the plurality of liberal traditions, the article examines how transnational conceptual histories recast the understanding of liberalism as a concept, theory, ideology, and political movement.
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Mohd Salleh, Norsaleha, Phayilah Yama @. Fadilah Zakaria y Noor Hafizah Mohd. Haridi. "Historiografi Liberalisme dalam Kalangan Masyarakat Barat". al-Irsyad: Journal of Islamic and Contemporary Issues 3, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2018): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.53840/alirsyad.v3i1.12.
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This study explains the historiography of liberal thinking. It dated back to the Rome and progressed until the renaissance and the post-modern era. This study also describes the implication of the changes of Bibles, the feudalist autonomy and church domination in the formation of liberalism amongst the Western society. The development of liberalism in the Western culture emphasises human as the central axis of decision making. Thinking pattern that rejects religion and its rules in the decision making and evaluation process of certain actions. The Western society accepts liberalism as an idea of progress that must be preserved. Liberalism frees those who want to be prosperous and progressive in dominating the world from the ties and rules of religion, which it sees them as the opium of the society. The rejection of faith in life is the fundamental idea that underlies the construction of the modern Western civilisation. The study used content analysis methodology in obtaining the data and facts from books and documents about liberalism. This study showed that liberalism that has been the mantra of the Western society had become the choice among a small number of Muslim in Malaysia. This development is marked by the emergence of the view that rejects the role of Shariah rulings in life such as hijab, men as the imam (leader) for prayers and marital guardian, inheritance, etc. The adaptation of Western liberalism by the Muslim society is inappropriate as Islam is the religion that liberates humans from human slavery and places good values onto the personality and humanity itself.
ABSTRAK
Kajian ini menerangkan tentang sejarah atau historiografi pemikiran liberal. Ia bermula semenjak zaman Yunani, Rom sehinggalah era renaissance dan pasca moden. Kajian ini juga menerangkan implikasi kepada perubahan Kitab Bible, penguasaan golongan feudal dan dominasi gereja dalam membentuk liberalisme dalam masyarakat Barat. Perkembangan liberalisme dalam masyarakat Barat menekankan manusia sebagai objek kepada paksi membuat keputusan. Pemikiran yang menolak campur tangan dan peraturan agama dalam menentukan keputusan dan penilaian kepada sesuatu tindakan. Masyarakat Barat menerima liberalisme sebagai satu idea kemajuan yang perlu dipertahankan. Mereka yang mahu berjaya dan maju ke hadapan menguasai dunia mesti bebas dari ikatan dan peraturan agama yang dianggap sebagai candu masyarakat. Penolakan peranan agama dalam kehidupan merupakan gagasan besar yang membina tamadun Barat moden. Metodologi penulisan kajian ini menggunakan kaedah analisis kandungan terhadap data dan fakta yang diperoleh daripada buku-buku dan dokumen yang berkaitan liberalisme. Kajian menunjukkan pemikiran liberal yang menjadi anutan masyarakat Barat menjadi pilihan sebahagian kecil masyarakat Islam di Malaysia. Muncul pandangan yang menolak dominasi syariat dalam kehidupan seperti kewajipan memakai hijab, lelaki sebagai imam solat dan wali perkahwinan, pewarisan harta pusaka dan lain-lain. Adaptasi pemikiran liberal Barat kepada masyarakat Islam adalah suatu yang tidak wajar kerana Islam adalah agama yang memerdekakan manusia daripada penghambaan sesama manusia dan meletakkan nilai mulia kepada peribadi dan kemanusiaan itu sendiri.
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Friedman, Jeffrey. "Liberalism and post‐liberalism". Critical Review 2, n.º 2-3 (marzo de 1988): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913818808459521.
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Song, Robert. "After Agonistic Liberalism: Milbank and Pabst’s Relentless Pursuit of Radical Anglican Thomism". Studies in Christian Ethics 32, n.º 2 (31 de enero de 2019): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946819826323.
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Milbank and Pabst’s account of liberalism as rooted in ontological violence picks out the secret commonalities of left-leaning rights-based and right-leaning market-based liberalisms with considerable shrewdness, and their elaboration of associationist and civil economic alternatives contains many strikingly expansive and novel elements. However, their totalising account of liberalism prevents them from engaging the strengths of the liberal era with sufficient generosity, and so impedes their efforts to articulate a way forward that is substantially and not just chronologically post-liberal.
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González Cuevas, Pedro Carlos. "Raymond Aron y José Ortega y Gasset: dos vidas paralelas en defensa del liberalismo". Tendencias Sociales. Revista de Sociología, n.º 4 (17 de julio de 2019): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/ts.4.2019.25257.
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Francia y España han sido dos sociedades muy diferentes. No obstante, hubieron de enfrentarse a una problemática análoga, sobre todo en los años treinta y en el periodo de la guerra fría, como era la de la crisis del sistema liberal. José Ortega y Gasset y Raymond Aron están unidos en su perspectiva de renovación del pensamiento liberal frente a las fuerzas políticas e intelectuales que lo pusieron en cuestión. Ambos defendieron una variedad de liberalismo que el sociólogo italiano Carlo Gambescia ha denominado “liberalismo árquico”, basado en el historicismo y el realismo político.France and Spain were two very different societies. Nevertheless, they had to face a similar problem especially in the 1930’s and during the period of the cold war, as it was the crisis of the liberalism system. José Ortega y Gasset and Raymond Aron are united in their perspective of renewal of liberal thought in front of the political forces and intellectuals who put in question. Both defended a variety of liberalism that the italian sociologist Carlo Gambescia has been called “liberalism archic”, based on the historicism and political realism.
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Rutkevich, Alexey M. "Conservative Anarchism. French Critics of the “Anthropological Mistake”". History of Philosophy 25, n.º 2 (2020): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-5869-2020-25-2-81-95.
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G. Orwell once called himself “anarchist tory”, the collocation “anthropological mistake” belongs to British theologian J. Milbank, characterizing so liberal thought. These expressions are used today by two French philosophers, Jean-Claude Michea and Alain de Benoist. Though they came from opposing political camps, both are ready to define themselves “populists” and “conservative anarchists”. Their common enemy is contemporary liberalism. This article is a description of this polemics, especially with liberal anthropology. Their difference with many critics of political or economic liberalism lies in their belief that liberalism is a totality, and the core of all the aspects of this doctrine (economy, law, politics) is represented by the vision of man in liberal philosophy, which have a long history. This genealogy of liberalism, proposed by French thinkers, is the main theme of the article.
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Fernandez, Hugo Matos. "A caixa de Pandora". Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 23 (18 de diciembre de 2020): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.3115.
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Hugo Carvalho de Matos Fernandez
Licenciado em História pela Faculdade de Letras da Universidade Clássica de Lisboa e Doutorado em Sociologia pela Universidade de Évora, com uma tese sobre “Discursos de Poder na Transição do Antigo Regime para o Liberalismo” (2010).
Investigador integrado do Centro de Investigação em Ciência Política da Universidade de Évora.
A caixa de Pandora
Discussão do processo eleitoral no primeiro liberalismo português
RESUMO
A implantação do liberalismo em Portugal e a consagração do princípio da soberania nacional através dos mecanismos da representação política fizeram da questão eleitoral uma matéria de enorme relevo. Não admira, por isso, a extensão e o detalhe com que as questões ligadas ao processo eleitoral são debatidas no parlamento vintista aquando da elaboração da nossa primeira Constituição (1822). Num momento em que se comemora o bicentenário do nosso primeiro período liberal (1820-1823), a matéria eleitoral reflete não só as incidências de uma conjuntura histórica problemática, como a essência do sistema social e político que se queria estabelecer, nomeadamente na construção da relação complexa entre liberalismo e democracia.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE:
Liberalismo, soberania nacional, cidadania, eleições, modalidades e tipos de escrutínio
Pandora’s box
Electoral debate in the first portuguese liberalism
ABSTRACT:
The implantation of liberalism in Portugal and the consecration of national sovereignty principle through the mechanisms of political representation have made of the electoral question a matter of huge relevance. No wonder the extension and detail in which the issues connected with the electoral process were debated in the vintista parliament when our first Constitution (1822) was being elaborated. In a time in which is celebrated the bicentennial anniversary of our first liberal period (1820-1823), electoral matter reflects not only the occurrences of a problematic history conjuncture, but the essence of the social and political system that where to be established, namely upon the complex relation between liberalism and democracy.
KEYWORDS:
Liberalism, national sovereignty, citizenship, elections, polling modalities and types
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Rasor, Paul. "Theological and Political Liberalisms". Journal of Law and Religion 24, n.º 2 (2008): 433–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001661.
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Several highly critical theological responses to political liberalism have appeared in recent years. John Milbank, continuing his onslaught on all things modern, complains that political liberalism's “empty heart” suffers from a “totalitarian drift” toward “an increasingly joyless and puritanical world.” For Oliver O'Donovan, liberalism is “a false posture of transcendence” and modernity is “conceived as Antichrist, a parodie and corrupt development of Christian social order.” Robert Song warns against “the partial and limited character” of liberalism's freedoms and proclaims that “a responsible theology will learn to articulate its ‘No’” to liberal political society. Other commentators offer critiques of particular aspects of political liberalism, often suggesting revisions based on their own theological perspectives. These critical voices join others such as Stanley Hauerwas, one of liberalism's most outspoken theological critics for more than a quarter century, and they continue a line of critique that extends back through Reinhold Niebuhr and Karl Barth.Not all the theological voices are critical. Christophe Insole, for example, finds that “politically liberal principles are compatible with a full-blooded and theologically main-stream Christian commitment.” Several Roman Catholic theologians have commented on the increasing mutuality between liberal democracy and Roman Catholic political and social teachings. Paul Sigmund notes that “the relation between Catholicism and liberal democracy has now become a positive and, one would hope, a mutually reinforcing one, even if there are a number of continuing tensions between them.” And Daniel Dombrowski offers a general defense of Rawlsian liberalism against claims that it is hostile to religion.
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Callan, Eamonn. "Political Liberalism and Political Education". Review of Politics 58, n.º 1 (1996): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500051627.
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John Rawls expounds a new liberal political theory that supposedly differs from traditional varieties in the narrowness of its scope and the distinctive solution it offers to the problem of legitimacy. The contrast between Rawls's “political liberalism” and “ethical liberalism” is said to emerge strikingly in the approach to political education each entails. But the differences Rawls stresses between the two liberalisms are illusory, and the real implications of his theory for political education clearly show this. However, Rawls does offer a powerful case for a liberal political theory, albeit of a traditional kind, and its educational agenda can be endorsed as a corrective to political domination and manipulation, even though the agenda must be pursued at the cost of some ethical diversity.
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Karoń, Aleksandra Irena. "Liberalizm w edukacji". Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja 22, n.º 2 (30 de diciembre de 2022): 249–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kse.2022.22.14.
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The contemporary message of some media associates broadly understood liberalism with the pejoratively interpreted slogan “do whatever you want”. Common understanding of liberalism as, very generally speaking, libertarian views, also tends to be juxtaposed with an almost anarchist view of the world. The purpose of this text is to reflect on how liberalism can be understood (and whether there is one way to define it) and how a liberal thought influences education. Can it shape education? If so, how? The liberal tradition is not only rich and diverse (it is impossible to talk about one liberalism with a capital “L”, or rather liberalisms of specific countries), but also has a significant impact on the way of thinking about the world in its various dimensions. The text provides an overview of the main tenets of liberalism along with their historical outline. The discussion about the main ideas of liberalism serves to organize a series of, sometimes contradictory, information about it. The background outlined in this way allows us to focus on the issue of liberalism in education, while posing a number of problematic, remaining open, questions about the essence of education or the role of school in the neoliberal perspective. The entanglement of science in ideologies is also shown, an example of which is mathematics, the subject defined in accordance with the adopted philosophical or even political perspective. The overview character of the text is intertwined with questions on the border of the philosophy of education and the history of political thought, which is a good introduction to further deepening the knowledge in both these areas.
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SA’ADAH, Sri Lumatus, Khusniati ROFIAH, Abdul MUN’IM, S. Maryam YUSUF y Mochammad CHOTIB. "Liberalism and Religious Moderation: The Dilemma in Indonesia". WISDOM 26, n.º 2 (25 de junio de 2023): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v26i2.1014.
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Liberalism was born from European society’s condition that was oppressed by feudalism. It is a paradigm that is easily accepted due to its principle of freedom and its emphasis on the human ratio. In its development, liberalism influenced various aspects of the Eastern world, including Islam as the religion of the majority of Indonesians. The two basic problems of this research are: (1) how does liberalism influence Islam and (2) what efforts are required to prevent liberalism’s influence on Islam. This research used the qualitative method with the literary and historical approaches. Results showed that liberalism is currently the mainstream paradigm of thought and culture in the world. The atmosphere of thought as well as the constellation of contemporary humanity are dominated by this paradigm. One of the important efforts to prevent liberalism and extremism is to strengthen the scholarly system of Islam through religious moderation that still strongly holds on to the Qur’an and Hadits, making people knowledgeable and religious. Serious studies on Islamic thoughts should be conducted to be placed from the Islamic worldview perspective. There should be the development of science using the Islamic concept and perspective, rather than using Western methods to assess Islamic concepts.
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Rohling, Marcos. "As bases normativas da educação: o lugar da educação na crítica comunitarista do liberalismo". Educação e Filosofia 37, n.º 79 (31 de julio de 2023): 555–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v37n79a2023-54820.
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Resumo: Pretende-se, neste trabalho, discutir o lugar que a educação ocupa no debate entre liberais e comunitaristas. Com este objetivo, o texto é dividido em três partes, a saber: na primeira parte, apontam-se as dificuldades para que se demarquem os partidários das correntes liberal e comunitarista, de um lado, destacando o liberalismo igualitário e o libertarianismo e, de outro, discutindo as principais críticas que o comunitarismo faz ao liberalismo. Na segunda parte, explora-se o lugar da educação na crítica comunitarista, definindo a concepção de educação e de escola, assim como a ideia de educação para a cidadania e a nececssidade de um currículo comum. Finalmente, na última parta, aponta-se para a agenda comunitarista na educação. Palavras-chave: Liberalismo; Comunitarismo; Educação; Cidadania; Currículo Comum. The normative bases of education: the place of education in the communitarian critique of liberalism Abstract: It is intended in this work, discuss the place that education occupies in the debate between liberals and communitarians. For this purpose, the text is divided into three parts, namely: in the first part, point out the difficulties in demarcating supporters of the liberal and communitarian currents, on the one hand, highlighting egalitarian liberalism and libertarianism and, on the other, discussing the main criticisms that communitarianism makes against liberalism. In the second part, it explores the place of education in communitarian criticismo, defining the concept of education and school, as well as the idea of education for citizenship and the need for a common curriculum. Finally, in the last section, we point to the communitarian agenda in education. Keywords: Liberalism; Communitarianism; Education; Citzenship; Commom Curriculum. Las bases normativas de la educación: el lugar de la educación en la crítica comunitaria del liberalismo Resumen:En este trabajo, se pretende discutir el lugar que ocupa la educación en el debate entre liberales y comunitaristas. Con este objetivo, el texto se divide en tres partes, a saber: en la primera parte, se señalan las dificultades para demarcar a los partidarios de las corrientes liberales y comunitarias, por un lado, destacando el liberalismo igualitario y el libertarismo y, por otro, discutiendo las principales críticas que hace el comunitarismo contra el liberalismo. En la segunda parte, se explora el lugar de la educación en la crítica comunitaria, definiendo el concepto de educación y escuela, así como la idea de educación para la ciudadanía y la necesidad de un currículum común. Finalmente, en la última sección, se señala la agenda comunitaria en educación. Palabras clave: Liberalismo; Comunitarismo; Educación; Ciudadanía; Currículum Común. Data de registro: 15/04/2022 Data de aceite: 13/12/2022
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Popov, Maxim. "Authoritarian Liberalism in Contemporary Europe: methodological approaches and conceptual models". Politics in Central Europe 15, n.º 3 (1 de diciembre de 2019): 443–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0024.
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AbstractThe author conducts a comparative analysis of authoritarian liberalism’s concepts in contemporary political theory. The paper deals with the main directions of interpretation of authoritarian liberalism in the framework of methodological approaches and conceptual models of neoliberalism, ordoliberalism, political liberalism, J.-W. Mueller’s ‘restrained democracy’, J. Habermas’ ‘legitimation crisis’, C. Crouch’s ‘post-democracy’, C. Macpherson’s ‘participatory democracy’, M. Wilkinson’s ‘dedemocratisation and delegalisation’, W. Streeck’s ‘democratic capitalism crisis’ and G. Majone’s ‘crypto-federalism’. The basic analytical concept is the idea of authoritarian economic liberalism, first proposed by H. Heller and K. Polanyi. This paper will sub-stantiate that in crisis and transformational periods the actualisation of authoritarian liberalism corresponds to the fundamental tension between market capitalism and representative democracy. The author conceptualises authoritarian liberalism as the practice of dedemocratisation and restrained democracy, which results in the regionalisation of radical protest against the supranational regime of political integration in Europe. Latent political authoritarianism strengthens economic liberalism, which, in turn, reinforces the further EU’s ‘liberal authoritarian transformation’. Authoritarian liberalism restricts traditional forms of representative democracy, contributing to the reanimation of populism and political radicalism. The authoritarian restriction of representative democracy can lead not only to the strengthening of market capitalism, but also to the revival of reactionary forms of ‘new nationalism’ and illiberalism. Today, the EU’s regime is transformed from a nominally rule-based structure supported by market discipline into a ‘discretionary order’ reinforced by bureaucratic power. The EU’s transnational solidarity can become a democratically legitimate tool for a de-escalation of tensions between market capitalism and representative democracy.
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Patterson, Rachael. "Reviewing Public Reason: A Critique of Rawls’ Political Liberalism and the Idea of Public Reason". Deakin Law Review 9, n.º 2 (1 de noviembre de 2004): 715–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2004vol9no2art260.
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This article provides a critical review of Rawls’ effort in Political Liberalism to construct a political theory of justice compatible with the fact of reasonable pluralism. Particular attention is given to the ‘idea of public reason’ and political liberalism’s liberal neutrality. It is argued that because of its liberal neutrality, political liberalism would preclude people from endorsing at least some reasonable comprehensive views and, therefore, as a theory it lacks the necessary stability required to be as successful as Rawls claims.
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Bosiacki, Adam. "Polish Classical Liberalism. The Reception of Liberalism in Polish Political Thought in the First Half of the 19th". Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 25, n.º 3 (14 de febrero de 2017): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/sil.2016.25.3.105.
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Spitz, Elaine y Gottfried Dietze. "Liberalism Proper and Proper Liberalism." Eighteenth-Century Studies 20, n.º 1 (1986): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2738610.
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NUSSBAUM, MARTHA C. "Perfectionist Liberalism and Political Liberalism". Philosophy & Public Affairs 39, n.º 1 (enero de 2011): 3–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1088-4963.2011.01200.x.
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Jacobs, Struan. "Post‐liberalism vs. temperate liberalism". Critical Review 4, n.º 3 (junio de 1990): 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913819008459610.
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Madung, Otto Gusti. "Pluralitas Dan Konsep Pengakuan Intersubjektif Dalam Pemikiran Axel Honneth". DISKURSUS - JURNAL FILSAFAT DAN TEOLOGI STF DRIYARKARA 13, n.º 2 (20 de octubre de 2014): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36383/diskursus.v13i2.70.
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Abstrak: Pemisahan antara ruang privat dan publik merupakan solusi liberalisme atas tantangan pluralitas masyarakat modern. Dalam kaca mata politik pengakuan, solusi liberalisme tidak mencukupi. Liberalisme dianggap mengenal individu hanya sebagai subjek hukum dan karena itu hanya dapat memperhatikan tuntutan validitas hukum. Dalam kaca mata liberalisme, kesetaraan subjek-subjek hukum hanya dapat dijamin jika aspek-aspek tradisi, kultural dan konsep hidup baik dijauhkan dari politik. Namun apa yang menjadi objek pengakuan justru aspek-aspek ini. Tulisan ini memperkenalkan konsep konsep pengakuan intersubjektif Axel Honneth. Konsep pengakuan intersubjektif melampaui paham pengakuan interkultural seperti diperkenalkan oleh tokoh seperti Charles Taylor. Dalam paradigma intersubjektif, pengakuan tidak hanya dilihat pada tataran relasi interkultural, tapi dipahami sebagai sebuah antropologi. Pengakuan mengkonstruksi manusia sebagai subjek. Hal ini ditunjukkan Honneth dalam uraiannya tentang pelbagai tingkatan interaksi antarmanusia yakni tataran cinta, hukum dan solidaritas. Pada bagian akhir tulisan diajukan beberapa pertimbangan kritis atas konsep pengakuan Honneth ini.
Kata-kata Kunci: Pengakuan, multikulturalisme, intersubjektivitas, teleologi, autentisitas.
Abstract: The separation between private and public spheres is the solution of liberalism to the challenges of plurality in modern societies. In the perspective of politics of recognition this solution of liberalism is insufficient. Liberalism is considered to recognize the individual only as a subject of law and therefore can only attend to the demands of legal validity. In the perspective of liberalism, equality of legal subjects can only be guaranteed if the aspects of tradition, culture and the concept of a good life are seperated from politics. But precisely these aspects are the object of recognition. This paper introduces the concept of intersubjective recognition of Axel Honneth. The concept of intersubjective recognition goes beyond intercultural recognition as introduced by Charles Taylor, for example. In the intersubjective paradigm, recognition is not only seen at the level of intercultural relations, but understood as an anthropology. Recognition constructs the human being as subject. This is shown by Honneth in his account of the various levels of human interaction, that is the level of love, law and solidarity. At the end of the article the author will give some critical considerations on Honneth's concept of recognition.
Keywords: Recognition, multiculturalism, intersubjectivity, teleology, authenticity.
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Rohmah, Siti, Moh Anas Kholish y Andi Muhammad Galib. "Human Rights and Islamic Law Discourse: The Epistemological Construction of Abul A’la Al-Maududi, Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naim, and Mashood A. Baderin". Justicia Islamica 19, n.º 1 (1 de julio de 2022): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/justicia.v19i1.3282.
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This study aims to analyze the epistemological construction of human rights from the orthodox perspective of Al-Maududi, the liberalism perspective of An-Na'im, and the moderatism perspective of Baderin. This study uses library research with a descriptive-qualitative approach. This study shows that the presence of Al-Maududi's human rights orthodoxy seeks to campaign that the concept of human rights owned by Islam is far more humanistic than the ones campaigned for and standardized by the Western. On the other hand, the presence of liberalism belief moderated by Abdullahi Ahmad An-Na'im strives to fight for Islamic human rights, which can comply with the human rights standards of the Western. The standardization of An-Na'im's liberalism departs from the view that human beings are the measure of everything. Therefore, that human rights liberalism is anthropocentric and secular. In the middle of those two different points of view about human rights, Mashood A. Baderin tried to mediate Islam and human rights harmoniously. For Baderin, instead of making those two piles contradict, they should be synergized with each other. Theoretically and practically, this article offers a discourse between the dialectical discourse of Islamic and western human rights.Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis bagaimana konstruksi epistemologi ortodoksi HAM dalam perspektif Al-Maududi, konstruksi epistemologi liberalisme HAM dalam perspektif An-Na’im, serta konstruksi epistemologi moderatisme HAM dalam pandangan Baderin. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kepustakaan dengan pendekatan deskriptif-kualitatif. Adapun hasil dari studi ini menunjukkan bahwa kehadiran ortodoksi HAM Al-Maududi berupaya mengkampanyekan bahwa konsep HAM yang dimiliki Islam merupakan konsep HAM yang jauh lebih humanis ketimbang HAM yang dikampanyekan dan distandarkan oleh Barat. Sebaliknya, kehadiran liberalisme HAM ala Abdullahi Ahmad An-Na’im berupaya memperjuangkan bahwa HAM Islam harus mengikuti standar HAM yang dimiliki oleh Barat. Standarisasi liberalisme HAM An-Na’im berangkat dari pandangan yang menjadikan manusia sebagai ukuran dari segala sesuatu. Oleh karena itu, liberalisme HAM bersifat antroposentris dan sekuler. Di tengah kedua kutub pemikiran HAM yang berbeda tersebut, Mashood A. Baderin berusaha mendudukkan Islam dan HAM secara harmonis. Bagi Baderin, keduanya tidak harus dipertentangkan, melainkan disinergikan satu sama lain. Secara teoritis dan praktis, artikel ini menawarkan sebuah diskursus antara wacana HAM Islam dan barat yang dialektis.
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Liew, Wui Chern, Roy Anthony Rogers y Jatswan S. Sidhu. "Unravelling President Obama’s Myanmar Policy: Pragmatic Liberalism at Play". Malaysian Journal of International Relations 11, n.º 1 (25 de diciembre de 2023): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol11no1.4.
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This study aims to examine the US’s Myanmar policy from the perspective of pragmatic liberalism and explore the primary factors behind the policy shift in 2009. It fills a gap in the literature by offering a rare analysis of US-Myanmar policy through the lens of pragmatic liberalism. The research methodology employs document search and elite interviews to gather comprehensive insights. The research questions focus on understanding how pragmatic liberalism manifested in Obama’s Myanmar policy and identifying the objectives he aimed to achieve. The findings reveal that Obama’s Myanmar policy aligns with the principles of pragmatic liberalism. It can be analysed through two dimensions: modelling creation and hegemony maintenance. Within the context of Sino-US competition, the primary factor driving the US's policy change in Myanmar is China. Consequently, the US’s policy shift aims to establish a new strategic partner to contain Chinese influence in Southeast Asia, thereby maintaining US hegemony in the region. This study contributes to the understanding of US-Myanmar relations and sheds light on the underlying motivations and dynamics of the US’s policy shift. By adopting a pragmatic liberalist approach, the US seeks to shape Myanmar’s trajectory while safeguarding its strategic interests in the region.
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CRAIG, DAVID. "THE LANGUAGE OF LIBERALITY IN BRITAIN,C.1760–C.1815". Modern Intellectual History 16, n.º 3 (9 de enero de 2018): 771–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000610.
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While the word “liberalism” only appeared in Britain from the 1820s, this article argues that its prehistory must pay attention to the language of “liberality.” It suggests that until the 1760s, to be “liberal,” and to demonstrate “liberality,” were primarily associated with the exercise of charity, but that thereafter they increasingly came to refer to having an open mind: there were frequent appeals to the “liberal” and “enlightened” spirit of the times. Those latitudinarians and Dissenters pushing for more toleration in the 1770s were particularly attracted to “liberal” language, and pioneered the idea that “liberality of sentiment” was a necessary accompaniment to the pluralism thrown up by the right of private judgment. Only from the mid-1790s did anti-Jacobins start to fixate on this terminology, arguing that liberality was insidious because under the cover of a virtue it nurtured the indifference which enabled the enemies of religion to triumph. These arguments did not appeal beyond orthodox circles, but they indicate how established the language of “liberality” had become—it provides a framework for understanding the reception of “liberalism” after 1815.