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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Left-wing"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 20 de febrero de 2023

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1

Liargovas, Panagiotis y Nikolaos Tzifakis. "Left-Wing Populism". Southeastern Europe 45, n.º 1 (6 de mayo de 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45010002.

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Abstract The transformation of syriza from a minor party struggling to enter parliament into a major governing party within a short period of time, its rule in the context of an economic crisis, and its resilience following four and a half years of governance make a very interesting story. syriza has been the only radical left populist party that has governed an EU country in recent times. This introductory article accounts for the factors that facilitated syriza’s catapulting to power, while the special issue assesses some of the main issues that the syriza-led government dealt with from 2015 to 2019. With the danger of oversimplifying a more complex picture, the special issue editors argue that syriza emerged as a serious contender to power owing to two factors: i) the errors in the economic policies of the governments that ruled during the 2010–2014 period, and ii) its successful exploitation of the opportunity to capitalize on the dynamics of a grassroots protest movement (the ‘Aganaktismenoi’) through the adoption of the movement’s populist discourses. The introduction then explicates the consolidation of syriza in the Greek political system and concludes with a brief presentation of the structure of the special issue.

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LERNER, RABBI MICHAEL. "Left-Wing Follies". Tikkun 30, n.º 4 (2015): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-3328625.

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3

Rorty, Richard. "Left-Wing Kuhnianism". Common Knowledge 25, n.º 1-3 (1 de abril de 2019): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7299186.

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In this brief essay Rorty comments on how some fear that Thomas Kuhn’s widely persuasive view of science can and is being used to denigrate science or to reduce our sense of its difference from literature. Rorty goes on to argue that no part of culture should be invidiously set against another as in any way privileged. Questions about the epistemological status or rationality of different disciplines or areas of culture should be dismissed, he claims, as pointless. He calls this perspective “left-wing Kuhnianism” and discusses its importance for the journal Common Knowledge, in whose twenty-fifth anniversary issue this essay appears.

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4

Williams, Bernard. "Left-Wing Wittgenstein". Common Knowledge 25, n.º 1-3 (1 de abril de 2019): 321–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7299402.

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Writing in the wake of the breakup of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, the moral philosopher Bernard Williams considers the opposing claims of Rawlsian liberalism, with its emphasis on pluralism and procedural fairness, and communitarianism, which instead promotes more or less culturally homogeneous societies formed around shared values. Williams shares the communitarians’ critique of Rawls’s theory as excessively abstract, questioning whether a rational commitment to pluralism as the most just social arrangement can serve as a sufficiently binding social force. He simultaneously resists, however, the conservative tendencies of the communitarians, particularly their dismissal of ethically motivated social critique. Grounded in the late philosophy of Wittgenstein, communitarians reject foundationalism, the notion that beliefs can be philosophically justified, instead regarding ideologically driven social arrangements as the result of inherently particular historical and environmental conditions. This perspective precludes rational reevaluation of a society’s status quo; if a society’s adoption of values does not depend on philosophically grounded principles, neither can those values be altered through a process of collective moral reasoning. For Williams, however, because pluralism is a condition of modern life with which even culturally homogenous communities must contend, members of modern societies are aware of alternatives to their own social model, leaving a space for self-critical reassessment. Finally, Williams suggests that the desire of cultural minorities for separate states in the post-Soviet geopolitical landscape underscores the limits of both pluralism and communitarianism, limits that all of us will need to grapple with as we confront the immediate social and political realities of modernity.

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5

Xing, Fan. "BRAZILIAN LEFT-WING LITERATURE". Revista Brasileira de Literatura Comparada 22, n.º 41 (diciembre de 2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2596-304x20202241fx.

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Abstract: The rise and development of Left-wing literature in Brazil is closely connected to the obstacles and dilemmas encountered during the evolution of its nation, and it is also inseparable from international political movements and intellectual trends. From the abolishment of slavery and collapse of empire in the nineteenth century, to the establishment and return of dictatorship in the 30s and 60s of the twentieth century, at every moment of crisis, Brazilian left-wing literature always played a seminal role. While criticizing social injustices, it also invigorates the development of modern Brazilian literature by incorporating different forms of language, thoughts and art. It is safe to say that left-wing literature forms a kind of literary tradition in Brazil, as it not only represents a moral and ethical stand, but also innovates the form and aesthetics.

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Foster, John Bellamy y Robert W. McChesney. "The 'Left-Wing' Media?" Monthly Review 55, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-055-02-2003-06_1.

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7

Siret, Thomas. "Right-Wing Anarchism: A Philosophical Left-Wing Concept". Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 63, n.º 9 (19 de enero de 2021): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2020-63-9-115-133.

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8

Marian, Michel. "France 1997–2002: Right–Wing President, Left–Wing Government". Political Quarterly 73, n.º 3 (julio de 2002): 258–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00465.

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9

Balbo, Ned y Arthur Vogelsang. "Left Wing of a Bird". Antioch Review 63, n.º 3 (2005): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4614878.

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10

Prokhorenko, I. L. "Left-wing populism in Spain". Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, n.º 2 (28 de julio de 2021): 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-62-86.

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The paper examines formation, evolution and political perspectives of the Spanish radical left-wing populist party ‘We Can!’ (Podemos) in the face of growing support for populism in the the Southern European countries as well as in the European Union in general. The author identiﬁes the origins and country-speciﬁc characteristics of the left-wing populism in Spain and provides the general overview of trends in the country’s party system since the middle of the 2000s, including the growing axiological, generational, political and ideological cleavages in the Spanish divided society. Special attention is paid to the political portrait of the Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias and the prospects for development of political situation in the country after his resignation and subsequent electoral defeat in the Autonomous Community of Madrid in May 2021. As such, this case study can provide some useful insights on the nature of populism in the EU member-states in general. In particular, the paper shows that the fragmentation of traditional political systems and the impacts of the sovereign debt crisis per se do not provide a suﬃcient explanation for the growing demand for populist rhetoric and charismatic leaders, but rather they have exposed certain structural economic and social imbalances. It is exactly these imbalances which traditional political parties are unable to address that create a breeding ground for various left- and right-wing parties and movements. As a result, the author concludes that populism will remain an essential element of political landscape in Spain despite all scandals that accompany populist politicians as the case of Pablo Iglesias has clearly demonstrated. At the same time the author emphasizes that it is this clear and imminent threat posed by the populist movements that may eventually serve as an impetus for a renewal of traditional parties and of the country’s political system in general.

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11

Prichard, Alex y Owen Worth. "Left-wing convergence: An introduction". Capital & Class 40, n.º 1 (19 de enero de 2016): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816815624370.

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12

Curtice, John. "One more left-wing heave?" IPPR Progressive Review 25, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2018): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/newe.12105.

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13

Oswald, Andrew J. y Nattavudh Powdthavee. "Daughters and Left-Wing Voting". Review of Economics and Statistics 92, n.º 2 (mayo de 2010): 213–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest.2010.11436.

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14

STEVENSON, PAUL. "Class and left-wing radicalism". Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 14, n.º 3 (14 de julio de 2008): 269–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1977.tb00350.x.

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15

NAKAJIMA, Akiko. "Illusion of Left-Wing Populism:". Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 67, n.º 2 (2016): 2_144–2_162. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.67.2_144.

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16

Norris, Jesse J. "Entrapment and Terrorism on the Left". New Criminal Law Review 19, n.º 2 (2016): 236–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2016.19.2.236.

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Previous literature has analyzed entrapment in post-9/11 jihadi terrorism cases, but has neglected similarly compelling entrapment claims among left-wing terrorism defendants. The Article bridges this gap through an in-depth analysis of the four post-9/11 left-wing terrorism cases involving an informant or undercover agent. Based on a review of these cases, the Article concludes that at least three of the four cases had strong entrapment claims, and that realistically, none of the defendants in the four cases would have committed any terrorist offense without government prompting. A comparative analysis of different types of domestic terrorism finds broad similarities in the characteristics of entrapment claims in jihadi, left-wing, and right-wing terrorism cases. However, jihadi entrapment cases are far more numerous, left-wing and jihadi entrapment claims are considerably stronger and more prevalent than right-wing claims, and left-wing terrorism cases feature certain informant tactics rarely if ever found in other cases. The Article situates the left-wing entrapment claims in the context of wider government attempts to target left-wing activists, and provides an initial analysis of the main factors leading to questionable sting operations in left-wing terrorism cases.

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17

Malabou, Catherine. "Effective Altruism in between Right-Wing and Left-Wing Anarchisms". Telos 2022, n.º 198 (2022): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0322198009.

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18

Manson, Joseph H. "Right-wing Authoritarianism, Left-wing Authoritarianism, and pandemic-mitigation authoritarianism". Personality and Individual Differences 167 (diciembre de 2020): 110251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110251.

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19

McClosky, Herbert y Dennis Chong. "Similarities and Differences Between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals". British Journal of Political Science 15, n.º 3 (julio de 1985): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004221.

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Although some scholars have argued that authoritarianism is characteristic only of the right and not of the left, persuasive reasons exist for doubting this claim. Intuitive observation of left-wing and right-wing regimes as well as radical political movements of the left and right reveals striking parallels in their styles of political engagement, their reliance upon force, their disdain for democratic ideals and practices and their violations of civil liberties. In addition, systematic inquiry into the similarities and differences between far-left and far-right radicals in the United States has been hampered by various methodological difficulties. One can list, among these, such problems as the obvious inappropriateness of the F scale (owing to its strong right-wing content) as a measure for identifying left-wing authoritarians; the difficulty of obtaining adequate samples of true believers of the extreme left and right; the self-image of the American left as a persecuted minority which, for reasons of self-interest, spuriously inflates the degree of support expressed by its members for individual rights and liberties; and the exposure of both extreme camps to the liberal democratic values dominating American political culture, which unmistakably colours their political rhetoric.We have reason to think that a similar study conducted in some – perhaps many – European countries would reveal even greater similarities between the far left and far right than we have turned up in the United States. Unlike the United States, which has enjoyed a strong liberal democratic tradition that has served to weaken and soften the intensity of its radical movements, a number of European countries, less wedded to liberal democratic principles, have developed a more vigorous, less diluted tradition of radical politics. These nations have long had to contend with powerful extremist movements actively and significantly engaged in the political struggles of their respective nations. The radical movements of Europe have been more extreme and zealous – more unequivocally revolutionary and reactionary – than the radical movements of the United States. The sustained confrontation of these extremist movements, in our view, is likely to have intensified the authoritarian propensities of each.In the present article, through a series of surveys in which we have tried to idenify, as best we can, supporters of the far left and far right, we have systematically compared the two camps on a variety of political and psychological characteristics. We find, in keeping with the conventional view, that the far left and the far right stand at opposite end of the familiar left–right continuum on many issues of public policy, political philosophy and personal belief. They hold sharply contrasting views on questions of law and order, foreign policy, social welfare, economic equality, racial equality, women's rights, sexual freedom, patriotism, social conventions, religion, family values and orientations towards business, labour and private enterprise.Nevertheless, while the two camps embrace different programmatic beliefs, both are deeply estranged from certain features of American society and highly critical of what they perceive as the spiritual and moral degeneration of American institutions. Both view American society as dominated by conspiratorial forces that are working to defeat their respective ideological aims.The degree of their alienation is intensified by the zealous and unyielding manner in which they hold their beliefs. Both camps possess an inflexible psychological and political style characterized by the tendency to view social and political affairs in crude, unambiguous and stereotypical terms. They see political life as a conflict between ‘us’ and ‘them’, a struggle between good and evil played out on a battleground where compromise amounts to capitulation and the goal is total victory.The far left and the far right also resemble each other in the way they pursue their political goals. Both are disposed to censor their opponents, to deal harshly with enemies, to sacrifice the well-being even of the innocent in order to serve a ‘higher purpose’, and to use cruel tactics if necessary to ‘persuade’ society of the wisdom of their objectives. Both tend to support (or oppose) civil liberties in a highly partisan and self-serving fashion, supporting freedom for themselves and for the groups and causes they favour while seeking to withhold it from enemies and advocates of causes they dislike.In sum, when the views of the far left and far right are evaluated against the standard left–right ideological dimension, they can appropriately be classifled at opposite ends of the political spectrum. But when the two camps are evaluated on questions of political and psychological style, the treatment of political opponents, and the tactics that they are willing to employ to achieve their ends, the display many parallels that can rightly be labelled authoritarian.

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20

G. A. Moreira, Felipe. "Deleuze’s left-wing approach to metaphysics". Revue philosophique de la France et de l'étranger 144, n.º 4 (2019): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rphi.194.0455.

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21

Albanese, Giuseppe y Guido de Blasio. "Industrialization, turnout, and left-wing vote". Economics Letters 206 (septiembre de 2021): 109973. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econlet.2021.109973.

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22

Tranmer, Jeremy. "Popular Music and Left-Wing Scottishness". Études écossaises, n.º 18 (25 de abril de 2016): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesecossaises.1124.

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23

Moltedo, Guido. "Il Manifesto: Italy's Left-Wing Media". Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 5, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2000): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/108118000569047.

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24

Han, Jason, Hao Xiang, William E. Ridley y Lloyd J. Ridley. "Chicken wing configuration: Left atrial appendage". Journal of Medical Imaging and Radiation Oncology 62 (octubre de 2018): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1754-9485.11_12785.

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25

Dixon, Patrick. "“Left-Wing Haters and Angry Mobs”". Labor 16, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2019): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-7323786.

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26

Wrong, Dennis H. "Truth, misinterpretation, or left-wing McCarthyism?" Sociological Forum 11, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1996): 613–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02425307.

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27

Parguez, Alain y Mario Seccareccia. "Note on Left-Wing Neo-Conservatism". Studies in Political Economy 26, n.º 1 (enero de 1988): 181–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1988.11675546.

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Matulis, Haralds. "LEFT-WING IDEAS IN CONTEMPORARY LATVIA". Culture Crossroads 8 (13 de noviembre de 2022): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol8.159.

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The word left has different meanings in Latvian. Alongside with one side of your body it also means social democratic and socialist-communist political orientation. In its turn kreisā prece (the left goods) means something illegal, and an inadequate idea is sometimes also called kreisa ideja (a left idea). In Latvia the 1990s came with the rightist thinking and its notions: market economy, liberal democracy, open society, and competition. Since then the rightist ideas have dominated Latvian political ideology. Even the 2008 economic crisis was the success story in the opinion of the right-wing politicians because the crisis helped to cut the unnecessary, non-characteristic and non-economical positions of government spending. At the same time the policies implemented by the state of Latvia were rather left-wing in many sectors if we look at the level of state intervention in the distribution of funding. Latvia provides state maintained free healthcare, tuition-free system of education, and the availability of culture to society is state subsidised. It allows me to draw a speculative hypothesis that the rightist and leftist ideas are in a mutually complementary dialectic struggle in Latvia. The leftist ideas are not implemented, and there is no need to fully put them into practice. The best possible world is the one in which there is rightist market capitalism and liberal democracy which undergo constant criticism by the leftist ideas, however, never to the extent that the leftist ideas should be put into effect.

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29

Puy, M. Socorro. "Incentives for progressive income taxation". Journal of Theoretical Politics 31, n.º 1 (22 de noviembre de 2018): 66–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629818809420.

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This study analyzes the electoral incentives for redistributive income taxation when the incumbent strategically decides the degree of tax progressivity. Progressivity makes the median voter prefer more government spending, which induces left-wing incumbents to foster progressivity and right-wing incumbents to propose flat taxation. However, if (i) more progressivity reduces middle-income voters’ fear of left-wing policies with respect to right-wing policies, (ii) parties’ office holding incentives are high, and (iii) there is low uncertainty about the median voter, then left-wing incumbents opt for less-progressive taxation and right-wing incumbents opt for more progressive taxation. In addition, we show that voters’ risk aversion over private consumption implies that right-wing incumbents propose more progressivity in comparison with left-wing incumbents proposing less progressivity. Our theoretical prediction can explain why, for example, Democrat Kennedy contributed to decreasing progressive taxation and Republican Bush contributed to increasing progressive taxation.

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30

Freelon, Deen, Alice Marwick y Daniel Kreiss. "False equivalencies: Online activism from left to right". Science 369, n.º 6508 (3 de septiembre de 2020): 1197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.abb2428.

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Digital media are critical for contemporary activism—even low-effort “clicktivism” is politically consequential and contributes to offline participation. We argue that in the United States and throughout the industrialized West, left- and right-wing activists use digital and legacy media differently to achieve political goals. Although left-wing actors operate primarily through “hashtag activism” and offline protest, right-wing activists manipulate legacy media, migrate to alternative platforms, and work strategically with partisan media to spread their messages. Although scholarship suggests that the right has embraced strategic disinformation and conspiracy theories more than the left, more research is needed to reveal the magnitude and character of left-wing disinformation. Such ideological asymmetries between left- and right-wing activism hold critical implications for democratic practice, social media governance, and the interdisciplinary study of digital politics.

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31

Mignon, Astrid, Patrick Mollaret, Odile Rohmer y Céline Bagès. "Effect of Political Orientation on Judgment of Agency, Competence, Morality, and Sociability". Swiss Journal of Psychology 75, n.º 1 (enero de 2016): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1421-0185/a000169.

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Abstract. This study tested the effect of voter’s political orientation on the importance they placed on agency, competence, morality, and sociability as qualities required for being President of the French Republic. It furthermore assessed the participants’ judgments of the five main candidates of the French Presidential Election of 2012 on those dimensions. The results showed that, compared to left-wing voters, right-wing voters placed greater importance on agency and less importance on morality and sociability as qualities required for being president. Right-wing voters differentiated between candidates with respect to agency more than competence, whereas the reverse pattern was observed for left-wing voters. Voters differentiated between candidates with respect to morality as much as sociability. Finally, the participants’ ratings of candidates showed a partisan effect: Left-wing voters rated left-wing candidates as being more competent, moral, and sociable, the same being true of right-wing candidates by right-wing voters. Ratings of candidates’ agentic qualities were less dependent on the voter’s political orientation. These data provide support for how people perceived qualities necessary for being President in France.

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32

Bantigny, Ludivine. "Looking for the Left: Left-Wing Groups and Nicolas Sarkozy". Contemporary French and Francophone Studies 16, n.º 3 (junio de 2012): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17409292.2012.675662.

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Kaiser, Max y Lisa Milner. "“Part of What We Thought and Felt”: Antifascism, Antisemitism and Jewish Connections with the New Theatre". Labour History 120, n.º 1 (1 de mayo de 2021): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.6.

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For much of the twentieth century, the six branches of the New Theatre in Australia presented left-wing theatre within a culture that was largely resistant to their ideas. Their orientation was explicitly pro-working class, their support base including the Communist Party and left-wing trade unions. Like radical theatres in other nations, including the Unity Theatre in Britain, the New Theatre had strong connections to Jewish culture and theatre enterprises, and featured Jewish writers, actors, values and themes. Left-wing, anti-fascist scripts written by Jews in Australia as well as Britain and the USA were often staged. This article discusses the New Theatre’s concerns with antisemitism and Jewish politics focussing on selected plays by Laurence Collinson, David Martin and Oriel Gray. These plays provide us with an ideal prism through which to analyse Jewish left-wing and anti-fascist ideas as they were refracted through a transnational left-wing theatre movement.

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Ettinger, Aaron. "Is there an emerging left-wing foreign policy in the United States?" International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, n.º 1 (marzo de 2020): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020914008.

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Is there a left-wing foreign policy emerging in the United States? The rise of an energized and assertive left wing of the Democratic Party, and a receptive constituency within the electorate, has opened space for new political possibilities at home. In the foreign policy realm, leftist internationalism is making compelling arguments about new directions. However, there are limitations to the possible realization of a left-wing foreign policy in the US. While candidates like Sanders and Warren are distinctive in a left-wing foreign policy worldview, the practical implications of their foreign policies are consistent with post-Cold War practice. There are two important exceptions: in trade policy and in their positions on the use of military force. Here they mark a sharp break from the liberal internationalist mainstream. This paper outlines five broad principles of left internationalism, assesses the foreign policy positions of leading Democratic candidates for the 2020 nomination, and explores the long-term prospects of left-wing foreign policy in the US after 2020.

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Glaser, Tina, Jens H. Hellmann, Naemi Pilz y Gerd Bohner. "Left and Right in Space and Politics". Social Cognition 41, n.º 1 (febrero de 2023): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/soco.2023.41.1.41.

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The terms left and right can refer to spatial or political orientations. We hypothesized that a match (vs. mismatch) of spatial position and political orientation would lead to more positive political judgments. In three experiments, German participants (total N = 517) evaluated statements from the political left-wing and right-wing spectrums as well as German political parties presented either on the left or on the right side of their screens. When statements were presented on the left, politically left statements as well as left-wing parties were evaluated more favorably than when these statements were presented on the right. Conversely, politically right statements and right-wing parties were evaluated more favorably when the statements were presented on the right versus left side of the screen. Cultural conservatism, need for cognitive closure, and openness to experience were assessed but did not mediate these effects. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of the results.

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36

Albert, D. J. "Dynamic interaction between slightly right wing minister and slightly left wing mandarins". BMJ 344, feb07 3 (7 de febrero de 2012): e931-e931. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.e931.

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37

Dean, James. "Why Left-Wing Moralists and Right-Wing Academics Are Wrong about Asia". Challenge 41, n.º 2 (marzo de 1998): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05775132.1998.11472023.

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38

Jazic, Aleksandar. "Rise and fall of left wing terrorism". Medjunarodni problemi 65, n.º 2 (2013): 238–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1302269j.

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The author analyses the key features of left-wing terrorism through the Red Brigades, a terrorist organization formed in Italy in the late 1960s. The complex situation in the country after World War II and the changes in international relations had caused the formation of this terrorist organization. The Red Brigades sought a complete transformation of the Italian society in line with the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. This terrorist organization was engaged in many terrorist activities and the most common targets were big capital owners and political officials. After World War II, West Germany had had the same problem as Italy, which prompted the formation of another terrorist organization - the Red Army Faction based in this country. The Red Army Faction acted in line with the same ideological principles and pursued the same goals as the Red Brigades, which resulted in close cooperation between the two. Both organizations established cooperation with other terrorist organizations around the world. After the Cold War, the activities of these organizations weakened and progressively disappeared. Meanwhile, radical Islamic terrorist organizations emerged basing their actions on religious grounds. However, there are some similarities and differences between Islamic and left wing terrorist organizations.

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Plecka, Danuta. "Is Left-Wing Liberalism Possible in Poland?" Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 59 (30 de septiembre de 2018): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.59.02.

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Kampf, Herbert A. "Terrorism, the left wing, and the intellectuals". Terrorism 13, n.º 1 (enero de 1990): 23–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109008435812.

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Levine, Norman. "Corruption and Fate of Left-Wing Hegelianism". Critique 35, n.º 1 (abril de 2007): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017600701238489.

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Sutton, Paul. "‘Say Something Left-Wing!’ Nanni Moretti'sIl Caimano". Studies in European Cinema 6, n.º 2&3 (diciembre de 2009): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/seci.6.2-3.141/1.

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Azzarà, Stefano G. "Left-Wing Nietzscheanism in Italy: Gianni Vattimo". Rethinking Marxism 30, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2018): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935696.2018.1502311.

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Baugh, Bruce. "Left-Wing Elitism: Adorno on Popular Culture". Philosophy and Literature 14, n.º 1 (1990): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phl.1990.0054.

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Hopmann, David Nicolas, Christian Elmelund-Præstekær y Klaus Levinsen. "Journalism students: Left-wing and politically motivated?" Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 11, n.º 6 (diciembre de 2010): 661–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884910379706.

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Venizelos, Giorgos. "Left-wing populism? In Europe? Yes, please!" European Political Science 19, n.º 4 (30 de enero de 2020): 687–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00244-3.

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Drake, Richard. "Left-Wing Populism Meets “La Grande Crisi”". New Labor Forum 27, n.º 2 (5 de abril de 2018): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1095796018765774.

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Thomas, Nicole A., Tobias Loetscher, Danielle Clode y Michael E. R. Nicholls. "Right-Wing Politicians Prefer the Emotional Left". PLoS ONE 7, n.º 5 (2 de mayo de 2012): e36552. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0036552.

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Mana, Adi y Shifra Sagy. "Brief Report: Can Political Orientation Explain Mental Health in the Time of a Global Pandemic? Voting Patterns, Personal and National Coping Resources, and Mental Health During the Coronavirus Crisis". Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology 39, n.º 3 (marzo de 2020): 165–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2020.39.3.165.

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Resumen

Introduction: The purpose of this study was to examine mental health during the coronavirus pandemic crisis and its explanation by personal and national level coping resources. This question was examined in the midst of a political crisis in Israel among voters from two different political orientations. Method: Questionnaires were delivered to a sample of 396 Israeli Jews, of them 180 (45.5%) right-wing and 216 (54.5%) left-wing voters. Right-wing voters presented higher levels of mental health during the crisis as compared to left-wing voters. Results: Right-wing voters also reported stronger levels of national coping resources such as sense of national coherence and trust in governmental institutions. Moreover, mental health was predicted only by personal resources among left-wing voters, while among the right-wing participants national resources were significant as well. Discussion: The results highlight the role of political orientation and low trust in the government as a possible risk factor for mental health even in times of global pandemic crisis.

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Crisman-Cox, Casey. "Enemies within". Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, n.º 8 (20 de marzo de 2017): 1661–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717698819.

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I examine how the chief executive’s political party affects domestic terrorism within democracies. In particular, I contribute to the literature on terrorism within democracies by arguing that domestic terrorist groups prefer attacking when right-wing parties hold office. I find evidence for this claim as well as results indicating that left-wing executives are more likely to cut deals with domestic terrorist groups. These trends suggest that domestic terrorist groups attack during right-wing governance to build their reputation and reduce violence during left-wing governance to appear moderate and get a deal. These results contribute to literatures on differences between left and right parties, how political institutions affect terrorism, and differences between domestic and transnational terrorism.

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