Tesis sobre el tema "Left-wing"

The coup d'etat of Jiang Jieshi in 1927 brought a sudden end to the first united front between the KMT and the CCP. From then on, the Communist Party was driven underground and survived only with great difficulties, until the second united front was formed in 1937. Yet within the same period, we saw the emergence and growth of concerted left-wing activity in the literary arena. The present thesis is an attempt to look into the background, the development as well as the outcome of this movement, with special reference to the Chinese League of Left-wing Writers, an organization formed in 1930 under the direction and control of the CCP. It covers the period known as "The Left League Decade" in modern Chinese literary history. The thesis is in three parts. Part one discusses the pre-League period, the years before the formation of the League. It deals mainly with the revolutionary literary movement in 1927-28, which in fact consisted of a polemic between the ultra-left, the left and the right over the issue of revolutionary literature. The steps taken for the formation of the united front among the left after this heated debate are analyzed. Part two, which comprises four chapters, is on the League itself. The first is a general survey of the formation, membership and structure of the organization. The second and third chapters discuss the achievements of the League in the first half of its existence. The League then began to decline from 1934 onwards. The internal conflicts which finally led to the alienation of its chief leader and the "giant" of modern Chinese literature, Lu Xun, are presented in great detail in the last chapter of part two. Part three traces and gives an account of the dissolution of the organization and the subsequent Two Slogan Polemic in 1936 over the action to be taken in the new political situation. The relationship between the polemic and the developments in politics takes up a considerable portion of the discussion. Before closing the thesis, an epilogue is attached which looks at the Left League and the left wing literary movement of the thirties in their historical context. It also includes a review of their appraisal in the mainland after the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949.

The Federal Republic of Germany has coped with indigenous left-wing terrorism for several decades and not lost its liberal democratic character f which raises the question of why terrorists continue to attract recruits to fight the state. This case study of terrorist motivation also elucidates the concept of identification, the lasting influence of someone, some group f or some idea on others, to aid the understanding of motivation and responses to terrorism. Identification also enables the integration of three entwined levels of terrorism study -individuals, groups and society. Elucidation of left-wing terrorism in the Federal Republic of Germany shows that a wide variety of persons became terrorists. The important factors in becoming a terrorist were the influence of 'significant others' both in the decision to join a terrorist group, and later within the group, as well as the perception that terrorism was the only available option. The terrorist groups formed 'macronarratives based on the group members' shared history and culture which supported their decisions to offer incentives and sanctions to group members to enable their underground existence. Not all of the groups sought to influence public policy. The Red Army Faction was mainly interested in group survival, as was the Second of June, while some of the Revolutionary Cells and Autonomen followed their self-interest in committing terrorist acts. Other Revolutionary Cells and Autonomen groups, however, sought public policy changes through terrorist acts in support of protest groups. The other groups had limited concepts of the 'public' which reflected their group direction. The government of the Federal Republic responded to left-wing terrorism with short-term paramilitary options taking precedence over the long-term socio-economic considerations. The German government generally has perceived all left-wing terrorist groups as the same, and not given due consideration to the different terrorist organisations perceptions of the 'public'. A clearer perception of left-wing terrorism in the Federal Republic of Germany shows the usefulness of the concept of identification in the study of terrorism, and highlights the processes involved in terrorist motivation at individual, group and society levels.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Daniel Moran, Maria Rasmussen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-68). Also available online.

In this thesis, I’m working from the premise that postmodernism hitherto has been associated with the left. The next line of argument is, however, that this relation is contingent and that there is no necessity in postmodernisms association with left-wing ideas and political ambitions. To challenge this assumption, I intend to demonstrate that the Alt-Right, a far-right movement, at least in some respects can be considered as postmodern. If there is indeed cause to think of the Alt-Right as postmodern, then we would have to rethink postmodernisms political inclination. I intend to operationalize this by looking at the Alt-Right’s views on the changeability of politics and the social world, and pop culture, through the lens of a set of postmodern ideas. In particular, postmodern ideas concerning language, discourse and culture, and in doing so get a grip on whether it is correct to view the Alt-Right as postmodern or not. If a connection between the Alt-Right and postmodernism indeed exists, then we would have to rethink the necessity in the left-wing nature of postmodernism.

This thesis constructs and develops a critique of the tradition of left wing documentary film in Australia. The critique is from the perspective of the Critical Realist paradigm developed by Roy Bhaskar and others. The thesis is both an attempt to critique a tradition and to provide a new basis for documentary theory and criticism. On the theoretical level the thesis engages the work of the leading documentary film theorists including Noel Carroll, Bill Nichols, Paula Rabinowitz, Michael Renov and Trinh T. Minh-ha. These theorists take up positions, which range from New Realist to Poststructuralist. It is the contention of this thesis that, because they lack a notion of a stratified ontology, they are unable to sustain either a critique of or a coherent account of documentary practice. The definition of left wing that underpins the selection of the films is a narrow one, namely, coming from or influenced by the Marxist tradtion. The criticism of the films begins with Joris Ivens Indonesia Calling (1946) and concludes with Tom Zubrycki's Billal (l996).

Thesis (M.S.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Aerospace Engineering. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

This thesis explores cross-cultural encounters between China and three British left-wing writers – Harold Laski, W. H. Auden and Joseph Needham. The motivations underlying this study are the diversity and intensiveness of the British left’s engagements with China’s search for modernization in the twentieth century. Laski, Auden and Needham were all prominent British left-wing intellectuals, and each exerted a remarkable influence on the Chinese pursuit of modern democracy, literature, and science, the three important pillars of China’s modernization since the May Fourth period. Grouping them together, the thesis makes a contribution to the study of the international impacts of the British left in general and the study of Sino-British cultural exchanges in particular. The conventional view emphasizes Western influences on China in modern times as unilateral knowledge transplantation from the advanced West to the backward East, thus the important role of the Chinese intelligentsia as cultural agency is often marginalized. This thesis, by contrast, interprets the British left’s encounters with China as a process of interactive, dynamic, even dialectical transformation, from which both sides derived intellectual benefits. It not only demonstrates the initiative taken by the Chinese intellectuals in translating, interpreting, and applying Western knowledge to address their own particular problems, but also attempts to show the inspirations the British left-wing writers took from China in their own humanitarian struggle for a more liberal, equitable and peaceful world. The thesis is organized in chronological order with the earliest encounter discussed first. Chapter One examines Laski’s impact on Chinese liberals’ imagination and construction of an equitable and democratic China. It shows that the Chinese applications of Laski’s political theory to their local concerns were highly selective, and it was difficult for Chinese liberals to fully embrace Laski’s thought because of the inner conflict between the liberal and Marxist aspects of Laski. Chapter Two discusses Auden and Isherwood’s co-authored book Journey to a War (1939) in the critical tradition of travel writing. It argues that their ironic self-consciousness of the travel book genre itself makes the book unique in Western representations of China, but exposes them to the critical charge of immature frivolity. It also shows that Auden worked towards a symbolic solution for the conflicting demands of the public and private worlds by interpreting the China war into a global human history in his sonnets. Chapter Three focuses on the reception of Auden’s poetry in China. Exposing the limitations of the prevailing formalist-aesthetic approach, it unearths Zhu Weiji’s Marxist interpretation of Auden and proposes an ideological criticism to re-examine Auden’s influences on Chinese modernist poets. Chapter Four explores Needham’s conversion to Chinese culture and his influences on China’s understanding of its own science. By tracing various Chinese responses to the Needham Question, it argues that although Needham’s research boosted the confidence of Chinese in their scientific tradition, the Chinese hunger for modern science is closely associated with nationalism, which is contradictory to the socialist universalism that behind Needham’s intellectual project.
published_or_final_version
English
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy

This thesis examines the representation of left-wing political violence in Italian and German films from 2000 to 2010 drawing on postmodernism theory, film genre, memory studies and gender theory. It considers filmic texts and paratexts, historiography and political discourses to offer a comparative analysis of the mnemonic dynamics in new millennial Italy and Germany. This thesis looks at why the experience of revolutionary terrorism in the 1970s reappears at the turn of the new millennium in a cluster of fiction films, which innovate and sometimes challenge previous paradigms. It reads this revival in connection with industrial trends and historical events, such as the end of old ideologies, the early release of former terrorists and 9/11. The memory of left-wing terrorism has found new lifeblood in the new millennium because there are ample resonances with contemporary social issues, such as political activism and global fears of international terrorism. Focusing on eight case studies, I argue that the memory of left-wing terrorism unfolds beyond and across temporal and spatial boundaries, reactivated by present-day occurrences and through contacts with other traumatic memories. The notion of ‘interconnected memory’ is fundamentally conceived as a nexus of multiple meanings, the fruit of past recollections, and movements between different socio-historical dimensions and generational memories. Representational strategies and narrative trends are also explored to shed light on crossnational forms of memorialising political violence and its legacy. The first part analyses how postmillennial films deal with the possibility of forgiveness, here interpreted as an approach to normalise the past through narratives of pacification or exclusion. It highlights the figure of the teenager as a metaphor for the changing memory of terrorism, generational conflicts and the implications of 1970s violence for young generations. Moreover, it discusses the depiction of female terrorists and the containment strategies adopted to mitigate the anxiety for terrorist acts perpetrated by violent women. The second part of this thesis is concerned with the risks of forgetting and more precisely on an aesthetic normalisation of the terrorist discourse through popular genres and a more commercial style. It comments on the hyper-authenticity and retro aesthetics in biopics about notorious terrorist groups, and the spectacularisation of violence via the thriller and heritage film genre. It also investigates how contemporary comedies satirise the phenomenon of anarchist revolts and political kidnappings to reflect on present-day social problems.

In the early twentieth century industrial, political, and social conflicts occurred throughout the United States during a period of rapid industrialization and modernization. Examples of these disputes, such as labor strikes and political struggles, have frequently been the subjects of scholarly investigations. Yet certain aspects of these conflicts remain relatively unknown, particularly on the community and local levels. The purpose of the present study was to explore and provide the context for a better understanding of the motives behind the responses of antiradicals to left-wing radicalism. What were some of the social, cultural, and economic motivations of local antiradicals in the city of Portland from 1917 to 1941?

La relació entre el populisme i la política feminista està rebent cada vegada més atenció científica, principalment a causa de l'ascens que experimenten els partits populistes a l’Amèrica Llatina i a Europa des de principis del segle XXI. No obstant això, aquesta literatura presenta dues grans febleses. Primer, fins ara no ha aconseguit establir una relació específica entre populisme i política feminista. Segon, la literatura s'ha centrat de manera desproporcionada en els partits populistes d'extrema dreta, fet que ha introduït un desequilibri en aquesta línia de recerca – la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista ha estat poc estudiada. La present tesi contribueix a omplir aquest buit analitzant la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista, centrant-se en el cas paradigmàtic del Moviment al Socialisme (MAS) i el govern d'Evo Morales a Bolívia entre 2006 i 2018. Algunes de les investigacions més influents sobre populisme i política feminista sostenen que tots dos projectes polítics són essencialment incompatibles: d'acord amb aquesta literatura, els partits populistes mai promouen polítiques en favor de la igualtat de gènere ni mantenen bones relacions amb moviments de dones, al marge que siguin populistes d'esquerra o d'extrema dreta. En aquesta tesi, qüestiono aquesta afirmació analitzant tres aspectes específics de la relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista. Primer, investigo si els partits populistes d'esquerra promouen polítiques en favor de la igualtat de gènere, qüestionant la idea d'una incompatibilitat general entre la ideologia populista i la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. En segon lloc, analitzo com aquests partits formen les seves coalicions per elaborar polítiques en l'àmbit de la igualtat de gènere. En tercer lloc, investigo quant impacte tenen els moviments de dones institucionalitzats en les polítiques públiques quan els populistes d'esquerra estan en el poder. L'anàlisi empírica realitzada en aquesta tesi està basada en l'anàlisi qualitativa de contingut de documents i entrevistes semi-estructurades amb activistes de moviments de dones, responsables polítiques i expertes i experts. Les troballes i conclusions de la tesi poden sintetitzar-se de la següent forma. En relació a la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere, l'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern populista d'esquerres d'Evo Morales va promoure ambicioses polítiques d'igualtat de gènere sobre violència política contra les dones, violència masclista en l'àmbit domèstic i drets de les treballadores de la llar, entre altres àmbits. Aquesta troballa mostra que els populistes d'esquerra poden promoure polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. Això contradiu la literatura que sosté que hi ha una incompatibilitat essencial entre qualsevol ideologia populista i la promoció de polítiques a favor de la igualtat de gènere. En relació a la formació de coalicions per a l'elaboració de polítiques en l'àmbit de la igualtat de gènere, l'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern bolivià i el partit en el poder – el MAS – van experimentar una contradicció entre el seu discurs anti-elit i el seu pragmatisme en la formació de coalicions per a l'elaboració de polítiques públiques – van incloure ONGs feministes en les coalicions per a elaborar polítiques d'igualtat, encara que prèviament el govern havia qualificat a aquestes ONGs d'elitistes. Respecte a la relació entre partits populistes d'esquerra i moviments de dones, m'he centrat en el cas del moviment bolivià de treballadores de la llar. L'anàlisi ha mostrat que el govern de Morales va mantenir una relació pròxima i col·laborativa amb el moviment. El govern va satisfer totes les demandes simbòliques del moviment (orientades a millorar la imatge social de les treballadores de la llar) però només algunes de les seves demandes substantives (les que tenien un impacte directe en les condicions laborals i de vida de les treballadores domèstiques). Les troballes esmentades ajuden a comprendre la complexa relació entre populisme d'esquerra i política feminista. No hi ha una incompatibilitat essencial entre populisme i política feminista. La ideologia associada al populisme en cada cas – i no el populisme en si mateix – sembla ser el factor explicatiu central de la posició de cada partit populista respecte a la política feminista. En resum, la present tesi convida a relativitzar la importància del caràcter més o menys populista d'un partit polític quan analitzem la seva posició sobre la política feminista, una conclusió que pot ser útil per a altres línies de recerca sobre populisme.
La relación entre el populismo y la política feminista está recibiendo cada vez más atención científica, en gran parte debido al ascenso de partidos populistas en América Latina y Europa desde principios del siglo XXI. Sin embargo, esta literatura presenta dos grandes debilidades. Primero, hasta ahora no ha conseguido establecer una relación específica entre populismo y política feminista. Segundo, la literatura se ha centrado de manera desproporcionada en los partidos populistas de extrema derecha, lo que ha introducido un desequilibrio en esta línea de investigación – la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista ha sido poco estudiada. La presente tesis contribuye a colmar este vacío analizando la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista, centrándose en el caso paradigmático del Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) y el gobierno de Evo Morales en Bolivia entre 2006 y 2018. Algunos de los trabajos más influyentes sobre populismo y política feminista mantienen que ambos proyectos políticos son esencialmente incompatibles: de acuerdo con esta literatura, los partidos populistas nunca promueven políticas en favor de la igualdad de género ni mantienen buenas relaciones con movimientos de mujeres, al margen de que sean populistas de izquierda o de extrema derecha. En esta tesis, cuestiono esta afirmación analizando tres aspectos específicos de la relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista. Primero, investigo si los partidos populistas de izquierda promueven políticas en favor de la igualdad de género en algunos casos, cuestionando la idea de una incompatibilidad general entre la ideología populista y la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género. En segundo lugar, analizo cómo estos partidos forman sus coaliciones para elaborar políticas en el ámbito de la igualdad de género. En tercer lugar, investigo cuánto impacto en las políticas públicas tienen los movimientos de mujeres institucionalizados cuando los populistas de izquierda están en el poder. El análisis empírico realizado en esta tesis está basado en el análisis cualitativo de contenido de documentos y entrevistas semiestructuradas con activistas de movimientos de mujeres, responsables políticas y expertas y expertos. Los hallazgos y conclusiones de la tesis pueden sintetizarse de la siguiente forma. En relación a la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género, el análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno populista de izquierdas de Evo Morales promovió ambiciosas políticas de igualdad de género sobre violencia política contra las mujeres, violencia machista en el ámbito doméstico y derechos de las trabajadoras del hogar, entre otros ámbitos. Este hallazgo muestra que los populistas de izquierda pueden promover políticas a favor de la igualdad de género, lo que contradice la literatura que mantiene que hay una incompatibilidad esencial entre cualquier ideología populista y la promoción de políticas a favor de la igualdad de género. En relación a la formación de coaliciones para la elaboración de políticas en el ámbito de la igualdad de género, el análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno boliviano y el partido en el poder – el MAS – experimentaron una contradicción entre su discurso anti-élite y su pragmatismo en la formación de coaliciones para la elaboración de políticas públicas – incluyeron ONGs 9 feministas en las coaliciones para elaborar políticas de igualdad, aunque previamente el gobierno había calificado a estas ONGs de elitistas. Respecto a la relación entre partidos populistas de izquierda y movimientos de mujeres, me he centrado en el caso del movimiento boliviano de trabajadoras del hogar. El análisis ha mostrado que el gobierno de Morales mantuvo una relación cercana y colaborativa con el movimiento. El gobierno satisfizo todas las demandas simbólicas del movimiento (orientadas a mejorar la imagen social de las trabajadoras del hogar) pero solo algunas de sus demandas sustantivas (las que tenían un impacto directo en las condiciones laborales y de vida de las trabajadoras domésticas). Los hallazgos mencionados arrojan luz sobre la compleja relación entre populismo de izquierda y política feminista. No hay una incompatibilidad esencial entre populismo y política feminista. La ideología asociada al populismo en cada caso – y no el populismo en sí – parece ser el factor explicativo central de la posición de cada partido populista respecto a la política feminista. En resumen, la presente tesis invita a relativizar la importancia del carácter más o menos populista de un partido político cuando analizamos su posición sobre la política feminista, una conclusión que puede ser útil para otras líneas de investigación sobre populismo.
The relationship between populism and feminist politics is increasingly receiving more scholarly attention, largely due to the rise of populist parties both in Latin America and in Europe since the beginning of the 21st century. However, this stream of literature presents two major shortcomings. First, it has so far failed to establish a specific relationship between populism and feminist politics. Second, the literature has overwhelmingly focused on right-wing populist parties, which has introduced an imbalance in this stream of research: the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics is understudied. The present thesis contributes to filling this gap by analysing the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics, focusing on the paradigmatic case of the Movement for Socialism (MAS) and Evo Morales’ government in Bolivia between 2006 and 2018. Some of the most influential works on populism and feminist politics uphold that these two political projects are essentially incompatible: according to this literature, (e.g. Blofield, Ewig, and Piscopo 2017, Shea Baird and Roth 2017, Kampwirth 2010), populist parties never promote gender equality policies or keep good relations with women’s movements, regardless of whether they are left-wing or right-wing populists. I challenge this assertion by analysing three specific aspects of the relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics. First, I investigate whether left-wing populist parties promote gender equality policies in some cases, against charges of a general inconsistency between populist ideology and the promotion of gender equality policies. Second, I analyse how these parties form their policy-making coalitions in the field of gender equality. Third, I investigate how much impact on policy institutionalised women’s movements have when left-wing populist parties are in power. The empirical analysis carried out in this thesis is based on the qualitative content analysis of documents and semi-structured interviews with women’s movements’ activists, policy-makers and experts in women’s movements. The findings and conclusions of the thesis can be synthetized as follows. Regarding the promotion of gender equality policies, the analysis has revealed that Evo Morales’ leftwing populist government promoted ambitious gender equality policies on violence against women in politics, gender-based domestic violence, and domestic workers’ rights, among other fields. These findings show that left-wing populists can promote gender equality policies, and contradicts the literature that upholds that there is an essential incompatibility between any populist ideology and the promotion of gender equality policies. In regards to populist governments forming policy coalitions in the field of gender equality, the analysis has shown that the Bolivian government and governing party MAS experienced a contradiction between their anti-elitist discourse and their pragmatism when forming policy coalitions – they included feminist NGOs in the coalitions for the formulation of gender equality policies, even though the government had previously labelled those NGOs as elitist. As far as the relationship between left-wing populist parties and women’s movements is concerned, I have focused on the case of the Bolivian domestic workers’ movement. The analysis has 5 revealed that Morales’ government kept up a close collaborative relationship with the movement. The government satisfied all the movement’s symbolic demands (oriented towards improving the social image of domestic workers), but only some of its substantive demands (those that had a direct impact on the domestic workers’ living and working conditions). The findings mentioned shed light on the complex relationship between left-wing populism and feminist politics. There is not an essential incompatibility between populism and feminist politics. The ideology attached to populism in each case – and not populism in itself – seems to be the key explanatory factor of the position of each populist party in relation to feminist politics. In a nutshell, the present thesis invites us to relativize the importance of the more or less populist orientation of a political party when we analyse its position on feminist politics, a conclusion that can be also useful for other streams of research on populism.

The Community Charge (poll tax) was seen by both its supporters and opponents alike as an attempt to promote the British New Right's concept of responsible active citizenship in local politics. The reaction of different groups of citizens to the tax is explored through a detailed case study of events in the London Borough of Ealing, an archetypal London suburb. Here, as in most urban areas, organised anti-poll tax protestors clashed with MPs, councillors and the local magistracy, who played a large role in enforcing the measure. It shows how the protestors attempted to mobilise a 'moral community' built around the idea of 'fair' taxation and promote a campaign of civil disobedience to force abolition. This in turn compelled local actors to make principled choices about the enforcement of a law of which many of them strongly disapproved. The protestors' tactics seemed to strike a popular chord and at least a fifth of all Ealing charge-payers (and eight million people nationally) failed to pay the tax in 1990/91. However, the detailed evidence also suggests that non-payment can best be seen as a mass expression of bloody mindedness, rather than a concerted and organised campaign of civil disobedience. Nevertheless the protests had important implications for the practise of left-wing citizenship in contemporary Britain and served to highlight growing divisions between the mainstream and radical Left. Previously published academic accounts have addressed the 'high' politics of the poll tax. The thesis explores instead the 'popular' politics of the poll tax crisis in a suitably local setting and so redresses an imbalance in the literature. It therefore makes an original contribution to knowledge and understanding of the relationship between conventional means of political participation, radical popular protest movements and competing concepts of citizenship.

As populism in Europe is on the rise there are two sides of populism contesting to make an impact on their societies. In connection with existing research, this study is focusing on the most prominent left-wing populist party in Spain, Podemos, and the  most prominent right-wing populist party in Italy, Lega Nord, and examines differences in their voters’ attitudes regarding a couple of crucial indicators of populism. The study is influenced by a previous study that examined the attitudes of left-wing and right-wing voters. The main distinction between this previous study and the current one is that my study also includes voters from the Spanish left-wing party Podemos, which was not included in the previous research. The result of my study show that Podemos voters are more positive towards the EU and towards immigration in difference to Lega Nord voters, whereas they have comparable attitudes towards material deprivation and elitism.

Since the early 1990s, the prominent role of 'Octobrists' – former left wing student activists from the 1970s – has become increasingly evident in parliamentary and extra-parliamentary politics. Some Octobrists have played leading or supporting roles in key moments of political transition, such as the 1992 urban middle-class movement for democracy, various social movements throughout the mid-1990s, the political reform process of the late 1990s, and the rise of the Thais Love Thais (Thai Rak Thai) government under Thaksin Shinawatra in 2001. But over the course of the past ten years, these former student activists have become increasingly divided, amidst the protracted conflict between 'Yellow shirt' (anti-Thaksin) and 'Red Shirt' (pro-Thaksin) forces in Thai politics. Octobrists have defended opposing political stances and severely attacked one another across the political divide. This thesis examines why the Octobrists have managed to remain a significant force in Thai politics, despite the collapse of left wing politics in the late 1970s, and why they have experienced deepening internal divisions and a crisis of legitimacy over the course of the past decade. This thesis argues that the Octobrists successfully exploited shifts in the structure of political opportunities over the 1980s and 1990s which allowed them to overcome constraints on their involvement in politics. These former left wing student activists successfully made use of the political skills, social networks, and progressive language which they had developed and refined since the 1970s, in order to gain access to new channels of political influence and power. Above all, they managed to reframe their earlier history as leftist failures and to craft a new political identity as 'Octobrists', as heroic fighters for democracy and against authoritarian rule in the 1970s. In examining the rise and deepening of conflicts among the Octobrists, moreover, this thesis traces the shifts in political environment which accompanied the ascendancy and entrenchment of the Thaksin government and the rise of antiThaksin mobilisation over the past decade, which undermined the loose unity among Octobrists and created new sources of tension and conflict in their midst. The thesis also shows how the notion of 'Octobrists' shifted from an effective rubric for forging a shared identity among former student activists to a rhetorical device for conflict and contestation among former comrades-in-arms.

Mestrado em Decisão Económica e Empresarial
Existe alguma relação entre a taxa de IMI e cor política no poder? A presente dissertação insere-se no estudo da influência das diferentes forças partidária sobre a taxa de IMI. Em particular é testado o impacto dos partidos que foram democraticamente eleitos para presidir câmaras municipais com as doutrinas e convicções que os diferenciam, sobre a taxa de IMI e se é possível chegar a alguns consensos estatisticamente significativos sobre a influência dessas doutrinas nas taxas de IMI. Pretende-se também, avaliar a ideia de que partidos de direita têm uma política de impostos menos elevados que os partidos de esquerda. Para tal são testados modelos econométricos que permitem aferir a influência da cor política na taxa de IMI, verificando a possível existência de diferenças na taxa de IMI caso o partido no poder autárquico seja de esquerda ou de direita, mantendo todos as outras variáveis constantes.
Is it any relation between property taxes and political parties in power? This dissertation fits the theme power of political party and is intended to study the relation with property taxes. Particularly its tests the impact of the parties that have been democratically elected to chair municipalities, with doctrines and beliefs that differentiate on the property taxes. It is also intended to analyze the idea that right-wing parties have a less tax policy than left parties. So econometric models will be tested that allow assess the influence of political color in property taxes, by checking the possible existence of differences rate of property taxes if the party in local government is left-wing party or right-wind party, keeping all other variables constant.

Political parties are the basic building blocks of representative democracy. They reduce information costs for voters, enhance executive accountability, and contribute to democratic governability by facilitating legislative organization and aggregating the interests of powerful societal groups. Yet we continue to know relatively little about the conditions under which strong parties form. The dominant theories of party-building are mostly based on historical studies of the United States and Western European countries, almost all of which developed stable party systems. Drawing on this literature, a segment of the early scholarship on party-building in third-wave democracies optimistically took "party development" for granted, assuming that parties would follow from democracy, cleavages, or certain electoral rules. Yet party-building outcomes in third-wave democracies fell short of scholars' initial, optimistic expectations. In many third-wave polities, social cleavages, attempts at electoral engineering, and decades of democratic competition did not produce durable parties. On the other hand, in numerous third-wave democracies, new political parties did take root. What accounts for the variation in party-building outcomes observed across the developing world? More generally, under what conditions does party-building succeed?
Government

The Jewish community in Britain has been characterised by its high degree of conformity. This study seeks to extend the parameters of Jewish life by including those hitherto excluded from the historical narrative so that the community can more effectively be viewed as a paradigm for understanding the challenges facing minority communities in their encounter with mainstream society. It sets Jewish involvement within the wider historical, social, economic, political and cultural context, in which it developed, focusing upon political radicalism in Manchester, 1889-1939, and Jewish participation in radical socialism, anarchism, bundism and communism. Nonconformity is here defined in terms of a distancing from both external pressures (e.g. social conformity with the wider community) and internal pressures (e.g. religious beliefs and concerns about communal image). Through the prism of Manchester the chapters will highlight debates surrounding the makeup and impact of pre-First World War involvement; the disproportionate involvement of Jews in radicalism; the nature of Jewish allegiance to communism as an ideological conversion or a convergence of interest and the impact of involvement on Jewish identity, described as ‘Jewish communists’ or ‘communist Jews’.The thesis draws upon new information from the radical Yiddish and English press, revealing the importance of English and foreign influences on pre-war radicalism. Its use of oral testimonies at the Manchester Jewish Museum and elsewhere has revealed in the post-war period, a layering of motivation, commitment and identity. Written chronologically, the periodization of this study enables connections and differences to be drawn. It shows significant discontinuity in involvement and influence between pre and post-First World War radical activity, unlike in London. In Manchester those drawn to communism post-war were almost entirely from an English-born generation. They were more representative of the communist Jew, whose communist identity superseded but did not eradicate their Jewish identity. The thesis shows that conversion to communism was not due to any inherent ethnic characteristics. From 1920-1932 it was a response to the same social and economic factors which influenced non-Jews to communism, but encased in a cultural and historical context. From 1933 that process of conversion continued but was greatly boosted by the desire to fight fascism. The communist led fight against fascism and provision of a popular youth club acted as an attraction to youngsters, who were subsequently influenced in differing degrees or not at all by Marxism. This resulted in different levels of commitment and identification, some of which continued after the war, resulting in the formation of a subculture of Marxist and secular left-wing Jews, who are still seen as nonconformists by the mainstream Jewish community.

This paper concerns the question how the Norrbottnic railway navvy has been used inNorrbottnic newspapers in order to deal with contemporary issues of a political and economicnature. The time period covered is 1951-2004 and 36 newspaper articles have been used. Thepaper shows that there is no obvious connection between the newspapers political affiliationand the components from the navvies lives one otherwise would expect the newspaper topresent. Ideological use of history is not always present. There are other uses of history to, inthe articles. On the other hand the results of this investigation shows all newspapers wants topreserve the navvies accomplishments for later generations. There is no clear connectionbetween a decision to preserve and important events in the surrounding contemporary society.A commitment to preserve is taken independently of important contemporary events.

While several populist parties with ties to the left side of the ideological scale have become more prominent in the electoral arenas across Western Europe, the literature on populism still has a disproportionate focus on the right. To enhance the existing research on explanatory factors to the electoral fortunes of left-wing populist parties, this study tests two competing theories using multivariate regression analysis. The first theory concerns the effect of mainstream party convergence, and the second, the increased tension between governing parties’ responsive role towards the electorate and their responsible role as national leaders, here operationalized as the implementation of fiscal consolidation. The results show that austerity is conducive to left-wing populist success, and correspondingly supports the theory of the tension between governing parties’ responsibility and responsiveness. However, the effect is weaker when controlling for economic factors, which might be an indication of a partly spurious relationship or the included variables being endogenous. Despite a flexible operationalization, the convergence theory receives marginal to no support and the direction is opposite to what is expected in two of the models, rendering the results even more ambiguous and difficult to analyze. Whereas a lack of variation in the data denotes that the findings should be interpreted with caution, there is hence an indication that existing theories concerning the success of the populist left should not be taken for granted as long as empirical research is limited.

The primary conclusion drawn by the thesis is that the political ideology of the BUF clearly exhibited a left-wing strand which is described as the BUF's brand of fascist 'socialism'. This strand (whilst a travestic and heretical form of socialism) considered the BUF to be more radical and virile than the Labour movement and, alone amongst political movements, capable of bringing about a national revolution which would contain a socio-economic reorientation of the country along classic socialist lines - an end to poverty, the building of houses and job creation - with Trade Unions taking a central role, within the framework of the Corporate State, in the industrial decision making process. It is not suggested that this strand was a self-contained concept within the BUF. The thesis has simply taken the heuristic step of grouping together these ideas in order to highlight the presence of an identifiable strand within the BUF's political ideology. The thesis supports the school of academic thought which believes that fascism must be taken seriously as a genuine political ideology if it is to be understood. Fascism is viewed as an eclectic political ideology containing a clear potential (although one not necessarily realised) to exhibit a strand of thought which was at base a fascistic revision of socialism. In regards to the methodology adopted by the thesis, the generic theories of fascism devised by Griffin, Sternhell, Eatwell and Payne, it was concluded that in tile context of this thesis all proved capable of predicting the potential inherent in fascist ideology to grow from left-wing roots and exhibit a brand of fascist 'socialism'. In terms of the theories' use as research tools it is Griffin's which stands out, due to its combination of profundity and lucidity, which gives his theory an operational simplicity, flexibility and heuristic quality.

This thesis evaluates two theories purporting to explain the rise of right-wing extremism in the Midwest during the farm crisis of the 1980s. The pluralist argument suggests that Midwestern right-wing extremism was rooted in previous episodes of agrarian radicalism. The political tradition perspective, on the other hand, claims that right-wing extremism in the Midwest was rooted in traditional conservatism. To evaluate these theories, an analysis of ten counties was performed. Particular attention was paid to seven variables which theorists argue point agriculturally based communities down political paths of radicalism or conservatism. Regional analyses were also performed on those counties which resided in similar areas of the Midwest. The findings offer stronger support for the political tradition perspective than for the pluralist argument. These finding suggest that those counties in which right-wing extremist activity did not occur were ones which supported past agrarian radical movements while those counties which experienced right-wing extremism were for the most part opponents of past radical agrarian movements. The thesis suggests that future research on rightwing extremism should focus attention on the political traditions of the communities were such movements become established and that a number of alternative variables should be considered.

O objetivo desta dissertação é construir uma hipótese de mecanismo causal do esquerdismo nos governos de esquerda renovadora da América Latina a partir do estudo de caso do racha à esquerda do Frente Amplio (FA) do Uruguai, e testar esta hipótese com o caso do racha à esquerda do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) do Brasil. Utilizando theory building process-tracing, a partir da literatura sobre partidos políticos foram elaboradas, e testadas no caso uruguaio, três hipóteses de partes de mecanismo causal, as quais estabelecem: (i) o movimento ao centro feito pelo FA para atingir objetivos eleitorais é parte do mecanismo causal do racha da fração 26M; (ii) as situações de crise com o governo do Presidente Tabaré Vázquez se constituíram em parte do mecanismo causal do racha do 26M; e (iii), a diminuição das oportunidades do 26M de incidir na toma de decisões do FA, combinada com sua perda de zonas de incerteza dentro do partido, tornou- se parte do mecanismo causal do racha desta fração. As evidências apresentadas para cada hipótese suportaram o Hoop test, o que deu um alto poder confirmatório das hipóteses, porém, não permitiu descartar hipóteses alternativas. Com base nos resultados do caso Uruguaio, se construiu uma hipótese de mecanismo causal dos processos de esquerdismo nos governos de esquerda renovadora da América Latina que contém 8 partes, as entidades (atores) e ações envolvidas em cada uma delas. Por fim, utilizando theory-testing process-tracing, se fizeram apontamentos sobre o funcionamento da hipótese no caso do processo das frações que racharam com o PT e formaram o Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL). As evidências apresentadas neste caso não foram submetidas a testes empíricos, porém, de maneira geral, não diminuíram nossa confiança na hipótese de mecanismo causal. Inclusive, se produzindo uma trajetória divergente entre as frações que derivou na estruturação em dois momentos do PSOL, não foi necessário adicionar de maneira ad-hoc partes para o mecanismo, pois as foças causais foram transmitidas pelas partes nele estabelecidas, encurtando-o no caso das frações que racharam no primeiro momento, e percorrendo-o parte por parte, no caso da fração que rachou no segundo momento.
The aim of this Master\'s dissertation is to construct a causal mechanism hypothesis of leftism in the Latin American renovation of left-wing governments. This will be reviewed in two parts: starting with the case study of the split in the left of the Frente Amplio (FA) party of Uruguay, and furthermore to test the hypothesis with the case study of the split in the left of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) of Brazil. Using theory- building process-tracing from literature about political parties, three hypotheses of parts of causal mechanism were elaborated and tested in the Uruguayan case, which established that: (i) the movement towards the center made by the FA to achieve electoral objectives was part of the causal mechanism of the split of the fraction 26M; (ii) crisis situations with the government of President Tabaré Vázquez were part of the causal mechanism of the split of 26M; and (iii) the reduction of 26M\'s opportunities to influence FA decision-making process, combined with the loss of zones of uncertainty within the party, became part of the causal mechanism of fracture of this fraction. The evidences presented for each hypothesis withstood the Hoop test, which gave a high confirmatory power to the hypotheses, however, they did not allow for the disregard of alternative hypotheses. Based on the results in the case of Uruguay, a hypothesis of causal mechanism of the leftist processes in the Latin American renovation of left-wing governments was constructed, which contains 8 parts, the entities (actors) and actions involved in each one of them. Finally, using theory-testing process-tracing, notes were made on the functionality of the hypothesis in the process of fractions that broke with the PT and formed the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL). The evidence presented in this case was not subjected to empirical tests, however, in general, it did not diminish our confidence in the causal mechanism hypothesis. Even if there was a divergent trajectory between the fractions that resulted in the structuring in two moments of PSOL, it was not necessary to add parts to the mechanism ad-hoc, because the causal forces were transmitted to the parties in it, shortening it in the case of the fractions that broke initially, and going part by part, in the case of the fraction that broke after.

[pas de résumé]
Jean Charbonnel was part of that generation of "young wolves", sponsored by Georges Pompidou, which - from the beginning of the 1960s - embarked on the conquest of those parts of the country that were hostile to Gaullism. That was how Jean Charbonnel succeeded in being elected a "député" in a part of the Corrèze that was "radical-socialiste", in which the initial contacts with local politics were more than difficult. With that victory on which to build, Jean Charbonnel made for himself a real stronghold in the south of the department (the "Pays de Brive") where he became a "conseiller général" (1964-1968), mayor of Brive (1966-1995), the initiator of the first forms of "intercommunalité", and a deputy for a total of fifteen years. With this base of practical experience on the ground, his Gaullism became clearly orientated towards a search for, and the defence of, a better social justice through the realisation of novel mechanisms whose aim was the integration of handicapped schoolchildren, and of young people into the world of work, or through the responsibility that was taken for older members of the community with the construction of "foyers-logements" (sheltered housing). Such local social action was echoed on the national level, particularly when Jean Charbonnel became "Ministre du Développement industriel et scientifique" (1972-1974), within the context of the "affaire Lipp" when he tried to obtain true recognition for the eminently "gaullien" principle of Participation, taking into account the interests of the workers, of the salaried employees and of the management. Jean Charbonnel's political action claimed to be resolutely progressive but above all reformist as it sought to associate the citizen - according to the place that he actually occupied within the Community - with the great reforms of the country. This thesis seeks therefore to comprehend how a Gaullist managed to establish himself in a left-wing area - the "Pays de Brive" -and the way in which his action made of him a left-wing Gaullist or rather a "gaulliste social" because he was intellectually nearer the Right than the Left, and above all because he never sought to break away from mainstream gaullism, by which he was quite different from the left-wing Gaullists

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CAPES
This work intents to discuss the relationship between the left-wing sets and the opposition regarding the historical experience of h ?Movimiento Cristiano de Liberaci?n? as well as the relationship with de Cuban revolutionary government between 1988 and 2002.
Este trabalho objetiva discutir a rela??o entre as esquerdas e as suas oposi??es tendo por base a experi?ncia hist?rica do Movimiento Cristiano de Liberaci?n e o relacionamento estabelecido com o governo revolucion?rio em Cuba no per?odo de 1988-2002.

Die Autonomen sind die wichtigste Kraft im militanten Linksextremismus. Seit den 1980er Jahren machen sie mit Anschlägen oder „Massenmilitanz“ auf sich aufmerksam. Dietze beschäftigt sich in seiner Studie mit einem über lange Zeit zentralen Periodikum der Szene. Die Zeitschrift „Interim“ untersucht er hinsichtlich der in ihr geführten Themen und Diskurse. Ziel seiner Untersuchung ist es, Einblicke in das Denken der Autonomen zu geben. Hierfür arbeitet er zentrale, identitätsstiftende Positionen heraus
The autonomists are the most important force in militant left-wing extremism. Since the 1980s they have been putting themselves in the public eye with attacks and "mass militance". In his study, Dietze focuses on a periodical that has been a lynchpin of the scene for many years. He examines the magazine "Interim" in terms of the themes and discourses it presents. His investigation aims to bring some insight into the mindset of autonomists. To this end, he maps out central identity-forming positions

Currently, the whole globe is faced with serious problems which negatively affect people around the world: increased pollution, excessive waste, and weather pattern changes. ‘Left’ and ‘right’ wing political parties alike have embraced ‘green’ politics and for many of these parties, environmental issues have become a top priority that is very much reflected in their manifestos. This study examines the environmental goals of two of Sweden’s largest political parties and how these ambitions are reflected at a local level. The conclusions I have drawn in the study have been achieved by analysing official documents and by the comparison between two Swedish municipalities. As a result of my research, I have learned that the political leanings of a party are substantial in determining the goals and works for long-term sustainability at a local level. However, whether the prevailing parties are of the ‘left’ or ‘right’ political orientation does not seem to be of big importance because both ‘wings’ in Sweden are very liberal and have very similar environmental goals.

O presente estudo buscou analisar a participação política e engajamento na luta armada de militares dissidentes das Forças Armadas. No período anterior ao golpe civil militar de 1964 que derrubou o governo do presidente João Goulart, vivenciaram com grande intensidade uma contradição entre seu papel de militar, idealizado pelas instituições, de mantenedor da ordem social vigente, e as aspirações e lutas de sua classe de origem. Esses militares foram cassados ou deixaram as Forças Armadas após o golpe, outros permaneceram na ativa e foram presos por estarem ligados a grupos armados. Todos combateram o desenvolvimento econômico nacional baseado no sistema capitalista associado e dependente e vislumbraram, no sistema socialista, uma alternativa de organização mais justa e digna. O golpe militar teve um grande impacto destrutivo nas suas trajetórias de vida e eles encontraram, na luta armada, uma maneira de dar continuidade às suas atividades e aspirações políticas. Organizações de esquerda como o MNR e a VPR, principalmente pela capacidade de organização e aglutinação do sargento do Exército Onofre Pinto, representaram uma resistência concreta contra a dispersão desses agentes políticos, provocada pelos órgãos repressivos.
The present study looked to analyse the political participation and commitment in the armed combat of military dissidents of the Armed Strength. In the period previous to the civil military blow of 1964 that knocked down the government of president João Goulart, they survived with great intensity a contradiction between his soldier\'s paper, idealized by the institutions, of bread-winner of the social order in force and the aspirations and struggles of his class of origin. These soldiers were revoked or they left the Strength Armed after the blow, others remained in the active service and were imprisoned because of being tied to armed groups. They all fought the economical national development based on the capitalist associate and dependent system and glimpsed, in the socialist system, the most just alternative of organization and worthy. The military blow had a great destructive impact in his trajectories of life and they found, in the armed combat, a way of giving continuity to his activities and political aspirations. Left-wing organizations as the MNR and the VPR, principally for the capacity of organization and agglutination of the sergeant of the Army Onofre Pinto, represented a concrete resistance against the dispersal of these political agents, provoked by the repressive organs.

This article addresses the history of Juan Mezzich, a European immigrant who came to Peru to start a wine business, and his grandson, Julio Cesar Mezzich, a leader of Shining Path. Throughout the article, the author describes the historical period and the economic and social context in which both characters developed, emphasizing the role of the regulation of the economy that the Peruvian state ran throughout the twentieth century.
El presente artículo aborda la historia de Juan Mezzich, un migrante europeo que vino a Perú a emprender un negocio de vino, y su nieto, Julio César Mezzich, un dirigente de Sendero Luminoso. A lo largo del artículo, se describe la época historica y el contexto económico y social en el que se desenvolvieron ambos personajes, destacando el papel de la regulación de la economía que realizó el Estado peruano a lo largo del siglo XX.

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This study has as main goal analyze the publication A questão Social by the Socialist Center of Santos in the end of the 19th century. I search to understand how the socialists ideas emerged in Europe were established in the country and their reflexes over the left-wing press in this study, the periodical of the Socialist Center of Santos. The present work tries to show why not to consider the revolutionary acts as the most adequate, searching for a reformist way of action. The fact of Marxism has seduced intellectuals from middle classes, from which the leaders of the Center of Santos came from; pointing out that Silvério Fontes was a strong mischaracterizing element in this organization before the labor man. The biggest part of the work parties and organizations defining themselves as socialists in Brazil during the last decade of the 19th century fought for reformist measures in favor of workmen such as reduction of working hours and prohibition of child labor. Thus it can be stated that the Brazilian Socialism was coherent with the dominant chain of the International Second which prayed for a socialist society from a perspective which would be the result of a historical evolution without any kind of violent means to achieve this occurrence, concentrating its main efforts on short and middle term political actions, that is, in achieving electing victories and in the program that should lead its actions if they ever got the power through party arena. And their publications are an important historical source to understand this reception of ideas.
Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar publicação A Questão Social do Centro Socialista de Santos no final do século XIX. Busco entender como as idéias socialistas oriundas da Europa se fixaram no país e seus reflexos na chamada imprensa de esquerda - no nosso caso, o periódico do Centro Socialista de Santos. Procurando mostrar porque não considerar a via revolucionária como a mais viável, optando por uma via reformista de atuação. O fato do marxismo ter seduzido intelectuais das camadas médias, da qual eram oriundos os líderes do Centro de Santos, destacando a figura de Silvério Fontes, foi um elemento forte de descaracterização desta organização diante dos operários. A maioria dos partidos operários e organizações dizendo-se socialistas no Brasil na última década do século XIX lutava por medidas reformistas de defesa dos trabalhadores, como por exemplo, diminuição da jornada de trabalho, proibição do trabalho infantil. Neste sentido, o socialismo brasileiro era plenamente coerente com a corrente dominante na Segunda Internacional, que pregava a sociedade socialista a partir de uma perspectiva, que seria o resultado de uma evolução histórica sem qualquer tipo de meio violento para sua ocorrência, concentrando seus principais esforços na ação política de curto e médio prazo, isto é, na obtenção de vitórias eleitorais e no programa que deveriam nortear sua atuação na eventualidade de alcançar o poder através da arena partidária. E suas publicações são uma fonte histórica importante para entender esta recepção de idéias.

This research examines how the practice of curating has been used to further counter-hegemonic agendas in public art institutions since 1989. The central aim is to provide a fuller, contextualised, and medium specific understanding of the how the institutional exhibition might be used to challenge the hegemony of neoliberalism and the post-political consensus politics that sustains its dominance. It provides insights, through both historic case studies and reflective practice, that problematise the idea that the institutional art exhibition is a viable medium for counter-hegemonic critique, or represents the ideal space for the development of an agonistic public discourse. This thesis presents collaborative research undertaken with Tate Liverpool and Liverpool John Moores University. The research presented both extrapolated from, and contributed to, the development of an exhibition, co-curated with Tate Liverpool, entitled Art Turning Left (8 November 2013 – 2 February 2014) and a supplementary publication of the same name. The first section investigates how the idea that curators can counter neoliberal dominance, through institutional exhibition-making, developed. It draws from analyses of previous exhibitions, and the theory of Chantal Mouffe, in order to critically evaluate the curatorial application of counter-hegemonic critique and agonistic practice. It also provides a review of how exhibitions (held in major art institutions since 1989) have articulated politics, in order to determine their relationship to neoliberal dominance, and to identify significant gaps in the dialogue facilitated by these institutions. These analyses provides the theoretical and contextual grounding for the final two chapters, which provide a rationale and critical evaluation of my own attempt to develop an alternative counter-hegemonic curatorial strategy for the exhibition at Tate Liverpool. They document, and analyse, the areas of dissensus, and the ideological and pragmatic limitations that emerged, in trying to realise these theoretical propositions (in practice) in a public art museum. The thesis therefore provides a critical framework for the development of an alternative practice that positions the exhibition as a form of post-political critique and specifically targets the hegemonic role that institutional exhibitions play in reinforcing class distinctions and devaluing nonprofessional creativity.

Die Autonomen sind die wichtigste Kraft im militanten Linksextremismus. Seit den 1980er Jahren machen sie mit Anschlägen oder „Massenmilitanz“ auf sich aufmerksam. Dietze beschäftigt sich in seiner Studie mit einem über lange Zeit zentralen Periodikum der Szene. Die Zeitschrift „Interim“ untersucht er hinsichtlich der in ihr geführten Themen und Diskurse. Ziel seiner Untersuchung ist es, Einblicke in das Denken der Autonomen zu geben. Hierfür arbeitet er zentrale, identitätsstiftende Positionen heraus.
The autonomists are the most important force in militant left-wing extremism. Since the 1980s they have been putting themselves in the public eye with attacks and 'mass militance'. In his study, Dietze focuses on a periodical that has been a lynchpin of the scene for many years. He examines the magazine 'Interim' in terms of the themes and discourses it presents. His investigation aims to bring some insight into the mindset of autonomists. To this end, he maps out central identity-forming positions.

This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.

This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.

This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Vocational, Technology and Arts Education
Full Text

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In a historic moment in which the bourgeois autocracy of the country was rebuilding itself, in the year of 1979, a process started by the proclamation of political amnesty at the beginning of the government of João B. Figueiredo, an essay by Carlos Nelson Coutinho was published in issue number 9 of magazine Encontros com a Civilização Brasileira (meeting of Brazilian culture), entitled Democracy as an universal value . This essay is the very root of our present endeavor. It is an essay held by many positively or negatively as a watershed in left-wing Brazilian politics. The main purpose of this present research is to unveil the ideologic pattern of Coutinho s worldview, its ramifications and practical advent within the left-wing. There is also an added concern of salvaging an old debate of the European worker s movement about the validity, universality or class-related, of political democracy. Taking as a starting point the debates within German and Russian social-democracy, we considered the disputes between Rosa Luxemburg and Eduard Bernstein, and, later, Lenin s criticism of Kautsky. Furthermore, it is also our intention to remark on the influence exerted on Carlos Nelson Coutinho s theory by the trend of Euro-communism , particularly from the ideological output of the Italian Communist Party and its organic intellectuals . The project was based on a specific bibliographic research and in other historical documents, made through ontological criticism, containing an immanent analysis of the subject, its social determination and function in the evolving of the historical process. Sifting through Coutinho s concept-linking, we located many problematic appropriations, wherein concepts about art, taken from the works of 13 Karl Marx, were transposed to the sphere of politics. We made an effort to analyze Coutinho s limitations, with the aid of the ontologic lineaments of marxist thought. About onto-negative determination of politicity, with specify the limits of political democracy, not as ultimate liberty, due to its being supported by the pillars of a civil society driven by capital. The emancipation of mankind in general requires an association in which the free development of each is a condition for the development of all (Karl Marx)
No momento histórico de auto-reforma da autocracia burguesa, em 1979, proclamada pela anistia política, no período inicial do governo de João B. Figueiredo, foi publicado, na Revista Encontros com a Civilização Brasileira Nº 9, o ensaio de Carlos Nelson Coutinho "A democracia como valor universal" que é a raiz de nosso trabalho. Esse seu ensaio é considerado por muitos - para o bem ou para o mal - como um divisor de águas na própria esquerda brasileira. O principal objetivo desta pesquisa é o desvendamento da trama ideológica da visão de mundo de Coutinho, seus desdobramentos e sua consumação prática no interior da esquerda, bem como procura resgatar uma antiga discussão do movimento operário europeu sobre a validade, seja universal, seja de classe da democracia política. Tomando como ponto de partida os debates no interior da social-democracia alemã e russa, desenvolvemos os embates entre Rosa Luxemburgo e Eduard Bernstein e, posteriormente, as críticas de Lênin contra Kautsky. Objetivamos ainda apontar para a influência que a teoria de Carlos Nelson Coutinho sofreu do eurocomunismo , particularmente da produção ideológica do Partido Comunista Italiano e de seus intelectuais orgânicos . O trabalho baseou-se em pesquisa bibliográfica específica, e em outros documentos históricos, através da crítica ontológica, constituída da análise imanente do objeto, sua determinação social e função no evolver do processo histórico. Encontramos no decorrer das concepções de Coutinho apropriações problemáticas de transposição de conceitos acerca da arte, extraídos da obra de Karl Marx, para a esfera da política. Procuramos analisar suas limitações, com o auxílio dos lineamentos ontológicos do pensamento marxiano, sobre a determinação ontonegativa da politicidade, que especifica os limites da democracia política, não como a última forma de liberdade, pois que se assentam 11 nos pilares da sociedade civil regida pelo capital. A emancipação humana geral pressupõe uma associação na qual o livre desenvolvimento de cada um é a condição para o livre desenvolvimento de todos (Karl Marx)

Les femmes noires brésiliennes ont participé activement aux mouvements de gauche pendant la dictature militaire au Brésil (1964-1985). Les trajectoires étudiées sont généralement le résultat de l'engagement de ce groupe social dans les organisations anarchistes et communistes depuis le début du XXe siècle. La présente thèse analyse, d’une part, les conceptions, les évaluations et les stratégies conçues par les organisations politiques concernant le sens donné à l’action des hommes et femmes noirs en tant que militants, et, d’autre part, elle analyse la diffusion des idéologies de gauche dans les espaces traditionnels de mobilisation collective des communautés afro-brésiliennes, ainsi que l’emploi de leurs idées et de leurs méthodes pour répondre aux demandes immédiates en matière d’alimentation, de logement, et de revendication des droits des travailleurs face aux gouvernements autoritaires. Ensuite, la recherche se concentre sur l’histoire de vie de neuf militantes noires engagées dans la lutte contre le régime établi après 1964: Diva Moreira, Maria do Espírito Santo Tavares dos Santos, Thereza Santos, Helenira Resende de Souza Nazareth, Lucia Maria de Souza, Dora Lúcia de Lima Bertúlio, Maria Diva de Faria, Arabela Pereira Madalena et Edna Maria Santos Roland. L'objectif est d'étudier le phénomène de l'engagement, c'est-à-dire, ses principales motivations, les conditions dans lesquelles les actions militantes ont été entreprises et, enfin, leurs expériences en tant que femmes noires actrices de mouvements opposés à la dictature
Brazilian Black women actively participated in left-wing movements during the dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). Their trajectories are the result of the engagement of this social group in anarchist and communist organizations since the beginning of the 20th century. Therefore, the present thesis analyzes, on the one hand, the conceptions, evaluations and strategies framed by several political entities concerning the viability of the action of black men and women as activists. On the other hand, it analyzes the introduction of left-wing ideologies into the traditional spaces of collective mobilization of non-white communities, with the use of such ideas and methods to respond to immediate demands for food and housing, as well as to demand workers' rights and to confront authoritarian governments. Next, the research aims to investigate the life stories of nine black female activists engaged in the struggles against the established regime after 1964: Diva Moreira, Maria do Espírito Santo Tavares dos Santos, Thereza Santos, Helenira Resende de Souza Nazareth, Lucia Maria de Souza, Dora Lúcia de Lima Bertúlio, Maria Diva de Faria, Arabela Pereira Madalena and Edna Maria Santos Roland. The aim is to study the phenomenon of engagement it self, that is, their main motivations, the conditions under which militant actions were undertaken, and, finally, their experiences as black women belonging to resistance movements against the dictatorship

Ce travail est consacré à la résurgence du socialisme dans la Russie post-soviétique de 2008 à 2017 à travers le prisme des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication. Il se présente sous la forme d’une chorographie réticulaire des communautés virtuelles socialistes disséminées à l’intérieur du segment russe de l’Internet et d’une typologie politique comprenant 66 organisations partisanes emblématiques de la complexité et de la diversité de ce champ politique. Pour ce faire, nous avons examiné les conditions du renouveau du socialisme en Russie depuis l’éclatement de la crise bancaire et financière mondiale de 2008 (néolibéralisme, globalisation, démocratie de marché). Cette période coïncidant également avec l’arrivée au pouvoir de Dmitrij Medvedev, porté par une politique de modernisation, nous avons observé que ce phénomène allait de pair avec le développement de nouveaux outils multimédias permettant aux militants et sympathisants socialistes de reprendre le contrôle de leurs narrations et de se définir de façon autonome à partir des territoires informationnels qu’ils occupent dans le cyberespace. Enfin, nous avons vu que les lignes de fracture inhérentes au socialisme russe étaient en train d’évoluer consécutivement à la transition vers la postmodernité, de sorte que de nouveaux clivages et de nouvelles configurations identitaires sont en train d’apparaître en son sein. Ces antagonismes affleurant par la pratique de la communication politique en ligne jusque dans les utilisations que les socialistes font de la musique, nous avons souligné que ceux-ci participent de manière polémologique à la production de visions alternatives de la réalité
This work deals with the resurgence of socialism in post-Soviet Russia from 2008 to 2017 through the lens of new information and communication technologies. It is composed of a reticular chorography showing the socialists virtual communities spread in the Russian segment of the Internet and a political typology including 66 partisan organizations all representative of this political field’s complexity and diversity. With this aim in mind, we studied the conditions of the revival of socialism in contemporary Russia since the financial and economic crisis of 2008 (neoliberalism, globalization, market democracy). This period coinciding with the accession of Dmitrij Medvedev to the presidency through a project of political and social modernization, we observed that this phenomenon was going in hand with the development of new multimedia tools allowing the socialist activists and their sympathizers to take back the control of their narratives in the informational territories they occupy in the cyberspace. Finally, we observed that the fracture lines inherent to the Russian socialism were on the verge of changing due to the transition to postmodernity because new ideological splits and new political identities are now emerging in these territories. The given narrative antagonisms being emphasized by the practice of online political communication (including the uses Russian socialists make of music in their virtual communities), we point out that they actually contribute to the production of alternative visions of reality in a polemological way

"Grace Wick: Portrait of a Right-Wing Extremist" is a biography of an American woman who lived between 1888 and 1958. Wick grew up in a small midwestern town, but as a young woman broke away from small town tradition by moving to the city to pursue a career as an actress in the theater and in silent movies. In the course of her acting career she traveled across North America and had the opportunity to associate with people from all walks of life. As an actress, she was able to achieve an autonomy enjoyed by few women during the 1910s and early 1920s. She also developed into a political activist, organizing campaign rallies for candidates, crusading to extend women's freedom, and was an active participant in mainline politics. However, as a middle-aged woman during the late 1930s, Wick developed a narrow focus on life, becoming involved with right-wing, pro-America organizations. By the 1940s she had become outspoken against immigrants and Jews and was actively distributing nativist, anti-Semitic propaganda. The thesis poses and suggests answers to the question of why a woman who had spent a number of years in the city, and in a career which afforded her the opportunity to gain a cosmopolitan view of the world, followed a course toward nativism and right-wing extremism in her later years.