Literatura académica sobre el tema "Le Grand Kurdistan"

This article longitudinally analyzes the strategic interaction between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in their four decades of conflict. Using contemporary strategic theory as an analytical framework, it analyzes how the parties’ strategies –grand and military– and political objectives align. It finds that both parties have struggled with establishing (aligning policy, strategy, and resources) and, in several instances, maintaining a functioning strategy bridge. Static approaches that solely worked in a specific context and the absence of a strategy bridge have plagued both actors, thus perpetuating the ongoing conflict. The authors conclude that the conflict will likely continue unless one of the parties can create and maintain a working strategy bridge for an extended period.

Background and objective: The World Health Organization recognizes the importance of positive childbirth experience. In Iraq, patient satisfaction during maternity care visits is not routinely collected. This study was aimed to find out the women’s expectation during labor from physicians and midwives and associated factors such as socio-demographic and obstetrical characteristics. Methods: This cross-sectional study was conducted in Erbil city, located in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. A total of 1,500 women were targeted while they were accompanying another person, including children, to receive health services in Erbil and eventually 1,196 participated in the study. Data were collected through direct interviews after receiving informed oral consent. Participants were asked to describe their expectations for childbirth using an open-ended question. Responses were then grouped and categorized into 20 expectation items based on overlapping themes. Chi-square tests were used to identify associations with key socio-demographic and obstetric characteristics. Results: Level of expectation was significantly associated with education (illiterate and high education, P = 0.028),residency (suburban, P = 0.003), parity (grand multipara, P = 0.001), satisfaction with care (those satisfied, P <0.001), and satisfaction with provider communication (those satisfied, P <0.001). This study found that positive and calming verbal and non-verbal expressions, environmental control, encouragement of different positions and mobilization, hygiene, promotion of urinary elimination, and instruction on breathing and relaxation are highly expected by parturient women. Conclusion: Understanding women’s expectations in the delivery room is critical to health care providers in order to make appropriate care plan and support women to have a positive birth experience and to meet expectations.

Aim: The aim of this study was assessment of obstetrical characteristics of women with hemorrhoids and analfissure. Methodology: A cross-sectional study was conducted between 1st September 2013 and 30th July 2014 in Pirmamcity in Kurdistan Region of Iraq on 50 women who attend surgical private clinic and complained with signs andsymptoms of hemorrhoids and anal fissures and diagnosed by observation and physical examination of the anus.A questionnaire was constructed for the purpose of the study. Chi-square test or Fisher exact test were used foranalyzing of the data. Results: Mean (M±SD) age of women were 30.36 (± 7.4). The rate of hemorrhoids, fissures or both were asfollowing respectively: 14%, 48% and 38%. Sixty two percent of the study sample were multipara. The majority(84%) of the sample had vaginal delivery. There was statistically significant association between prolonged laborwith aggravation of hemorrhoids and fissures by pregnancy/delivery but there was no statistically significantassociation between onset of hemorrhoids or fissures and their aggravation by pregnancy/delivery with parityand mode of delivery. Conclusions: Hemorrhoids and anal fissures were most common in multipara and grand multipara women andwho delivered vaginally. These conditions may aggravated by pregnancy and delivery. Recommendation: Advising and educating women for appropriate diet and bowel motion during pregnancy andimproving care during labor may decrease the hemorrhoids and anal fissures. Further studies with large samplesize and case- control study will help to understand the effect of childbearing experience on anal disorders

Background and objective: Low early neonatal death reflects health care progress in any country. We aimed to determine the prevalence of early neonatal deaths and the associated maternal and neonatal factors in a hospital-based study. Methods: This audit study was conducted on all newborns in the labor ward and neonatal intensive care unit of a maternity teaching hospital in Erbil city, Kurdistan Region, Iraq, from January 1, 2020, to December 31, 2020. Fetal and maternal factors were determined and correlated with early neonatal deaths. Results: The early neonatal death rate was 6.7%. All categories of preterm deliveries (extreme, very, and moderate preterm) were significantly associated with early neonatal deaths (odds ratios [ORs] = 45.1, 6.2, and 2.1, respectively). The primiparous and grand multiparous women had a higher risk of early neonatal deaths (ORs = 8.4 and 13.0, respectively). Obese women had a higher risk of early neonatal deaths (OR = 3.3). The risk of early neonatal deaths was significantly high when the number of antenatal care visits was less than four (OR = 8.1). Delivery by cesarean section was associated with high risk (OR = 3.8). Regarding the Apgar scores in the first and fifth minutes after birth, early neonatal death was significantly higher among those with severely depressed scores. Conclusion: High parity, inadequate antenatal attendance, obesity, and mode of delivery, were contributing factors to early neonatal deaths. Early prenatal care can assist in the rapid identification and management of risk factors for early neonatal deaths. Keywords: Early neonatal death; Parity; Low birth weight; Maternal characteristics; Overweight.

Background and objectives: Anemia is a common medical disorder during pregnancy with bad consequences on mother and fetus, this study was conducted to determine the prevalence of anemia in pregnant women and correlation of anemia with obstetrical and some demographic characters. Methods: This study was cross sectional study was conducted in Najdi Haedar primary health care center.in Erbil city, Kurdistan region, Iraq from first of July to thirty first of December 2016.The study included 297 pregnant women in their routine first visit to antenatal care unit, aged between (16-46) years. The data collected from pregnant ladies attending antenatal care during their first visit. Results: Mean hemoglobin (Hb) level (10.9±1.8 mg/dl) ranging from (7.5-14.3 mg/dl) At the first booking visit in the antenatal care unit, (56.9%) were anemic. The anemic group were sub divided into mild (29.6%), moderate (17.8%) with no severe cases. There was highly significant association between anemia and parity, second trimester visitor, postpartum hemorrhage in previous pregnancy (APHPP) and very highly significant association between pregnancy and severe anemia in previous pregnancy and interval less than 2 years between current and previous pregnancy. Conclusion: There is a high level of anemia in Najdi Haeder primary health care pregnant population, in Erbil city. The highest levels of anemia were in age group more than 40 years (63.2%), while the lowest was in less than 20 years group (41.7%). The highest level of anemia was in 2nd trimester visitors (51.3%), while the lowest was in 1st trimester group (20.0%). Regarding parity, grand multi parity were more anemic (71.4%) than others.

Delisting the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) as a terrorist organization would be a bold, imaginative move by Turkey, the European Union (EU), and the United States (US), among others, that might contribute to the peace process and benefit all concerned parties. However, Turkey presently does not want to acknowledge collective rights for its ethnic Kurds, and is willing to grant merely limited and begrudgingly individual rights such as mother-tongue language in the schools and a Kurdish TV channel, among a few others. Thus, there remains a very long way still to go, but delisting the PKK is surely one important start along this necessary journey.

In the 2010s amid the destabilization of the region and the outbreak of new armed conflicts the influence of the Republic of Turkey in the Arab world has significantly increased. The proclamation of the Islamic State in the neighbouring countries in the sphere of Turkey’s interest — Syria and Iraq — became a kind of watershed. And whereas Ankara’s strategy in Syria has received substantial attention of researchers, its policy towards Iraq which included both military and non-military measures remains understudied. The paper aims to uncover the logic behind Turkey’s assistance to Iraq to counter territorial expansion of the Islamic State and to remedy the negative impact of its presence. The paper is divided into two sections. The first section focuses on the military-political interaction between the Republic of Turkey and Iraq after 2014. The second examines specifics of the Turkish non-military assistance to its neighbour. The author stresses that Ankara’s military support to Baghdad in the fight against ‘ISIS’ included expansion of the Turkish troops’ presence in Iraq and escalation of tensions with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. That has, in turn, led to the growing tension between Turkey and Iraq. As for the civilian assistance, Turkey has focused on its humanitarian dimension implementing relatively small projects — mainly in the areas populated by the Iraqi Turkomans. After declaring victory over the Islamic State, Ankara did not rush to increase the level of its grant assistance that remained relatively low. At the same time Turkey sought to create, particularly through tied loans, advantageous conditions to attract Turkish construction companies to the reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure in Iraq. Thus, the paper shows that during this internationalized internal conflict, as well as after its formal end, Turkey has tended to prioritize its national interests, aiming to strengthen its strategic and economic presence in the neighbouring country through a combination of military and non-military measures. However, a recent destabilization of the situation in Iraq poses new challenges to the Ankara’s strategy towards Iraq and highlights the need for further monitoring of the development of Turkish-Iraqi relations.

In the Kurdistan region, prior to the establishment of Kurdish de-facto autonomy in 1991, Kurdish political parties’ duties mainly included armed insurrection against the Iraqi government to procure rights for Kurds. After the 1991 uprising against the Baathist state, the Kurdish people hoped for a new start for the region which would bring about freedom, development, and participation in a new democratic process. However, shortly after the founding of the first Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), civil war broke out in Iraqi Kurdistan between the PUK and KDP. After hostilities ended in 1994, the two parties decided to divide power among them both equally without the need for elections. As they were heavily armed and had established partimonial networks with smaller, supporting parties, there was no possibility of challenging the new system in place. This situation lasted until 2008-2009 with the emergence of Gorran, a newly established political party which aimed to be the region’s first true democratic opposition. Gorran participated in the third KRG parliament between 2009-2013. In coalition with the Kurdistan Islamic Group (KIG) and Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) parties, they formed the first official parliamentary opposition bloc. For the four years that the coalition lasted, there was a noticable change in quality of debates and legislative work in Parliament. Despite the good start to the their existence, in the fourth parliament in 2013, the opposition decided to join the government and made several strategic and tactical mistakes. The stated goal of joining the grand coalition government was to hold the government accountable internally. This, however, did not materialise and slowly opposition as a political entity became increasingly weak. This study attempts to study all the causes of this failure, In particular the reasons that led to the weakening of Gorran, as the previously main opposition power, wich was not only became weaker, but also lost their effectiveness as a political movement.

Abstract “Transitional justice” refers to a set of strategies for promoting reconciliation in societies that have been ravaged by conflict and human rights abuses in the recent past. In some cases, however, the political leaders of post-conflict societies choose not to pursue transitional justice, instead preferring to keep the status-quo peace. This essay explores the situation in the Kurdistan region of Iraq after the genocidal Anfal campaign of the late 1980s. The Kurdish political authorities at the time did not use any transitional justice measure against the Kurds who collaborated in the persecution and killing of their fellow Kurds. Instead, they declared a unilateral amnesty for all collaborators, without the consent of the victims’ families. This paper argues that this grant of “blanket amnesty,” which protected the accused from legal liability at the expense of victims’ right to justice, brought neither justice nor peace. Conversely, it negatively affected the process of democratization, rule of law, and social reconciliation in the region. The paper concludes that justice and lasting peace will not be realized in the region if the abuses of the past are left unaddressed.

La chaine du Zagros, de direction NY-SE sur une longueur de près de 2 000 kilomètres, occupe toute la partie sud-ouest de l'Iran. Représentant la façade nord-est de la plaque arabique entre l'Oman et la Turquie orientale, elle renferme tous les éléments du domaine téthysien qui, au cours du Mésozoïque et du Tertiaire, séparait le continent arabo-africain du bloc eurasiatique. Le secteur de Kermanshah (Kurdistan iranien) a été choisi en raison de ses affleurements d'ophiolites et de radiolarites. Dans son ensemble, la chaine est constituée de 3 parties : 1- au SW, le Zagros externe ou Folded Belt, caractérisé par ses séries sédimentaires continues et concordantes depuis le Paléozoïque jusqu'au Néogène et par sa structure en plis réguliers formés au Plia-Quaternaire; 2- dans l'axe, une zone très tectonisée (Crushed Zone) avec des unités à radiolarites et ophiolites; 3- au NE, un domaine complexe à formations métamorphiques et où sont exprimés plusieurs cycles orogéniques: le domaine métamorphique du Zagros ou zone de Sanadaj-Sirjan qui chevauche en direction du SW les domaines précédents le long d'un accident majeur: le Zagros Main Thrust. C'est donc cette Crushed Zone et son encadrement immédiat qui ont été étudiés dans la région de Kermanshah, où, sur une transversale de 150 kilomètres environ, on recoupe du SW vers le NE (de l'extérieur vers l'intérieur de la chaine) les unités suivantes: - bordure nord-est du Zagros externe ou Autochtone, - unité des radiolarites de Kermanshah, - unité des calcaires de Bisitoun, - unité des ophiolites de Sahneh - Harsin, - écailles tertiaires (écailles de la Gaveh Rud), - domaine métamorphique du Zagros (nappe du Kuh-e-Garun). Les radiolarites de Kermanshah constituent une unité à sédimentation siliceuse prédominante, allant du Trias supérieur au Crétacé moyen, comportant à la base des intercalations calcaires (Trias, Lias, Dogger) et au sommet des niveaux détritiques bréchiques. Cette unité chevauche le Crétacé supérieur autochtone (Maestrichtien) qui se termine localement par un olistostrome à éléments de radiolarites. Les calcaires de Bisitoun débutent au Trias supérieur (calcaires récifaux surmontant des niveaux de radiolarites associées à des laves) et montent jusqu'au Cénomanien. La série, épaisse de 2000 à 3000 mètres est intégralement calcaire et le plus souvent avec faciès de plateforme. Le sommet montre localement (Crétacé supérieur des faciès siliceux (radiolarites de Karazank). Cette unité de calcaires chevauche en direction du SW les radiolarites de Kermanshah. Les ophiolites de Sahneh-Harsin surmontent tectoniquement les calcaires de Bisitoun et débordent localement (région d'Harsin) jusque sur les radiolarites. Elles comportent les termes habituels des cortèges ophiolitiques (tectonites, cumulats ultrabasiques, gabbros, cortège filonien), mais les laves ont disparu par érosion ante­ miocène. Des datations attribuent un Age crétacé supérieur (80 Ma) aux produits différenciés et aux roches filoniennes; mais quelques indices sont en faveur d'un Age plus ancien (au moins pour une partie de ces ophiolites): blocs de calcaires triasiques dans les serpentines d'Harsin, couverture de calcaires jurassiques (Malm des unités de Sarmaj). Ces unités sont toutes allochtones (charriages en direction du SW) et représentent des séries mésozoïques particulières. Leur mise en place est rapportée à une phase tectonique fini-crétacée: olistostrome terminal de l'Autochtone, cachetage des contacts anormaux par l'Eocène du massif du Kuh-e-Surkheh, alimentation des formations conglomératiques éocènes. Les radiolarites de Kermanshah ne sont pas directement liées aux ophiolites
The Zagros Range extends along the NE border of the Arabian plate for a distance of about 2 000 km, where it results from the convergence of the Arabian and Eurasiatic plates, the latter represented by Central Iran. Studies in the Kermanshah area (Iranian Kurdistan) reveals the presence of a suture zone between the two main blocks: an Outer Zagros or Folded Belt (area of oil production) forms the SW edge of the suture and constitutes the margin of the Arabian plate. The second block, the Zagros metamorphic domain or Sanandaj -Sirjan zone, constitutes the NE edge of the suture. Within the suture zone itself, strongly crushed units represent the remnants of oceanic crust formed during the Upper Triassic. Outliers of this domain are represented by ophiolites of the Sahneh-Harsin unit and radiolaritic of the Kermanshah unit formed during the Mesozoic within a narrow trough oriented parallel to the Arabian plate margin and separated from the oceanic crust by a continental barrier comprising carbonates (Bisitoun limestones). At the end of the Cretaceous, the NE drift of the Arabian plate induced a contraction of the domain and it’s partial over thrusting upon the margin of the Arabian plate (ophiolite obduction and Cretaceous nappes). However, during Eocene time,a narrow trough (Gaveh Rud domain) with oceanic basement remained (called the "Residual Tethys"). It was marked by magmatic activity and by flysch-type sediments. At the end of the Eocene this domain was again crushed and the Tethys Ocean disappeared permantly. Since the Oligo-Miocene the two continental blocks have been in perpetual collision with large continental thrusting associated with major lateral displacement along the Main Zagros Thrust, these movements causing modern seismic instability