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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"

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Publicado: 25 de mayo de 2024

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1

Anderle, Ádám. "El balance de la independencia latinoamericana". Acta Hispanica 16 (1 de enero de 2011): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2011.16.9-18.

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This study is a historiographical overview of the literature of the Latin American wars of independence. It analyses the gains and losses, and poses the question: „has the world advanced" in the 200 years of independence? The first part of the article concentrates on the events of the wars of independence and the developments in the 19th century focusing on the works of Francisco Morales Padrón, Luis Navarro Garcia, Jose' Carlos Maridtegui, and the approach of the German historian Manfred Kossok. In the secondpart the author presents the question of subdesarrollo and dependencia. He discusses the different interpretations for insufficient progress from the positivist viewpoints to the assessment of the economists of the CEPAL. The novelty of this part is that it presents the results of the comparative analyses (Wittman, Pack, Zimdnyi) published in Hungarian historiography in the 1960s-1970s that revealed the similarities between the progress in Central-Eastern Europe and Latin America.

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2

Chasteen, John Charles. "Fighting Words: The Discourse of Insurgency in Latin American History". Latin American Research Review 28, n.º 3 (1993): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016964.

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“What I suffer is pleasant because it shows that I am putting myself above the run of common men, that I am worthy of my Patria and of you…” Insurgent officer to his wife, 1893 The appeal of sacrifice so frequently encountered in expressions of nationalism is an equally familiar theme in the rhetoric of political warfare in Latin America. Stories of political warfare take up a considerable part of Latin American historiography. The intent of this exploratory article is to suggest how the rhetoric and narrative written about nineteenth-century insurgency can be read to illuminate the political history of Latin America. Two South American civil wars of the 1890s constitute the empirical starting point for my speculations, although they are scarcely a convincing sample of the hundreds of insurgencies that have occurred since independence. Consequently, these observations on a Latin American discourse of insurgency must largely be content to ask questions, raise issues, and suggest hypotheses.

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3

Ivanov, Nikolai. "The Monroe Doctrine and Anglo-American Rivalry in Latin America, 19th – early 20th centuries". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 5 (2023): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028070-5.

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In the article, the author analyses the issues related to the US adoption of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 in the context of Anglo-American confrontation and rivalry in Latin America. The author examines the relations between the USA and Great Britain during the Spanish American wars of independence, the main aspects of the policy of “neutrality”, the actual support of Latin American patriots in their struggle against the Spanish metropole. Despite the common interest in preventing European competitors from entering South America, the Americans did not sign a joint document with the British, despite repeated proposals from London. The Doctrine was put into effect under conditions unfavourable to the US, characterised by Britain's unchallenged world domination in military and economic power. However, by the end of the nineteenth century, the situation changed dramatically in favour of the USA. The author analyses the content of the Doctrine (“America for the Americans”), its adjustment in the course of the rivalry between the USA and Great Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the concessions made by the UK in its rivalry with its strategic competitor. In all events related to the Anglo-American rivalry in Latin America, the Monroe Doctrine was the “starting point’ for the actions and statements of American politicians, and it is not by chance that President Woodrow Wilson stated at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference that the doctrine should be extended to the whole world.

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Kudelko, Bohdan. "Influence of the United States of America on Politics of Latin American Countries". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n.º 45 (27 de junio de 2022): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2022.45.86-91.

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This article examines the history of relations between the United States and Latin American countries. The main stages of the development and the defining characteristics of each of them are outlined. It is studied how these actors coexisted after gaining the independence from Spain of most Latin American countries. This article also describes how US expanded its territory by the treaties and wars. The content of the Monroe Doctrine, the Big Stick Policy and the Neighborhood Policy are defined. It analyses impact of these policies on US and Latin American countries. Differences in relations in the period before the Second World War and during the Cold War are outlined. Article demonstrates examples of US interference in Latin American region. The actions of the USA concerning the influence on the domestic policy of the countries of this region during the aggravation of the Cold War are analyzed. Article describes actions that were used against communism in certain countries of the region It analyses Cuban Revolution and political crisis across the whole region in late 1970s - early 1980s and its impact on US. It is argued that the United States became a hegemon first in South America and later expanded its influence on a global scale. It is established that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the presence of the United States in the region decreased, but they continue to actively interfere in the domestic politics of Latin American countries, albeit to a lesser extent. Article shows how globalization influenced Latin American countries and political changes that happened in this region. Author shares the opinion that USA still plays leading role in foreign policy of the region and as well trying to control to some extent everything that concerns domestic policy of the countries in the region of Latin America.

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Abad, Leticia Arroyo y Jan Luiten van Zanden. "Growth under Extractive Institutions? Latin American Per Capita GDP in Colonial Times". Journal of Economic History 76, n.º 4 (17 de noviembre de 2016): 1182–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050716000954.

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This article presents new estimations of per capita GDP in colonial times for the two pillars of the Spanish empire: Mexico and Peru. We find dynamic economies as evidenced by increasing real wages, urbanization, and silver mining. Their growth trajectories are such that both regions reduced the gap with respect to Spain; Mexico even achieved parity at times. While experiencing swings in growth, the notable turning point is in 1780s as bottlenecks in production and later, the independence wars reduced economic activity. Our results question the notion that colonial institutions impoverished Latin America.

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6

Derham, Michael. "How green was my valley? Urban history in Latin America". Urban History 28, n.º 2 (agosto de 2001): 278–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926801002085.

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The history of Latin America has been dominated by ideas of order and progress. Unfortunately those ideas have not always been of regional origin. In the colonial era the conquest and conversion of the native peoples was seen as progress by the Europeans. The imposition of order was aided greatly by urbanization sometimes symbolically on the ruins of Indian cities such as at Cuzco and Mexico City. Cities became the point of cultural and economic articulation between the barbaric hinterland and the civilization of Europe. Freedom from the Spanish yoke gained in the Independence wars was similarly seen as progress, at least by the ultimately victorious creole ‘patriots’. It was here, however, that notions of national identity, modernization and economic success became intertwined to produce the conflicts which still inflame the region today. The paramount question has remained: whose order and concept of progress should be imposed?

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7

Lopez, Daniel Armando. "El mestizaje como categoría socio-antropológica fundante en la identidad de América: El “otro mestizo” de América Latina / The Miscegenation as Category Socio-Anthropological Founding in the Identity of America: The “Another Mestizo” of Latin America". Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales 5, n.º 2 (26 de octubre de 2016): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/gka-revsocial.v5.1342.

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ABSTRACTIn this article we intend to redefine what miscegenation represents as a global, all-embracing phenomenon in Latin America, due to the importance of its current historical consequences. We attempt to understand this crucial fact within the Latin American identity. Miscegenation is not regarded as a minor category, neither as a mere temporary sociocultural stage. This process of fusion, hybridization and gathering (referred to as “the mestizo”) involves us totally. Such course of action has been developing since the colonial period, as a result of independence wars, following the establishment of nation states, mainly concerning the conservative liberal governments of the 19th and 20th centuries. Currently, this is perceived in the globalization processes which we are going through, along with their social, cultural, economic, political, and even epistemic consequences.RESUMENEn este artículo nos proponemos comenzar a resignificar lo que representa el mestizaje como un fenómeno integral y totalizador en América latina, por la importancia de sus consecuencias históricas y actuales. En esta ocasión, analizando este fenómeno esencial en los aspectos de la identidad latinoamericana. No tomamos “el mestizaje” como una categoría residual ni tampoco en un “estadio” socio-cultural transitorio. Este proceso de fusión, hibridez y encuentro, que denominamos “lo mestizo”, nos contiene integralmente y se viene generando desde los tiempos de la colonización, luego en las luchas por las independencias, continuando en la construcción de los estado-nación, sobre todo con los gobiernos liberales-conservadores del Siglo XIX y XX y actualmente en los procesos de globalización y mundialización que estamos transitando, con sus consecuencias sociales culturales, económicas, políticas, ideológicas y hasta epistémicas.

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8

Sanders, James E. ":Under the Flags of Freedom: Slave Soldiers and the Wars of Independence in Spanish South America.(Pitt Latin American Series.)". American Historical Review 114, n.º 2 (abril de 2009): 459–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.459.

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9

Rausch, Jane M. "Independence in Latin America: A Comparative ApproachIndependence in Spanish America: Civil Wars, Revolutions, and UnderdevelopmentLatin American Revolutions, 1808-1826: Old and New World Origins". Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 1997): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.1.125.

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10

Ivkina, Liudmmila. "Constitutional acts of Cuba during the liberation wars of the last third of the 19th century (1868-1898)". Latin-American Historical Almanac 38, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2023): 50–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-38-1-50-85.

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The liberation struggle of the Cuban people against Spanish domination, which unfolded in the last third of the XIX cen-tury, was a logical continuation of the national liberation pro-cess that began in Latin America at the beginning of the nine-teenth century. There are two most important stages in this struggle: the Ten Yearʹs War for Independence of 1868–1878, which ended with the signing of the compromise Treaty of Zanjon (a treaty without independence), and the War of 1895–1898, the "Necessary War", as its leader José Martí de-scribed it, interrupted by the intervention of the United States in the liberation process in 1898 and the outbreak of the Spanish-American War (April 25 / August 12, 1898), which ended with the elimination of Spanish domination and the creation in 1902 of the so-called "pseudo-republic" (1902–1934). During the years of the Liberation Struggle of 1868–1898, constitutional acts were created that testified to the so-cial orientation of these processes. During the Ten Year's War, important political acts such as the Manifest of Inde-pendence (October 10, 1868) proclaimed by C.M. de Céspedes, the Constitution of Guaymaro (April 1869) and the Constitution of Baraguá (March 17, 1878) were adopted. Dur-ing the liberation struggle of 1895–1898, two constitutions were created: Jimaguayú (September 16, 1895) and Yaya (Oc-tober 29, 1897). The analysis of the constitutional acts of the era of the liberation struggle became the subject of our re-search.

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11

Morgan, Zachary R. "Soldier and Scholar: Abdias Nascimento and the Origins of Afro-Latin American Studies". Journal of Black Studies 52, n.º 6 (7 de junio de 2021): 602–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211021095.

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Abdias Nascimento shaped Brazil and the lives of Afro-Brazilians as an activist, as a politician, as an internationally recognized scholar, and through the arts as a playwright, a director, a poet, and painter. Through a scholarly career that spanned much of the 20th century and continued into the 21st, his ideas preceded and served as a model for the recent growth of Afro-Latin American studies as a discipline. This article draws on Nascimento’s writing to shed light on the less studied period when he was enrolled in the Brazilian army in São Paulo from 1930 to 1936, as well as the two related periods during which he was incarcerated between 1936 and 1938. This essay argues that—much like Afro-descendant soldiers globally who fought in conflicts from the American Wars of Independence through the World Wars of the 20th century—military service and his subsequent captivity deeply inpacted Abdias Nascimento. His relations with the Brazilian military and its penal institutions guided his concept of race, citizenship, and nation, his activism and scholarship, and subsequently helped mold the contemporary field of Afro-Latin American studies, directly and indirectly.

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12

Yurchik, Ekaterina. "US Policy in Latin America in the Coverage of Spanish Press of 1824—1836". ISTORIYA 14, n.º 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028288-5.

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Under the influence of significant changes in the system of international relations caused by the wars of independence in Spanish America, Spain found itself on the periphery of world politics and was adapting to its new role. The politics of the United States, the leading power in the Western Hemisphere, became one of the topics of public discussion that unfolded on the pages of Spanish press during the Restoration (1823—1833) and the liberal revolution of the 1830s. Spanish assessments of US international activity revealed the views of politically active elite on the principles of foreign policy in the New World, and their perception of the North American republic as a regional leader with whom it is necessary to communicate. Spanish public opinion, with all characteristics of its ideological state and evolution, perceived the United States as an important actor in the regional system of international relations, which was increasing its influence, relying on its economic resources and taking advantage of the absence of active rivals. The ideological division between Spanish political groups affected their assessments of US policy, but in the 1830s it turned out to be less pronounced than during the Restoration. The conflict between Mexico and Texas caused a sharp critical reaction from the progressist press, which condemned the aggressive territorial expansion of the United States. The growth of US activity contributed to the concept of a new role for Spain in the New World — the role of the patron of its former colonies.

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13

Kuchinov, Pavel. "Digitalization of Latin America’s transport and logistics industry within the «Industry 4.0» concept (4IR)". Latinskaia Amerika, n.º 12 (2022): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0023419-9.

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The issue of innovative development of Latin American countries in the paradigm of «Industry 4.0» is currently most acute. The article analyzes the main stages of development and modernization of digital solutions in the transport and logistics services. Due to the significant technological backwardness of the Latin America from other macroe-conomic regions and pronounced cross-country differentiation within the Latin American region itself, the need to introduce digitalization systems has become a priority at the government level. The significant fragmentation of digitalization within the transport and logistics industry of the Latin American region itself is also an important subject of present research. The article describes the main strategic advantages that are possible due to the digitalization: reduction of transport costs, formation of additional budget revenues, ensuring full control of the production and sales cycle, optimization of human resources, reduction of anthropogenic factors in the organization of transport and ware-house operations. Integration of digital solutions is a factor of economic well-being and a condition for technological and innovative survival. Cooperation between Latin American countries and the Russian side through the implementation of digital technologies, also in the segment of road cargo transportation, as well as public transport and improving road safety and speed control, seems very promising. This will strengthen Russia's bilateral cooperation with Latin American countries in the field of technological research and innovation, and indirectly strengthen their digital independence.

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14

Jancsó, Katalin. "Cuestión indígena en la América independiente". Acta Hispanica 16 (1 de enero de 2011): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2011.16.33-45.

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The aim of this study is to present the political, economic and social circumstances that had an influence on the situation of Latin-American indigenous people after the wars of independence of the first decades of the nineteenth century. It describes what movements have risen during the last two centuries, what kinds of ideobgies were born to solve the indigenous problem and how the first private indigenous associations were established. It also examines the appearance of the institutionalization of indigenismo into official government policies and gives a brief view of the present legal regulation of the question in the region.

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15

Scheina, Robert L. "Unexplored Opportunities in Latin American Maritime History". Americas 48, n.º 3 (enero de 1992): 397–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007242.

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Latin American maritime history is virtually an unexplored subject among English-speaking scholars. Opportunities for research abound since practically every Latin American nation has had an intimate affair with the water; for some it has been sweet and for others salt. One can find a maritime topic which complements his or her interest in almost any Latin American country or any era.Even land-locked Paraguay has been profoundly influenced by its maritime environment. It has fought two major wars since independence and the outcomes of both were influenced by the exploitation of the extensive river systems. During the War of the Triple Alliance, Paraguay lost control of the rivers, the only efficient means of transportation, early in the contest. As a result, Paraguay's enemies held the initiative and could find a haven under the guns of their fleet if the battle went poorly on land. Conversely, during the early stages of the Chaco War, Paraguay's control of the rivers gave it a significant logistical advantage over its enemy, Bolivia. Paraguay had to bring its supplies up the Paraguay River and its tributaries; on the other hand, Bolivia had to bring its supplies up the west slopes of the Andes and then down the other side.

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Sánchez Martínez, César Félix. "Hacia una lectura de las Tradiciones Peruanas desde la teoría de la representación política". Aula Palma, n.º 20 (2 de enero de 2023): 529–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/ap.v20i20.4469.

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En este artículo se presentará una interpretación del proceso de independencia y construcción estatal de las repúblicas hispanoamericanas de la mano de las teorías de la representación política de Guerra, Furet y Cochin y se planteará, en el caso del Perú, la necesidad de contar con las Tradiciones peruanas de Ricardo Palma como insumo para comprender este proceso en esta nación andina. Asimismo, a guisa de ejemplo para estudios ulteriores, se revisará una tradición palmiana referida al modo privilegiado de construcción de legitimidad en la representación moderna: el sufragio. Palabras clave: Teorías de la representación política, Tradiciones peruanas, Ricardo Palma, Perú republicano, Guerras de Independencia. Abstract In this article an interpretation of the Independence and State-Building processes in the Latin American Republics will be explored in line with Political Representation Theories exposed by Guerra, Furet and Cochin. Also, the use of Tradiciones Peruanas as a rich material to understand this process in Peru will be proposed through the analysis of a Palmean tradition referred to suffrage, the most important way of constructing legitimacy in Modern representation. Keywords: Political Representation Theories, Tradiciones peruanas, Ricardo Palma, Republican Peru, Wars of Independence

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17

Lois, Carla. "De las fronteras coloniales del imperio hispánico en América a los límites internacionales entre Estados latinoamericanos independientes: génesis de la imposibilidad de un mapa político de Sudamérica consensuado = From the colonial borders of the Hispanic Empire in America to the international borders between independent Latin American states: the genesis of the impossibility of a consensual political map of South America". REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 30 (28 de mayo de 2019): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4749.

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Resumen: Los límites coloniales de América Latina habían sido definidos vagamente durante siglos: eran límites administrativos que organizaban la administración de un extenso territorio (para los cánones europeos), ocupado efectivamente de manera dispersa e irregular, con un archipiélago de enclaves urbanos conectados por el Camino Real.Desde las guerras de independencia (1800 - 1860), muchos territorios nacionales quedaron definidos, jurídicamente, a partir del principio del utis possidetis (la aceptación de antiguas unidades administrativas coloniales para los nuevos estados independientes) pero, de facto, el establecimiento efectivo de los límites territoriales se convirtió en uno de los problemas más difíciles de resolver para los nuevos estados latinoamericanos, en primer lugar debido a los constantes desacuerdos entre las partes y también debido la debilidad de los aparatos institucionales burocráticos que no disponían de medios materiales, instrumentales y recursos humanos para zanjar las disputas territoriales.Además, a lo largo del siglo XIX, al mismo tiempo que se constituían los estados nuevos en América latina y configuraban sus propios territorios se estaba reconceptualizando la propia idea de límite territorial, tanto en el terreno de la jurisprudencia internacional como en la teoría política: mientras que durante mucho tiempo los límites podían ser zonas o franjas de bordes difusos, los procesos de formación territorial modernos requirieron límites que pudieran escribirse en forma de líneas sobre los mapas. En la práctica los límites antiguos y nuevos fueron dibujados y rediseñados a lo largo del siglo XX durante complejas negociaciones, alianzas inestables y contiendas militares, e incluso algunos de ellos no pudieron resolverse y continúan sin encontrar solución.A las dificultades técnicas y jurídicas intrínsecas la demarcación de los límites, hay que agregar que las tradiciones historiográficas nacionales (y nacionalistas) que elaboraron relatos de formación territorial y argumentaciones para sostener sus reclamos territoriales que hicieron literalmente imposible que el montaje de los mapas de los nuevos estados nacionales latinoamericanos elaborados por cada país diera por resultado un mismo mapa político coherente de América latina (por el contrario, cada país latinoamericano produjo mapas de Sudamérica demarcando las fronteras de maneras diferentes).Este artículo explora la variedad de situaciones que se generaron para resolver el quimérico mapa político de Sudamérica y cómo los relatos que los propios estados nacionales crearon para narrar sus historias territoriales tendieron a construir historiografías autocentradas que prefirieron ignorar o desdibujar el proceso de formación territorial en el nivel regional de América latina concebido como un asunto de conjunto.Palabras clave: Mapa político, América latina, nación, límites, demarcación territorialAbstract: For centuries colonial boundaries in Latin America had been defined vaguely: they were administrative boundaries organising the administration of an extensive territory (for European canons), effectively occupied in a dispersed and irregular manner, with an archipelago of urban enclaves connected by the Camino Real (Royal Road).Since the wars of independence (1800 - 1860), many national territories were, de jure, defined from the principle of utis possidetis (the acceptance of old colonial administrative units for the new independent states) but, de facto, not effectively established as having territorial limits, giving rise to one of the greatest challenges for the nascent Latin American States. This was first due to the constant disagreement between the parties and second to the weaknesses in bureaucratic institutions lacking the materials, instruments and human resources to settle disputes.In addition, throughout the 19th century, hand-in-hand with the territorial formation of these modern states, there was a progressive reconceptualisation of the idea of the territorial limit, shifting from a strip or zone to a discrete, cartographic line. In practice, the 20th century saw old and new boundaries drawn and redrawn through complex negotiations, unstable alliances and military strife, some never settling and remaining today unresolved.Added to the technical and legal difficulties intrinsic to the demarcation of borders are national (and nationalist) historiographic traditions narrating stories of territorial formation and constructing arguments to sustain their territorial claims, making it literally impossible for the assembly of maps drawn up by the new Latin American nation states ever to result in a coherent political picture of Latin America.This article explores the variety of situations that were generated to solve the chimerical political map of South America and how the stories that the nation states created to narrate their territorial histories tended to build self-centred historiographies that ignored or blurred the global process of territorial formation in Latin America.Key words: Political map, Latin America, nation, borders, territorial demarcation.

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Reid-Vazquez, Michele. "Caribbean-Atlantic Discourses of Race, Equality, and Humanity in the Age of Revolution". Journal of Black Studies 50, n.º 6 (29 de mayo de 2019): 507–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719851474.

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As geopolitical warfare intensified in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, free individuals of African heritage increasingly disputed European ideologies that condemned them as naturally inferior and lacking in humanity. With the onset of the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) and the Latin American wars for independence (1810-1825), individuals and groups of African descent circulated their own views. I argue that free Blacks from colonial Saint Domingue, Jamaica, and Cuba employed similar rhetorical strategies across the French, British, and Spanish empires. Their speeches, petitions, and declarations forged distinct Afro-Atlantic counter-discourses that proclaimed their equality and advocated for their human and civil rights.

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Ficek, Agnieszka Anna. "Designing Truth between Manuscript and Publication: The Eighteenth-Century French Vision of Peru in Marmontel’s Les Incas (1777)". Eighteenth-Century Fiction 36, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2024): 303–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ecf.36.2.303.

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This essay interrogates the tensions between historical fact and colonial fiction in Jean-François Marmontel’s Les Incas, ou le destruction de l’Empire du Pérou (1777). Through this study of deleted passages and publisher notes in the 1776 manuscript of the novel (Houghton Library, Harvard University), Marmontel’s concern with verisimilitude, truth, and objective reality belies the fantasy of conquest and the myths of American Indigeneity that are central to eighteenth-century French understandings and imaginings of the Inca Empire and the American continent as a whole. Politically, the novel served a dual purpose: to vehemently denounce the Spanish conquest of the Americas and to subversively critique the “fanaticism” of the ancien régime in the years leading up the 1789 Revolution. Across the Atlantic, the novel was read by generals of the Latin American Wars of Independence, and it shifted from an allegorical text to a direct call for revolution. Despite Marmontel’s aim of creating a philosophical and historical novel, Les Incas perpetuates the hegemonies and hierarchies of colonialism, falling back onto well-established tropes. In choosing what was considered in Europe as “exotic” as a vehicle for political critique, Les Incas maintains and reinforces the very systems against which the revolutionaries of the late eighteenth century fought.

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Triviño Anzola, Consuelo. "JOSÉ MARÍA VARGAS VILA, DEFENSOR DE LA CONSTITUCIÓN DE RIONEGRO". Anuari de Filologia. Literatures Contemporànies, n.º 9 (18 de diciembre de 2019): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/aflc2019.9.3.

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After the independence and the creation of the New Granada in 1819, the young Latin American republics continued faced disputing power. The caudillos spent their energies in partisan struggles because personal, group, class and ethnic interests overlapped, often under romantic formulations. Between chaos and order, 14 constitutions were drafted in Colombia until reaching the Rionegro Constitution of 1863. Promulgated by the leaders of Radical Liberalism, it went too far in its pursuit of utopia. Federalism, defense of individual freedoms, abolition of the death penalty, freedom of press and separation of the Church and the State are some of its most important conquests, but the consequences of its extremes triggered bloody civil wars. In the heat of these disputes arises José María Vargas Vila (1860-1933), the famous pamphleteer, who enlisted in the ranks of Radical Liberalism defending constitutional rights. This article exposes the position of a Colombian liberal intellectual in face of period called Regeneration that seeks to impose peace and order in Colombia restricting the freedoms and rights granted by the Rionegro Constitution.

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Mouzelis, Nicos. "On the Rise of Postwar Military Dictatorships: Argentina, Chile, Greece". Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, n.º 1 (enero de 1986): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011841.

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Despite marked geographical and sociocultural differences, Greece and the two major southern-cone Latin American countries share a significant number of characteristics which distinguish them from most other peripheral and semiperipheral societies. Although they began industralisation late and failed to industrialise fully in the last century, all three countries managed to develop an important infrastructure (roads, railways) during the second half of the nineteenth century, and they achieved a notable degree of industrialisation in the years following each of the two world wars. Moreover, until the beginning of the nineteenth century, all three countries were subjugated parts of huge patrimonial empires (the Ottoman and the Iberian) and thus had never experienced the absolutist past of western and southern European societies. Finally, all three acquired their political independence in the early nineteenth century and very soon adopted parliamentary forms of political rule; and despite the constant malfunctioning of their representative institutions, relatively early urbanisation and the creation of a large urban middle class provided a framework within which bourgeois parliamentarism took strong roots and showed remarkable resilience. It persisted, albeit intermittently, from the second half of the nineteenth century until the rise of military bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes in the 1960s and 1970s and, as the Greek and Argentinian cases suggest, such regimes do not necessarily entail the irreversible decline of parliamentary democracy.

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22

O'Shaughnessy, Hugh. "Media wars in Latin America". British Journalism Review 18, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2007): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956474807083681.

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23

Nunn, Frederick M. "Wars of Latin America, 1899 – 1941". Hispanic American Historical Review 87, n.º 4 (1 de noviembre de 2007): 737–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-047.

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24

Crassweller, Robert D., Michael Novak y Michael P. Jackson. "Latin America: Dependency or Independence?" Foreign Affairs 64, n.º 5 (1986): 1118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042816.

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25

Kuethe, Allan J. y Christon I. Archer. "The Wars of Independence in South America". Journal of Military History 65, n.º 3 (julio de 2001): 794. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677551.

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26

Blanchard, Peter. "The Wars of Independence in Spanish America". Hispanic American Historical Review 81, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2001): 367–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-81-2-367.

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27

Cooney, Jerry W. (Jerry Wilson). "Wars of Latin America, 1899-1941 (review)". Journal of Military History 72, n.º 2 (2008): 593–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2008.0105.

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28

Stansifer, Charles L. y Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America since Independence". Political Science Quarterly 112, n.º 2 (1997): 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657973.

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Gomez, Rafael y Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America since Independence". Hispania 80, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1997): 504. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/345839.

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30

Alexander, Robert J. y Will Fowler. "Authoritarianism in Latin America Since Independence." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n.º 3 (agosto de 1997): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516760.

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31

Alexander, Robert J. "Authoritarianism in Latin America Since Independence". Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 1997): 542–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.3.542.

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32

Siekmeier, James. "Nationalism and Globalization in Latin America". Current History 114, n.º 769 (1 de febrero de 2015): 68–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2015.114.769.68.

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“Latin American nationalism is unique in comparison with the nationalisms of other regions in the developing world because it achieved political independence at least a century before it gained social and economic independence.” Fifth in a series on resurgent nationalism around the world.

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33

Rausch, Jane M., Richard Graham, Jay Kinsbruner y John Lynch. "Independence in Latin America: A Comparative Approach." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n.º 1 (febrero de 1997): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517099.

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34

The Tricontinental. "Dossier 17: Venezuela and hybrid wars in Latin America". Journal of Global Faultlines 6, n.º 1 (2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/jglobfaul.6.1.0070.

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35

BETHELL, LESLIE. "Brazil and ‘Latin America’". Journal of Latin American Studies 42, n.º 3 (agosto de 2010): 457–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000088x.

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AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.

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36

Bates, Robert H., John H. Coatsworth y Jeffrey G. Williamson. "Lost Decades: Postindependence Performance in Latin America and Africa". Journal of Economic History 67, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2007): 917–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050707000447.

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Africa and Latin America secured independence from European colonial rule a century and half apart: most of Latin America by the 1820s and most of Africa by 1960. Despite the distance in time and space, they share important similarities. In each case independence was followed by political instability, violent conflict, and economic stagnation lasting for about a half-century. The parallels suggest that Africa might be exiting from a period of postimperial collapse and entering one of relative political stability and economic growth, as did Latin America almost two centuries ago.

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37

Salvucci, Richard J. y Victor Bulmer-Thomas. "The Economic History of Latin America since Independence". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, n.º 4 (1997): 734. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206589.

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38

Randall, Laura y Victor Bulmer-Thomas. "The Economic History of Latin America since Independence." American Historical Review 101, n.º 3 (junio de 1996): 945. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169617.

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39

Bauer, Arnold J. y Victor Bulmer-Thomas. "The Economic History of Latin America Since Independence." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, n.º 3 (agosto de 1996): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517874.

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40

Ochoa, Enrique C. "The Economic History of Latin America since Independence". History: Reviews of New Books 24, n.º 4 (junio de 1996): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952494.

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41

Muller, Dalia Antonia. "Latin America and the Question of Cuban Independence". Americas 68, n.º 02 (octubre de 2011): 209–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500006751.

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In a famous account of his travels, titled El destino de un continente, the Argentine writer Manuel Ugarte describes his somewhat disconcerting encounter with the Cuban ex-president José Miguel Gómez while traveling through Latin America during the 1920s. Ugarte, a committed advocate of panhispanismo—the idea that Spanish America was and should be unified by its shared Spanish heritage, especially in light of the “threat” from Anglo- Saxon culture—had come to Cuba to give a series of lectures. Shortly after one of his presentations, the Argentine was introduced to Gómez, who took Ugarte to task for his criticism of Cuba's close relationship to the United States. “You reproach us,” Gómez said, “for not defending our legacy of Spanish civilization, but what have all of you [Latin Americans] done to encourage us, to support us, to make us feel that we are not alone?” Taken aback and made suddenly self-conscious by the accusation, Ugarte concluded that the Cuban was admonishing him for failing to uphold the very principles he was espousing in his lectures. “It seemed as if, through the voice of her representative, all Cuba was saying, ‘It is not we who broke the link; it was you who broke it in allowing it to be cut.’” After some time and much thought, Ugarte came to the realization that “Cuba was not alone responsible for the Cuban situation. Some responsibility was also borne by Latin America.” Through his encounter with Gómez, Ugarte was forced to recognize the limitations of framing what he referred to as the “Cuban situation” exclusively in the context of a cultural war between the United States and Spain. Indeed, the expresident's challenge inspired him to reconsider Cuba's nineteenth-century struggles with both Spanish colonialism and U.S. imperialism in a distinctly inter-Latin American context.

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42

Maxwell, Kenneth y Victor Bulmer-Thomas. "The Economic History of Latin America since Independence". Foreign Affairs 74, n.º 4 (1995): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047254.

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43

Bauer, Arnold J. "The Economic History of Latin America Since Independence". Hispanic American Historical Review 76, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 1996): 607–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.3.607.

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44

Muller, Dalia Antonia. "Latin America and the Question of Cuban Independence". Americas 68, n.º 2 (2011): 209–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2011.0115.

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45

UGGLA, FREDRIK. "The Ombudsman in Latin America". Journal of Latin American Studies 36, n.º 3 (agosto de 2004): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04007746.

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During the last 20 years ombudsmen have been established in most Latin American countries. This article provides an overview of the how these institutions have evolved in six countries, particularly with regard to their political independence and strength. In spite of the potentially important role that such institutions may have in promoting public accountability, respect for human rights and the rule of law in new democracies, some ombudsmen have been more successful than others in these tasks. This article reflects on possible factors accounting for the relative effectiveness of the ombudsman, and discusses the role that this institution plays in contemporary Latin America.

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46

Yakovlev, Petr Pavlovich. "USA and China in Latin America: Contours of Competition". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, n.º 1 (15 de diciembre de 2019): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-1-47-58.

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In the last decade Latin America in trade, economic and financial terms turns out to be increasingly “sandwiched” between the United States and China, which accounted for more than half of the total trade of Latin American countries, and also a crucial part of entering the region investment and credit resources. This circumstance has the strongest impact on the structure and orientation of foreign economic relations and foreign policy contacts. In the foreseeable future one of the complexities of foreign policy of the Latin American countries will be delaying action between the United States and China, are becoming involved in hybrid war for dominance in the global economy and trade. In Latin American capitals the USA-Chinese rivalry at the global level are watched with suspicion and fear. It is connected not only with the current situation, but with the dynamics of relations between Washington and Beijing, the intensification of contradictions at the global and regional levels. Latin Americans believe that initiation of trade wars and other kinds of American-Chinese confrontation could harm the development of the world economy and harm the crucial interests of the region, which is critically dependent on international goods and financial markets. The main challenge is the diversification of international relations of the Latin American States, the broadening of their economic and political partners. Only in this way can be weakened the hyper dependence of Latin America from Washington and Beijing, and reversed the negative effects of the ongoing protectionist policies and trade wars initiated by the administration of Donald Trump.

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47

Kaplan, Stephen Brett. "Fighting Past Economic Wars: Crisis and Austerity in Latin America". Latin American Research Review 53, n.º 1 (28 de marzo de 2018): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.292.

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48

Reiss, Suzanna. "Beyond Supply and Demand: Obama’s Drug Wars in Latin America". NACLA Report on the Americas 43, n.º 1 (enero de 2010): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2010.11725482.

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49

Zhang, Yidi, Guanjin Du, Jize Han y Yiming Zhao. "Peculiarities of the Latin American Independence Revolutions: A Comparative Study with the American Revolution". Communications in Humanities Research 30, n.º 1 (17 de mayo de 2024): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/30/20231216.

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This paper aims to analyze the Latin American independence revolutions from a social and ideological perspective to contribute to revising the conventional wisdom of Latin American revolutionary history. The method chosen is a comparison between the aforementioned revolutions and the American Revolution, helping to demonstrate how, far from being a simple deviation or a failure, the Latin American independence revolutions had their own traits. The paper tries to answer mainly three questions: how Latin America and America received the enlightenment idea, how those ideas affected their revolutionary process, and how both regions rebuilt and restructured after the revolution.

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50

PRADOS DE LA ESCOSURA, LEANDRO. "Lost Decades? Economic Performance in Post-Independence Latin America". Journal of Latin American Studies 41, n.º 2 (mayo de 2009): 279–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x09005574.

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AbstractIn this paper the economic performance of post-independence Latin America is assessed in comparative perspective. The release from the colonial fiscal burden was partly offset by higher costs of self-government, while the opening of independent Latin American countries to the international economy represented a handmaiden of growth. Regional disparities increased after independence, so generalisations about the region's long-run behaviour are not straightforward. However, on average, per capita income grew in Latin America, and although the region fell behind compared with the United States and Western Europe, it improved or maintained its position relative to the rest of the world. Thus the term ‘lost decades’ appears an unwarranted depiction of the period between 1820 and 1870.

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