Literatura académica sobre el tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"
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Anderle, Ádám. "El balance de la independencia latinoamericana". Acta Hispanica 16 (1 de enero de 2011): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2011.16.9-18.
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This study is a historiographical overview of the literature of the Latin American wars of independence. It analyses the gains and losses, and poses the question: „has the world advanced" in the 200 years of independence? The first part of the article concentrates on the events of the wars of independence and the developments in the 19th century focusing on the works of Francisco Morales Padrón, Luis Navarro Garcia, Jose' Carlos Maridtegui, and the approach of the German historian Manfred Kossok. In the secondpart the author presents the question of subdesarrollo and dependencia. He discusses the different interpretations for insufficient progress from the positivist viewpoints to the assessment of the economists of the CEPAL. The novelty of this part is that it presents the results of the comparative analyses (Wittman, Pack, Zimdnyi) published in Hungarian historiography in the 1960s-1970s that revealed the similarities between the progress in Central-Eastern Europe and Latin America.
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Chasteen, John Charles. "Fighting Words: The Discourse of Insurgency in Latin American History". Latin American Research Review 28, n.º 3 (1993): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016964.
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“What I suffer is pleasant because it shows that I am putting myself above the run of common men, that I am worthy of my Patria and of you…” Insurgent officer to his wife, 1893 The appeal of sacrifice so frequently encountered in expressions of nationalism is an equally familiar theme in the rhetoric of political warfare in Latin America. Stories of political warfare take up a considerable part of Latin American historiography. The intent of this exploratory article is to suggest how the rhetoric and narrative written about nineteenth-century insurgency can be read to illuminate the political history of Latin America. Two South American civil wars of the 1890s constitute the empirical starting point for my speculations, although they are scarcely a convincing sample of the hundreds of insurgencies that have occurred since independence. Consequently, these observations on a Latin American discourse of insurgency must largely be content to ask questions, raise issues, and suggest hypotheses.
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Ivanov, Nikolai. "The Monroe Doctrine and Anglo-American Rivalry in Latin America, 19th – early 20th centuries". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 5 (2023): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028070-5.
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In the article, the author analyses the issues related to the US adoption of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 in the context of Anglo-American confrontation and rivalry in Latin America. The author examines the relations between the USA and Great Britain during the Spanish American wars of independence, the main aspects of the policy of “neutrality”, the actual support of Latin American patriots in their struggle against the Spanish metropole. Despite the common interest in preventing European competitors from entering South America, the Americans did not sign a joint document with the British, despite repeated proposals from London. The Doctrine was put into effect under conditions unfavourable to the US, characterised by Britain's unchallenged world domination in military and economic power. However, by the end of the nineteenth century, the situation changed dramatically in favour of the USA. The author analyses the content of the Doctrine (“America for the Americans”), its adjustment in the course of the rivalry between the USA and Great Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the concessions made by the UK in its rivalry with its strategic competitor. In all events related to the Anglo-American rivalry in Latin America, the Monroe Doctrine was the “starting point’ for the actions and statements of American politicians, and it is not by chance that President Woodrow Wilson stated at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference that the doctrine should be extended to the whole world.
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Kudelko, Bohdan. "Influence of the United States of America on Politics of Latin American Countries". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n.º 45 (27 de junio de 2022): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2022.45.86-91.
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This article examines the history of relations between the United States and Latin American countries. The main stages of the development and the defining characteristics of each of them are outlined. It is studied how these actors coexisted after gaining the independence from Spain of most Latin American countries. This article also describes how US expanded its territory by the treaties and wars. The content of the Monroe Doctrine, the Big Stick Policy and the Neighborhood Policy are defined. It analyses impact of these policies on US and Latin American countries. Differences in relations in the period before the Second World War and during the Cold War are outlined. Article demonstrates examples of US interference in Latin American region. The actions of the USA concerning the influence on the domestic policy of the countries of this region during the aggravation of the Cold War are analyzed. Article describes actions that were used against communism in certain countries of the region It analyses Cuban Revolution and political crisis across the whole region in late 1970s - early 1980s and its impact on US. It is argued that the United States became a hegemon first in South America and later expanded its influence on a global scale. It is established that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the presence of the United States in the region decreased, but they continue to actively interfere in the domestic politics of Latin American countries, albeit to a lesser extent. Article shows how globalization influenced Latin American countries and political changes that happened in this region. Author shares the opinion that USA still plays leading role in foreign policy of the region and as well trying to control to some extent everything that concerns domestic policy of the countries in the region of Latin America.
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Abad, Leticia Arroyo y Jan Luiten van Zanden. "Growth under Extractive Institutions? Latin American Per Capita GDP in Colonial Times". Journal of Economic History 76, n.º 4 (17 de noviembre de 2016): 1182–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050716000954.
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This article presents new estimations of per capita GDP in colonial times for the two pillars of the Spanish empire: Mexico and Peru. We find dynamic economies as evidenced by increasing real wages, urbanization, and silver mining. Their growth trajectories are such that both regions reduced the gap with respect to Spain; Mexico even achieved parity at times. While experiencing swings in growth, the notable turning point is in 1780s as bottlenecks in production and later, the independence wars reduced economic activity. Our results question the notion that colonial institutions impoverished Latin America.
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Derham, Michael. "How green was my valley? Urban history in Latin America". Urban History 28, n.º 2 (agosto de 2001): 278–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926801002085.
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The history of Latin America has been dominated by ideas of order and progress. Unfortunately those ideas have not always been of regional origin. In the colonial era the conquest and conversion of the native peoples was seen as progress by the Europeans. The imposition of order was aided greatly by urbanization sometimes symbolically on the ruins of Indian cities such as at Cuzco and Mexico City. Cities became the point of cultural and economic articulation between the barbaric hinterland and the civilization of Europe. Freedom from the Spanish yoke gained in the Independence wars was similarly seen as progress, at least by the ultimately victorious creole ‘patriots’. It was here, however, that notions of national identity, modernization and economic success became intertwined to produce the conflicts which still inflame the region today. The paramount question has remained: whose order and concept of progress should be imposed?
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Lopez, Daniel Armando. "El mestizaje como categoría socio-antropológica fundante en la identidad de América: El “otro mestizo” de América Latina / The Miscegenation as Category Socio-Anthropological Founding in the Identity of America: The “Another Mestizo” of Latin America". Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales 5, n.º 2 (26 de octubre de 2016): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/gka-revsocial.v5.1342.
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ABSTRACTIn this article we intend to redefine what miscegenation represents as a global, all-embracing phenomenon in Latin America, due to the importance of its current historical consequences. We attempt to understand this crucial fact within the Latin American identity. Miscegenation is not regarded as a minor category, neither as a mere temporary sociocultural stage. This process of fusion, hybridization and gathering (referred to as “the mestizo”) involves us totally. Such course of action has been developing since the colonial period, as a result of independence wars, following the establishment of nation states, mainly concerning the conservative liberal governments of the 19th and 20th centuries. Currently, this is perceived in the globalization processes which we are going through, along with their social, cultural, economic, political, and even epistemic consequences.RESUMENEn este artículo nos proponemos comenzar a resignificar lo que representa el mestizaje como un fenómeno integral y totalizador en América latina, por la importancia de sus consecuencias históricas y actuales. En esta ocasión, analizando este fenómeno esencial en los aspectos de la identidad latinoamericana. No tomamos “el mestizaje” como una categoría residual ni tampoco en un “estadio” socio-cultural transitorio. Este proceso de fusión, hibridez y encuentro, que denominamos “lo mestizo”, nos contiene integralmente y se viene generando desde los tiempos de la colonización, luego en las luchas por las independencias, continuando en la construcción de los estado-nación, sobre todo con los gobiernos liberales-conservadores del Siglo XIX y XX y actualmente en los procesos de globalización y mundialización que estamos transitando, con sus consecuencias sociales culturales, económicas, políticas, ideológicas y hasta epistémicas.
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Sanders, James E. ":Under the Flags of Freedom: Slave Soldiers and the Wars of Independence in Spanish South America.(Pitt Latin American Series.)". American Historical Review 114, n.º 2 (abril de 2009): 459–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.459.
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Rausch, Jane M. "Independence in Latin America: A Comparative ApproachIndependence in Spanish America: Civil Wars, Revolutions, and UnderdevelopmentLatin American Revolutions, 1808-1826: Old and New World Origins". Hispanic American Historical Review 77, n.º 1 (1 de febrero de 1997): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.1.125.
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Ivkina, Liudmmila. "Constitutional acts of Cuba during the liberation wars of the last third of the 19th century (1868-1898)". Latin-American Historical Almanac 38, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2023): 50–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-38-1-50-85.
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The liberation struggle of the Cuban people against Spanish domination, which unfolded in the last third of the XIX cen-tury, was a logical continuation of the national liberation pro-cess that began in Latin America at the beginning of the nine-teenth century. There are two most important stages in this struggle: the Ten Yearʹs War for Independence of 1868–1878, which ended with the signing of the compromise Treaty of Zanjon (a treaty without independence), and the War of 1895–1898, the "Necessary War", as its leader José Martí de-scribed it, interrupted by the intervention of the United States in the liberation process in 1898 and the outbreak of the Spanish-American War (April 25 / August 12, 1898), which ended with the elimination of Spanish domination and the creation in 1902 of the so-called "pseudo-republic" (1902–1934). During the years of the Liberation Struggle of 1868–1898, constitutional acts were created that testified to the so-cial orientation of these processes. During the Ten Year's War, important political acts such as the Manifest of Inde-pendence (October 10, 1868) proclaimed by C.M. de Céspedes, the Constitution of Guaymaro (April 1869) and the Constitution of Baraguá (March 17, 1878) were adopted. Dur-ing the liberation struggle of 1895–1898, two constitutions were created: Jimaguayú (September 16, 1895) and Yaya (Oc-tober 29, 1897). The analysis of the constitutional acts of the era of the liberation struggle became the subject of our re-search.
Tesis sobre el tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"
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Gonzalez-Silen, Olga Carolina. "Holding the Empire Together: Caracas Under the Spanish Resistance During the Napoleonic Invasion of Iberia". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11333.
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The Napoleonic invasion of Iberia shattered the Spanish empire in 1808. The French emperor occupied Spain and forced Ferdinand VII to abdicate the throne. Once the war against the French began, most vassals also rejected the Spanish imperial government in Madrid that had recognized the change of dynasty. The implosion of the Crown severely tested the hierarchical, centralized, and interdependent nature of the empire. Historians of the Spanish Bourbon empire have rightly argued that the invasion catalyzed the emergence of the new nations from 1810 onward. Many of them, however, have failed to notice the concurrent and extraordinary efforts to reconstitute the empire--a critical history that contextualizes the decisions Spanish Americans faced in this tumultuous period.History
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Guzmán, Amaris DelCarmen. "Youth movements in Latin America 20th century stories of age, struggle,and socio-political independence /". To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2009. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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Vinatea, Ríos María Julía de. "Le Pérou et l’abolition de l’esclavage : circulation des idées émancipatrices et construction de l’État Nation (1788-1854)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL032.
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À la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle prend forme en Europe un mouvement contestataire remettant en cause les bases et pratiques de l’institution esclavagiste qui s’étend jusqu’aux confins des territoires de l’expansion coloniale européenne. Cette révolution des idées va avoir un impact conséquent au niveau mondial, au point d’anéantir le système esclavagiste en l’espace d’un siècle. En suivant la méthode développée par O. Pétré-Grenouilleau, cette thèse propose une étude de l’impact de la révolution abolitionniste au Pérou sur une période qui s’étend de 1788 à 1854. La problématique majeure est d’y étudier les modalités de circulation et de fécondation des idées abolitionnistes au Pérou. Car, les indianos* du Pérou ont eu connaissance de ces thèses très rapidement, à peine un an après que l’A.T.S.S. (The committee for Abolition of the Slave Trade) ne soit constituée. Ainsi, cette révolution abolitionniste génère différentes réactions et commentaires autant critiques qu’élogieux de la part des contemporains du Pérou. La presse, les livres, les pamphlets, les tertulias* et les commentaires constituent les vecteurs privilégiés de la diffusion des idées émancipationnistes*, mais aussi, de la peur d’une révolution Noire au Pérou. Le débat politique sera particulièrement vif au moment des Cortès de Cadix, des guerres indépendantistes de 1810 à 1824, et de la guerre civile du Pérou (1853-1855)At the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century, a movement emerged in Europe, challenging the foundations and practices of the institution of slavery, and subsequently spreading to European colonial territories. This revolution of ideas was to have a significant impact worldwide, leading to the eradication of the slavery system within a century. Drawing on methodology developed by O. Pétré-Grenouilleau, this thesis outlines the impact of the abolitionist revolution in Peru between 1788 and 1854, focussing on the means by which abolitionist ideas were revived and circulated in Peru, especially considering the speed with which these ideas reached the Indianos* of Peru, within only a year of the formation of the A.T.S.S. (Anti-Trade Slavery Society [London. Bodleian library]). This abolitionist revolution provoked a range of both laudatory and critical reactions from contemporaries in Peru, with newspapers, books, leaflets, tertulias* and articles being the main sources of dissemination of emancipationist ideas. The political debate was particularly intense during the Cortes of Cádiz—the independence wars from 1810 to 1824—and the Peruvian Civil War from 1853 to 1855
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Pompeian, Edward P. "Spirited enterprises : Venezuela, the United States, and the independence of Spanish America, 1789-1823". W&M ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539720308.
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"Spirited Enterprises: Venezuela, the United States, and the Independence of Spanish America, 1789-1823," argues that economic interests caused merchants and politicians in the United States to withhold diplomatic recognition from Spanish America's struggling revolutionary governments after 1810. It demonstrates how traditional interpretations of early U.S.-Latin American relations---based on ideological and diplomatic sources---fail to account for a highly important and influential decade of trans-Atlantic trade between the United States and the Spanish Empire during the tumultuous Age of Revolution.;This dissertation focuses on a case study of the multi-lateral trade and commercial networks that flourished between the United States and the Spanish colonial provinces of Venezuela, especially during and immediately after the crucial era of comercio neutral (neutral trade) between 1797 and 1808. It argues that trade between late-colonial Venezuela. and the United States was a forge of transcultural relations, and explores how commercial networks of traders, government officials, and diplomats influenced the decisions of policymakers in both regions.;U.S. merchants and traders helped sustain Spanish imperial commercial networks in Venezuela and the Spanish Caribbean. Shipping foodstuffs, arms, re-exported European manufactures, and slaves to the Spanish colonies were profitable enterprises for neutral U.S. traders. Through private negotiations and even Spanish-government contracts, partnerships between Venezuelan and U.S. merchants provided the shipping tonnage and merchandise that Spanish officials and colonial elites needed most to maintain their rule and to fend off the challenges of economic and environmental crises, slave conspiracies, and revolutionary plots before 1810.;Using period newspapers and books, mercantile correspondence, Spanish imperial archives, and the colonial records of the Caracas City Council, Consulado, and Venezuelan Intendancy, this dissertation highlights the enterprises of those who profited from sustaining the Spanish Empire in its frail and debilitated state. Whether they had prospered from or merely survived the commercial revolutions that shook the Atlantic World after 1789, all merchants and traders calculated the economic consequences of South American independence and encouraged their contemporaries to do so too.
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Spillemaeker, Frédéric. "Valor et Fortuna : autorités guerrières, révolutions et indépendances en Nouvelle-Grenade et au Venezuela (1770-1831)". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0111.
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L’ère des révolutions et des Indépendances en Nouvelle-Grenade et au Venezuela (1770-1831), est une époque de nouvelles politisations et de nouvelles formes d’autorités. L’historiographie a habituellement opposé les chefs indépendantistes institutionnels d’une part, aux caudillos irréguliers d’autre part. Pourtant cette opposition mérite d’être discutée. Pendant les Indépendances, des hommes nouveaux accédèrent à des fonctions de commandement militaire et parfois au pouvoir politique. Ces ascensions furent rendues possibles par une transformation des sociétés par la guerre, qui ébranlait le pouvoir des élites. Ces dernières avaient pourtant activement participé au mouvement des juntes en 1808-1810. Ces assemblées s’étaient réunies dans les cités, au nom du roi Ferdinand VII, déposé par Napoléon Bonaparte. Puis elles se divisèrent entre loyalistes et indépendantistes. La guerre civile commença, mais rapidement les villes et les élites n’y jouèrent plus les premiers rôles. De nouvelles autorités guerrières autonomes surgirent dans les campagnes et acquirent une puissance militaire inattendue. Les révoltes de l’époque coloniale avaient déjà montré la capacité des subalternes à contester les pouvoirs en place, mais ce phénomène prit une nouvelle ampleur dans les guerres d’Indépendance. Des hommes nouveaux apparurent, comme José Tomás Boves dans les grandes plaines (les Llanos) du Venezuela qui rassembla des milliers d’hommes sous son commandement. Ce phénomène n’était pas propre à un camp politique. Certains étaient royalistes : à l’instar de Boves ou d’Agualongo dans le sud de la Colombie. D’autres étaient patriotes, comme José Antonio Páez, autre homme des Llanos, ou Manuel Piar dans la province de Guayana. Leur autorité guerrière ne procédait pas d’une domination charismatique irrationnelle, mais d’un profond travail d’organisation logistique, stratégique et politique. Mis en lumière, ce travail d’organisation invite à nuancer l’opposition entre chefs institutionnels et guérilleros, car ils avaient des pratiques en partage. La tendance à l’autonomisation du commandement militaire se cristallisait dans des juntes de guerre qui montraient le pouvoir des officiers. De plus, l’étude des conceptions de l’honneur et des rapports de genre permettent de comprendre les masculinités combattantes. Des femmes eurent un rôle fondamental dans certains domaines comme la logistique et le renseignement. Hors des champs de bataille, la guerre se livrait aussi dans les pamphlets et les périodiques : tantôt machines de gloire au service de certains chefs, tantôt redoutables instruments de délégitimation ou de stigmatisation. À la fin de la guerre, le césarisme s’imposa comme l’organisation politique capable de réunir la culture guerrière, la culture constitutionnelle, et la volonté des élites d’établir un nouvel ordre socialThe Age of Revolutions and Independence Wars in New Grenada and Venezuela (1770-1831) was a time of new politics and new forms of authority. Historiography has usually opposed institutional independence leaders to irregular caudillos. Yet this opposition is worthy of discussion. During the Independences, new men acceded to military command functions and, some of them, to political power. These ascents were made possible by a transformation of societies through war, which shook the power of the elites. These groups had actively participated in the juntas movement in 1808-1810. These assemblies had met in the cities, in the name of King Ferdinand VII, deposed by Napoleon Bonaparte. They were then divided between loyalists and independentists. The civil war began, but soon the cities and the elites no longer played the leading roles. New autonomous warlike authorities arose in the countryside and acquired an unexpected military power. The revolts of the colonial era had already demonstrated the ability of subordinates to challenge the existing powers, but this phenomenon took on a new dimension during the wars of independence. New men appeared, like José Tomás Boves in the great plains (the Llanos) of Venezuela who gathered thousands of men under his command. This phenomenon was not exclusive of one political camp. Some were royalists, like Boves or Agualongo in southern Colombia. Others were patriots, like José Antonio Páez, another man from the Llanos, or Manuel Piar in the province of Guayana. Their warlike authority did not come from an irrational charismatic domination, but from a deep work of logistical, strategic and political organization. This work of organization invites us to nuance the opposition between institutional leaders and guerrillas, because they shared practices. The tendency to empower an autonomous military command crystallized in war juntas, demonstrations of the officers’ power. In addition, the study of conceptions of honor and gender relations allows us to understand the fighting masculinities. Women played a fundamental role in certain areas such as logistics and intelligence. Outside the battlefield, war was also fought in pamphlets and newspapers, that were at times glory machines at the service of certain leaders, and also formidable instruments of delegitimization or stigmatization. At the end of the war, Caesarism imposed itself as the political organization capable of uniting the warlike culture, the constitutional culture, and the will of the elites to establish a new social order
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Saether, Steinar A. "Identities and independence in the provinces of Santa Marta and Riohacha (Colombia), ca.1750 - ca.1850". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/105222/.
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Between 1810 and 1826 Spain lost most of her possessions in the Americas, and the inhabitants of Spanish America ceased to be subjects of the king, and became citizens of a series of new republics such as Mexico, Peru, Chile and Colombia. This thesis explores how the transition from colonial to republican rule was experienced by the inhabitants of the provinces of Santa Marta and Riohacha (Colombia), and the extent to which the transition implied a radical break with the colonial past. Santa Marta was among the most important royalist strongholds in the northern part of Spanish South America, and the thesis offers an interpretation of the much-neglected theme of Spanish American royalism during the independence period. It focuses on the social and 'ethnic' configuration of the provinces, and it discusses how different social/ 'ethnic' groups were constructed in the colonial period, how they responded and acted during the wars of independence and what the transition to republican rule implied for the make-up of nineteenth-century society. The analyses of late colonial and early republican society are done principally (but not exclusively) through a detailed discussion of marriage practices and patterns. The study is based primarily on archival sources from Spanish and Colombian depositories.
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Dias, Clarissa F. "Do Constitutions Matter? Essays on the Impact of Constitutional Provisions on De Facto Judicial Independence in Latin American Countries". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/29.
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Conventional wisdom holds that constitutions shape behavior, structures, and institutions. Looking at provisions in the constitutions of 19 Latin American countries, I show the level of judicial independence exercised by a country’s courts and judges is a function of constitutional provisions.
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Warren, Kristy R. "A colonial society in a post-colonial world : Bermuda and the question of independence". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/56401/.
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Since the 1960s, the inhabitants of the British Overseas Territory of Bermuda have serially considered and rejected becoming a sovereign nation. This thesis investigates the extent to which the positions taken by politicians and social commentators, who are involved in the debates concerning independence, are informed by their lived experiences and understandings of the island’s past. Grounded in an analysis of the island’s past, this thesis also investigates how Bermudians have historically defined belonging in the political sphere and public spaces according to ‘race’ and class and how this affects the way in which they interact with each other and regard their relationship with the United Kingdom. The study critically engages with postcolonial theory and asks what the existence of this 21st century colony says about the processes of colonialism and post-colonialism. It also considers how this study fits with other research concerning other remaining Overseas Territories to show the value of conducting in-depth studies of specific societies. By surveying archival documents and conducting interviews a fuller understanding of the political and social development of this island is gained, as viewed by colonial administrators, local government officials, and those who publicly challenged the norms that allowed for social and political inequality on the island. These methods are used to engage with questions of how ideas of self and nation were shaped by segregationist formal education and how this was either reinforced or challenged by what was taught around the kitchen table and in the wider society. It explores how Trade Unionist and the fledgling Progressive Labour Party (PLP) saw a move to independence as part of a wider aim to rectify social injustices. The continuity and change in the debate is then reviewed to see how and the extent to which changes both internally and externally interact with narratives of the past to inform how those involved in the debate imagine the island’s future.
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Benneyworth, Iwan. "Narco wars : an analysis of the militarisation of U.S. counter-narcotics policy in Colombia, Mexico and on the U.S. border". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/91408/.
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The U.S. War on Drugs has been underway for several decades. Since it was declared by the Nixon Administration narcotics have been understood as a growing security threat to the American public, their health, economy and society. Illicit drugs have gradually become a securitised issue. From the Nixon Administration onward, the law enforcement and eventually military assets of the United States government were increasingly deployed in an effort to counter this drug threat. While initially regarded as a minor issue, as the potency and addictive qualities of illicit drugs increased during the 20th Century, so too did the concerns of influential actors from the political and public spheres. Nixon's actions did not represent the high-water mark of U.S. counter-narcotics. There was growing violence on American streets linked to the drug trafficking cartels out of Colombia, especially in Southern Florida where traffickers battled each other for lucrative drug markets. In response to this national security threat, the Reagan Administration – followed by the successor Bush and Clinton Administrations – gradually increased the involvement of the U.S. military in counter-narcotics policy. This occurred both at home in the form of greater militarisation of police forces, and abroad in support of several Latin American countries’ security forces. In 2000, drug-related instability in Colombia resulted in the launch of the Plan Colombia initiative, a dedicated package of American financial and security assistance, with counter-narcotics the primary purpose. In 2008, as drug-related violence in Mexico reached epidemic proportions and threatened to spillover across the American border, the U.S. launched the Merida Initiative in an attempt to aid Mexican counter-narcotics efforts. This thesis uses qualitative research methods to examine the militarisation of U.S. foreign counter-narcotics policy by analysing the case studies of Colombia and Mexico and their American-backed efforts. It also examines domestic policy, by considering the historical development of U.S. counter-narcotics, the progressive militarisation of law enforcement as a consequence of the drug war, and the security situation on the southern border with Mexico. This empirical research is facilitated by the development of a militarisation analytical framework, which builds upon the securitisation framework. Based on the findings of the case studies, the processes that drive militarisation are explored, and the framework itself is further developed and refined. The research possibilities for counter-narcotics policy and future direction for militarisation research are also explored in the Conclusion. Ultimately, this thesis offers a detailed analysis of militarisation in U.S. foreign and domestic counter-narcotics policy, the processes behind this, and develops a militarisation framework applicable to any security situation, contributing to the overall securitisation debate.
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Amaral, Pedro Accorsi. "Why do small powers go to big wars?: the Colombian participation in the Korean conflict (1950-1953)". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/18497.
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This work addresses the determinants of the decisions made by small powers to fight alongside great powers in major conflicts. When faced with the request from a great power to participate in wars, some peripheral countries abide and others remain uninvolved. To explain this variation, the case study of the Colombian participation in the Korean War is used, comparing the country to other Latin American cases. Building on rational choice models of leaders’ behavior, I expect that leaders decide to go to war when the rewards for this action increase their likelihood of remaining in power. I use explicit process tracing to investigate the causes for the Colombian decision and organize them into necessary and sufficient conditions. Evidence suggests that the causes for the Colombian participation in Korea were an attempt from the president to improve his relationship with the United States in order to obtain more foreign aid, the Colombian authoritarian regime, and an attempt from the president to please the armed forces, which had the power to keep him in office. I also use synthetic control method to test whether the Colombian decision increased the foreign aid received by the country from the United States. Results show a significant increase in received aid. These findings corroborate the expectation that leaders of small powers will go to war in order to receive more aid and to make policy concessions for those who hold the power to keep them in office, and that they are rewarded from the great power for this decision under certain conditions.
Libros sobre el tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"
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Sanchez, Richard. Wars of independence. Edina, Minn: Abdo & Daughters, 1994.
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Independence in Latin America: A comparative approach. 2a ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994.
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Jay, Kinsbruner, ed. Independence in Spanish America: Civil wars, revolutions, and underdevelopment. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994.
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Independence in Spanish America: Civil wars, revolutions, and underdevelopment. 2a ed. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000.
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Freedom's mercenaries: British volunteers in the Wars of Independence of Latin America. Lanham: Hamilton Books, 2006.
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Pedro, Santoni, ed. Daily lives of civilians in wartime Latin America: From the wars of independence to the Central American civil wars. Westport Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008.
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John, Lynch. Las revoluciones hispanoamericanas 1808-1826. 5a ed. Barcelona: Editorial Ariel, 1989.
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The Spanish American revolutions, 1808-1826. 2a ed. New York: Norton, 1986.
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John, Lynch. The Spanish American Revolutions 1808-26. 2a ed. New York: Norton, 1986.
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H, Fornoff Frederick y Bushnell David 1923-, eds. El Libertador: Writings of Simón Bolívar. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press, 2003.
Buscar texto completoCapítulos de libros sobre el tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"
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Richter Mros, Günther. "Brazil and Argentina in the Context of the Two World Wars". En A New Struggle for Independence in Modern Latin America, 123–42. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003042686-5.
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Blaufarb, Rafe. "Arms for Revolutions: Military Demobilization after the Napoleonic Wars and Latin American Independence". En War, Demobilization and Memory, 100–116. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-40649-1_6.
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García Portilla, Jason. "Summary Overview of the Four Case Studies". En “Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits”, 329–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_22.
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AbstractThis chapter presents a brief comparative summary overview of the four cases.In Switzerland, most conservative Catholics escaped modernisation and centralism by relocating to the mountains, while Liberals and Protestants mostly remained in flat areas that became industrialised (Obinger, 2009). The federal government has been mainly liberal (anti-clerical) and close to Protestantism. Likewise, the Protestant population was in the majority until the 1970s. Currently, the Protestant cantons are the most competitive, while the mountainous Roman Catholic cantons are the least competitive.Uruguay exhibits the highest levels of social progress in Latin America (Sect. 10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_4#Sec2) as well as high safety. Along with Chile, it is the only country in Latin America with low perceptions of corruption. Further, Uruguay is by far Latin America’s most secular country with the lowest religiosity and lowest proportion of Roman Catholics on the continent. The Roman Catholic Church-State did not significantly establish itself in Uruguay, unlike in most Latin American countries. After gaining independence in 1828, Uruguay continued a secular direction with the recognition of civil unions in 1837. In 1917, the Uruguayan constitution completely separated church and state.Cuba ranks in the middle of world distribution on the transparency index. Compared to the cases studied (Europe and the Americas), the countries clustering with Cuba exhibit moderate to high corruption due to their Socialist Legal Origin.Colombia is one of the most inequitable and dangerous countries in the world. A “Catholic and conservative hegemony” has existed in Colombia until 1991, when the Constitution of Rights was promulgated and religious pluralism became legally recognised. However, as a result of centuries of hegemony, the Roman Catholic Church-State still enjoys ample privileges with the Colombian state.
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O’Toole, Gavin. "From Independence to the 1930s". En Politics Latin America, 11–34. Third edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315276458-2.
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Dawson, Alexander. "A Decade of Revolution in Cuba". En Latin America since Independence, 206–31. 3a ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003146094-9.
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Dawson, Alexander. "The Export Boom as Modernity". En Latin America since Independence, 98–123. 3a ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003146094-5.
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Dawson, Alexander. "Water Is Life". En Latin America since Independence, 350–73. 3a ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003146094-14.
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Dawson, Alexander. "Epilogue". En Latin America since Independence, 374–77. 3a ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003146094-15.
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Dawson, Alexander. "Water Is Life". En Latin America since Independence, 320–48. 3a ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003146094-13.
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Dawson, Alexander. "Signs of Crisis in a Gilded Age". En Latin America since Independence, 124–50. 3a ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003146094-6.
Texto completoActas de conferencias sobre el tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"
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Zamana, Miethy. "Economic Development in Latin America, 1801-2015: Did the 19th Century Wars Foil Expansion of Education?" En 2nd International Conference on Business, Management and Economics. acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/2nd.icbmeconf.2019.06.1024.
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Maya, Sebastian. "A reflexive educational model for design practice with rural communities: the case of bamboo product makers in Cuetzalan, México." En LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.58.
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In the '60s and '70s, a global economic and technological development plan for "undeveloped" countries defined the base of the professionalization process of industrial design in Latin America. Since then, many scholars have revised the industrial design practice and proposed new ways to reinterpret Latin American design according to current perspectives about the context and territory. This research strives on a reflexive educational model based on a socio-technical system's understanding for a mixed craft-industrial design practice with rural communities in Mexico. By combining post and decolonial perspectives and critical theories of neoliberalism in the design field; and analyses of the design education process inside the rural communities of bamboo product makers in Cuetzalan (Puebla, México), it is possible to unravel the translation agency of designers (also as individuals with personal and professional interests) between the global economic system pressures and internal beliefs and positions of communities. Following Arturo Escobar's (2007, 2013, 2017) and Walter Mignolo's (2013) ideas, the design practice in Latin America is highly questionable when it tries to involve rural or social perspectives due to the influence of the development's regimes of representation. These regimes vigorously promote the generation of economic wealth from economic and technological development, primarily based on a globalized neoliberal logic. As Professor Juan Camilo Buitrago shows in the Colombian case, many universities were linked to government economic policies "due to the need to align themselves with the projects that the State was mobilizing based on industrialization to encourage exports." (2012, p. 26). This idea is still valid since public and private universities constantly compete for economic resources that they exchange with applied knowledge that points to the development of various economic sectors. Numerous studies attempt to reconcile academic epistemological and ontological forms with rural ways of understanding the world. Regardless of these efforts, it is necessary to highlight that professional design education has barely incorporated these reflections within its institutional academic structures. This work has been part of a series of university-level courses that mix experiences and perspectives between Anahuac University final year design students and the Tosepan Ojtatsentekitinij (bamboo workshop) members. The current research considers the participation of all the actors involved in the educational process (directors, lecturers, and students) and the people close to the bamboo transformation processes in Cuetzalan. The course is divided into three phases. First, students and professors discuss critical topics about complex systems and wicked problems, participatory methodologies, capitalism and globalization, non-western knowledge, social power dynamics, and Socio-technical systems. The second phase involves independent and guided fieldwork to share thoughts and intentions with the bamboo material and its possible applications. Lastly, there are different creation, experimentation, and exposition moments where each actor could share comments about all the experiences. The results intended to provide analytical tools that allow design students and educational staff members to deconstruct their economical-industrial roots to tend bridges that harmonize imaginative and creative attitudes between designers and rural craftspersons.
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García, Antonio Delgado. "National identity and cultural celebrations - Case study". En V Seven International Multidisciplinary Congress. Seven Congress, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/sevenvmulti2024-032.
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We start from the assumption that in several Latin American republics there is a previously constructed national identity, which has been reinforced in the cultural celebrations of both the Centenary and the more recent Bicentenary, carried out by the political activity of the government in power. The starting hypothesis is that the political-cultural discourse of cultural celebrations responds to official ideology, aiming to reinforce national identity, adapting it to a new socio-historical context. And how these celebrations have served to further reinforce this national identity, in accordance with the purposes and positions of the official agenda. If we focus on the case study of Mexico's political community, we can see how throughout two key moments in its history, Independence, the Mexican Revolution and their respective acts and cultural demands, a discourse and a reform of this national identity , which consolidated the national project of identity characteristics as a whole, but a constructed whole, not something immanent and previous created, but rather it is the people through their historical path that creates, configures and gives color to this entire set of cultural elements or ingredients that constitute its identity as a people and as a nation. We try to answer what was done during the bicentennial and why it was done that way. To understand how the political-cultural discourse of the bicentennials in its context and purposes, explains and lists its main identity traits in the form of a catalogue.
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Arias-Flores, Hugo, Sandra Sanchez-Gordon y Tania Calle-Jimenez. "E-Democracy and Accessibility: Challenges in the Ecuadorian presidential elections of 2021 in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic". En 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001716.
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People living with some type of disability continue to encounter barriers that prevent them from participating in society on equal terms and their rights continue to be violated. Among these rights, the full enjoyment of communication in an independent and accessible manner, using information and communication technologies, is a commitment acquired by the signatory countries of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Inclusive and equitable access to full participation in democratic processes is fundamental. Elections to designate constitutional president and vice president of the Republic of Ecuador for the period 2021-2025 were held on February 7, 2021. Some 13 million citizens were called to vote, including more than 425,000 citizens with disabilities. In Ecuador, voting is compulsory for citizens between 18 and 65 years of age, and the voting document is requisite for access to services in government offices. Ecuador was the sixth country in Latin America to call its citizens to the polls amid the pandemic. This unprecedented situation forced the National Electoral Council to change the traditional voting process, including a larger number of polling stations and ordering voters to go to the polls unaccompanied to avoid crowds and minimize contagion. In this context, the National Electoral Council made available to citizens a website that allowed, among other features, to consult the voting location and follow the election results in real-time. The objective of this study was to identify accessibility barriers in these web pages for users using assistive technology. The methodology employed for the analysis was experiential introspection complemented with the use of two automatic evaluation tools based on the W3C Web Content Accessibility Guidelines and the Usability.gov guidelines. Accessibility and usability problems were found on the voting location consultation page. Additionally, the voting results page presented very serious accessibility problems to the extent that prevented blind users from obtaining such information.
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Bialorudzki, Maciej, Arkadiusz Nowak, Joanna Mazur, Alicja Kozakiewicz y Zbigniew Izdebski. "Willingness to Test for HIV among the Population of Adults in Relation to their Sexual Activity and Opinions". En XIV Congresso da Sociedade Brasileira de DST - X Congresso Brasileiro de AIDS - V Congresso Latino Americano IST/HIV/AIDS. Zeppelini Editorial e Comunicação, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/dst-2177-8264-202335s1019.
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Introduction: Surveys concerning sexual life were conducted in Poland five times between 1997–2017. Within that period, the proportion of respondents who declared oral and anal contacts grew significantly. The decreasing proportion of people who consider having an HIV blood test (dropped by 6% from 2011 to 2017) was alarming. Objective: To identify the main factors related to willingness to test for HIV. Methods: The data pertain to 1,746 persons aged 18–49 years, surveyed in 2017 (49.1% males, average age 31.8±9.7). Twenty socio-demographic and behavioral independent variables were considered, including sexual behaviors and related opinions. Apart from the univariate analysis, a multi-factor logistic regression model was estimated for 1,364 sexually active persons. Results: Of the total respondents, 15.8% had considered HIV screening, and 10.3% had made it. The analyzed proportion grew up to 34.0% among people who had bisexual experience and up to 48.3% in case of only homosexual contact, and up to 29.1% and 21.5% in case of anal and oral contacts, respectively. Among others, the increase in HIV screening intent was related to the growing role of sex in life, a higher number of partners, being single, preferring sex without love, understanding HIV risk, and a positive attitude towards homosexuality. In the multi-factor analysis, in order of importance, the following predictors remained in the final model (coefficient of determination [R2]=0.140): residing in a big city (odds ratio [OR]=2.52), anal contact (OR=1.72), maintaining homosexual contact only (OR=6.33), oral contact (OR=2.03), considering homosexuality as nothing wrong (OR=1.61), perception of HIV hazard (OR=1.45), and allowing sex without love (OR=1.40). Conclusion: HIV screening is still not a common practice in Poland. Stigmatization and limited access to screening centers may be the barrier, which was proven by the dominant influence of the domicile, even when adjusted for behavioral and cultural factors.
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Schwarz, Aubriana, Patricia Goodhines, Amelia Wedel, Lisa LaRowe y Aesoon Park. "Sleep-Related Cannabis Expectancies Questionnaire (SR-CEQ): Replication and Psychometric Validation among College Students using Cannabis for Sleep Aid". En 2021 Virtual Scientific Meeting of the Research Society on Marijuana. Research Society on Marijuana, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26828/cannabis.2022.01.000.45.
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Introduction: Emerging evidence suggests that cannabis is commonly used to aid sleep among college students. Although outcome expectancies have been associated with the progression of cannabis use, sleep-related expectancies have not been included in widely-used cannabis expectancy measures. Recently, the Sleep-Related Cannabis Expectancies Questionnaire (SR-CEQ; Goodhines et al., 2020) was developed and initial evidence for its 2-factor structure was obtained in a general college sample (including non-cannabis users). However, the SR-CEQ’s associations with sleep and cannabis use behaviors among cannabis sleep aid users is unknown. This study aimed to replicate the previous factor structure and test construct and concurrent validity of the SR-CEQ among college students using cannabis for sleep aid. Method: Cross-sectional data were drawn from 94 college students reporting at least bimonthly cannabis use for sleep aid. Five multivariate outliers on the SR-CEQ were excluded, resulting in an analytic sample of 89 (Mage=19.92 [SD=1.19; range=18-22]; 66% female; 72% White, 12% Multiracial, 7% Asian, 5% Black or African-American, 1% self-reported Other and 3% did not disclose; 14% Hispanic/Latinx). Students completed an online survey of sleep and substance use behaviors. A confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) replicated the 2-factor structure (Positive and Negative Sleep-Related Cannabis Expectancies), bivariate correlations tested associations with related constructs (sleep and cannabis use behaviors/beliefs), and independent-samples t-tests further explicated relevant group differences. Results: After dropping item 5 (factor loading<.40), CFA with a 2-factor structure indicated good fit to the data (χ2(41)=66.76, p=.01; CFI=0.94; SRMR=0.07; RMSEA=0.08 [90% CI=0.05, 0.12]). Positive sleep-related cannabis expectancies (α=.84) were associated with dysfunctional beliefs about sleep (r=.24, p=.02), but not insomnia symptoms, poor sleep quality, or frequencies of cannabis use (ps>.05). Students who used cannabis more frequently in general (≥36 of 60 days, per median split) reported more positive sleep-related cannabis expectancies (t[86]=1.99, p=.05, Cohen’s d=0.42). Negative sleep-related cannabis expectancies (α=.80) were not associated with any cannabis or sleep variables assessed (ps>.05). Negative sleep-related cannabis expectancies were marginally lower among students with greater frequency of general cannabis use (t[87]=-1.89, p=.06, Cohen’s d=0.40) and cannabis use for sleep aid (≥3 times/week, per median split; t[87]=-1.87, p=.06, Cohen’s d=0.40). Further, greater negative sleep-related cannabis expectancies were reported among male (versus female) students (t[87]=2.30, p=.02, Cohen’s d=0.51). Conclusion: Overall, replication of this 2-factor structure showed good fit to the data and both subscales demonstrated good internal consistency. Although replication is needed, results suggest that college students using cannabis for sleep aid may have less negative sleep-related expectancies about sleep. Positive sleep-related cannabis expectancies were associated with dysfunctional beliefs about sleep, but not sleep behaviors or cannabis use. Current novel findings extend existing knowledge of general non-sleep related cannabis expectancies among cannabis users in terms of cannabis use correlates. Findings can help identify at-risk students and modifiable risk factors that can be targeted to minimize harm with cannabis sleep aid use. Future research is needed among larger samples to (a) assess generalizability to varied populations and (b) clarify temporal sequencing of potential consequences through longitudinal designs.
Informes sobre el tema "Latin America Wars of Independence"
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Chia, Siow Yue. The Singapore Model of Industrial Policy: Past Evolution and Current Thinking. Inter-American Development Bank, noviembre de 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006828.
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This presentation summarizes Singapore's economic performance, and examines the evolving industrial strategy, major policies and performances. Singapore has achieved substantial economic and social progress since political independence in 1965, with one of the highest per capita incomes in Asia. The economic success of Singapore has been used by neoclassical economists to support the role of the market, with minimal price distortions, openness to international trade, investment and technology flows, macroeconomic stability from fiscal and monetary prudence, and high savings and investment. This presentation was presented at the Latin America/Caribbean and Asia/Pacific Economics and Business Association (LAEBA)'s 2nd Annual Meeting held in Buenos Aires, Argentina on November 28th-29th, 2005.
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Junguito, Roberto y Hernando Vargas-Herrera. Central Bank independence and foreign exchange policies in Latin America. Bogotá, Colombia: Banco de la República, febrero de 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/be.46.
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Tcha, MoonJoong. From Potato Chips to Computer Chips: Features of Korea's Economic Development: Knowledge Sharing Forum on Development Experiences: Comparative Experiences of Korea and Latin America and the Caribbean. Inter-American Development Bank, junio de 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0007002.
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When considering countries of phenomenal economic development and growth, Korea is among the top tiers. While there are other economies with similar economic growth, including those of Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, the economic growth of Korea is exceptional considering that the country lacked basic economic foundation in the past. R. Lucas Jr. (1993), a Nobel Laureate in economics and also a renowned scholar of the respective field, praised the country's economic success, by stating that "I do not think it is in any way an exaggeration to refer to this continuing transformation of Korean society as a miracle". As an evidence for his argument, he asserted "Never before have the lives of so many people undergone so rapid an improvement over so long a period, nor is there any sign that this progress is near its end". Yet, the history of Korea is more than just its outcome; it is the history of continuous national ordeal, a series of challenges and crisis that required people to toil night and day to overcome the situation. If it were not for today's splendid economic success, it would have been more appropriate to describe the history of Korea as that of wretchedness and misery. The fact that South Korea became one of the leading nations in the world is nothing less than a miracle, considering that it underwent many hardships after its independence such as fratricidal Korean War, a long period of dictatorship, 4.19 revolution as a reactionary to the dictatorship, 5.16 military coup, the engagement in the Vietnam War, two oil crises, another military coup afterwards, civil revolutions, a foreign exchange crisis, and the global economic crisis. Economic growth means value-added increase in a certain period of time. To boost this value-added increase, the elements of production such as labor, capital, and land must be both accumulated and invested. Furthermore, it requires the effective use of these elements by combining them when necessary, so that the best value can be drawn out. In other words, the vital factor in economic growth is raising productivity. Then, given similar situations, how come some countries show different performance in factor accumulation or productivity improvement? The accumulation of resources and increase of productivity depend on economic incentive. Proper institution in an economy that provides incentives for economic agents enables factors to flow and to be accumulated where productivity is high. It also gives motivation for innovation and improvement of productivity. Competition in product markets and acquisition of resources and raw materials with low cost through an open-door policy can induce the accumulation of elements and improvement of technology, where in a broader perspective, open-door policy can also be considered as a part of institution.The growth of the Korean economy is unique since only a few economies could demonstrate compatibly high growth rates for a long period. However, at the same time, Korea's case is never unique as its success story is based on factor accumulation, productivity enhancement and, most of all, a fundamental called institution. Its growth was possible due to the fact that there was a proper functioning of market backed by the establishment of proper institutions. The Korean government indeed worked favorably towards the establishment of institution and running of economy in a market-friendly manner. Some features of its growth pattern are worthwhile to be illustrated as there are still a large number of developing countries and high income countries with unstable institutions worldwide, which could gain from a part of Korea's story, at least, and collect substantial knowledge for their future growth.
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Bates, Robert, John Coatsworth y Jeffrey Williamson. Lost Decades: Lessons from Post-Independence Latin America for Today's Africa. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, octubre de 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12610.
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Meisel-Roca, Adolfo y Juan David Barón-Rivera. A historical analysis of Central Bank independence in Latin America: the colombian experience, 1923-2008. Bogotá, Colombia: Banco de la República, septiembre de 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/be.573.
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Chandrasekhar, C. P. The Long Search for Stability: Financial Cooperation to Address Global Risks in the East Asian Region. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, marzo de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp153.
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Forced by the 1997 Southeast Asian crisis to recognize the external vulnerabilities that openness to volatile capital flows result in and upset over the post-crisis policy responses imposed by the IMF, countries in the sub-region saw the need for a regional financial safety net that can pre-empt or mitigate future crises. At the outset, the aim of the initiative, then led by Japan, was to create a facility or design a mechanism that was independent of the United States and the IMF, since the former was less concerned with vulnerabilities in Asia than it was in Latin America and that the latter’s recommendations proved damaging for countries in the region. But US opposition and inherited geopolitical tensions in the region blocked Japan’s initial proposal to establish an Asian Monetary Fund, a kind of regional IMF. As an alternative, the ASEAN+3 grouping (ASEAN members plus China, Japan and South Korea) opted for more flexible arrangements, at the core of which was a network of multilateral and bilateral central bank swap agreements. While central bank swap agreements have played a role in crisis management, the effort to make them the central instruments of a cooperatively established regional safety net, the Chiang Mai Initiative, failed. During the crises of 2008 and 2020 countries covered by the Initiative chose not to rely on the facility, preferring to turn to multilateral institutions such as the ADB, World Bank and IMF or enter into bilateral agreements within and outside the region for assistance. The fundamental problem was that because of an effort to appease the US and the IMF and the use of the IMF as a foil against the dominance of a regional power like Japan, the regional arrangement was not a real alternative to traditional sources of balance of payments support. In particular, access to significant financial assistance under the arrangement required a country to be supported first by an IMF program and be subject to the IMF’s conditions and surveillance. The failure of the multilateral effort meant that a specifically Asian safety net independent of the US and the IMF had to be one constructed by a regional power involving support for a network of bilateral agreements. Japan was the first regional power to seek to build such a network through it post-1997 Miyazawa Initiative. But its own complex relationship with the US meant that its intervention could not be sustained, more so because of the crisis that engulfed Japan in 1990. But the prospect of regional independence in crisis resolution has revived with the rise of China as a regional and global power. This time both economics and China’s independence from the US seem to improve prospects of successful regional cooperation to address financial vulnerability. A history of tensions between China and its neighbours and the fear of Chinese dominance may yet lead to one more failure. But, as of now, the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s support for a large number of bilateral swap arrangements and its participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership seem to suggest that Asian countries may finally come into their own.
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Marchini, Geneviève Marthe Marie. Working paper PUEAA No. 16. The US exit from Afghanistan. Reverberation across Latin America. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Programa Universitario de Estudios sobre Asia y África, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/pueaa.001r.2023.
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In this paper, I aim to analyze which direct or indirect implications the US withdrawal from Afghanistan had for Latin America, especially in the economic sphere, an aspect less addressed. My point is that there were few direct economic effects, due to the lack of relevance of trade and investment links between Afghanistan and Latin American countries, but the consequences of the US exit reverberated through the global system and through its real and potential effects on topics of common interest. As peripheral and semi-peripheral countries, and despite the absence of international wars in the region, several Latin American countries share with Afghanistan aspects of an insertion in the global economy which includes illicit activities or activities at the margins of legality, like the production, transit and exports of drugs, or the privatization of war, or are affected by the struggles between the great powers, especially the United States and China. The paper is organized as follows: in a first section we briefly introduce the Afghan economy and show the weak links it maintains with Latin America. The second section discusses some immediate reactions to the US withdrawal in Latin America and examines one of its direct effects, related to the participation of Colombian military personnel and former soldiers in Afghanistan. The third section deals with the reverberations of the US exit on the “war on drugs,”, which involves several Latin American countries as well as Afghanistan, and the fourth section approaches the possible impacts on the international infrastructure initiatives in both regions. The last section concludes.
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Ramírez Rodríguez, Santiago, Danya Churanek, Katherine Pielemeier, Darinka Vásquez Jordán, Oliver Azuara Herrera y Alejandro Soriano. Second Independent Evaluation of the Japanese Trust Funds at the IDB. Inter-American Development Bank, mayo de 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010585.
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This evaluation was conducted by IDB's Independent Office of Evaluation and Oversight (OVE) at the request of the Japan Executive Director's Office at the IDB, on behalf of the Government of Japan (GoJ). The purpose of the evaluation was to assess the results obtained with JTF financing and to point out any potential improvement in the future use of those funds. The findings were also expected to highlight topics related to the visibility of Japan's contributions and collaboration with Japanese agencies. The review covered the entire JTF portfolio of country and regional NRTCs completed between January 2006 and December 2012 - a total of 265 projects with US$96.7 million in disbursements from the JTF. These operations financed programs in 25 of the 26 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean via loan preparation grants (LPGs) or stand-alone grants (SAGs) in practically all areas of IDB's work. The majority of these projects were approved between 2005 and 2009.
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Rueda R., Miguel Ricardo. Breaking Credibility in Monetary Policy: The Role of Politics in the Stability of the Central Banker. Inter-American Development Bank, septiembre de 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010894.
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This paper studies the relationship between the hazard rate of the exit of a president of a central bank and a measure of credibility in monetary policy. The expected hazard rate of exit is estimated as a function of legal and political variables. The measure of credibility is the expected probability of a disinflation beginning when inflation is rising. For a sample of 22 Latin American and G7 countries, I find a negative relationship between the hazard rate of exit and the measure of credibility. This provides evidence of the expected relationship between independence and credibility not found in previous cross country studies. Using the executives party ideology as a measure of aversion to inflation, there was no evidence that this relationship is different for countries where the government is identified as more conservative. However, when a president of the central bank appointed by a conservative government is in office, a rise in the probability of a disinflation beginning when inflation was rising was found. The results show that legal independence after controlling for the hazard rate of the presidents exit is not associated with credibility gains.
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Doty, Pamela. Cash and Counseling: Self-directed home and community long-term care. Inter-American Development Bank, abril de 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004857.
Texto completoResumen
Cash and counseling provides an allowance that recipients can use to purchase home- and community-based long-term care services instead of receiving them from an agency. This scheme gives beneficiaries the choice and independence to self-direct the implementation of their preferred long-term care plan, using an assigned budget, under the supervision of a counselor. One feature of this program is that recipients can choose between hiring a professional or a family member as a caregiver. The objective of this document is to explore how cash and counseling works, with examples of interventions in the United States, and how it is relevant for policy-making in Latin America and the Caribbean.