Artículos de revistas:

1

Schmalz, Stefan, Teresa Conrow, Dina Feller y Maurício Rombaldi. "Two forms of transnational organizing: Mapping the strategies of Global Union Federations". Tempo Social 33, n.º 2 (16 de agosto de 2021): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2021.185622.

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It has become a commonplace belief among academics and trade union officials that globalization has weakened trade unions. However, the expansion of global capital has also led to a rise of transnational labor organizing. Since the 2000s, Global Union Federations have developed different strategies to tackle the challenges of globalization. In this article, we analyze two such forms of transnational organizing: A network-based and an event-based form of organizing. While the network-based approach brings together unions from different countries in a company or industry-wide cross-border network, the event-based strategy is built on the engagement of the GUFs at large international events to wage local struggles with a lasting impact on labor relations. By drawing on a power resource approach and labor geography and by using empirical data from two case studies, the Building and Woodworkers International’s Fifa World Cup campaign of 2014 and the International Transport Workers Union’s Latam Union network, we demonstrate how GUFs are using different pathways of transnational activism to link the global with the local and why local trade union action is crucial for success in transnational organizing.

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2

Gahan, Peter. "Did Arbitration Make for Dependent Unionism? Evidence from Historical Case Studies". Journal of Industrial Relations 38, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1996): 648–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569603800407.

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The analysis of Australian union behaviour, growth and structure has centred on the relationship between unions and arbitration. To varying degrees it has been assumed that Australian unions are dependent on arbitration for the supply of resources critical to their functions. The nature and extent of this dependency have, however, remained empirically unexplored. Yet it is clear that if this depend ency relationship were a valid description of the relationship between unions and arbitration, its implications for the survial of unions under a different labour law regime would be profound. This paper, through the investigation of four historical case studies. questions the validity of the dependency hypothesis as a useful explanation of Australian union behaviour. A number of concerns emerge from the case analysis. To begin with, the general interpretation of key historical moments that the dependency hypothesis relies on does not capture the diversity of experience evident in these four cases. While arbitration played an important role in influencing union behav iour by altering the costs and incentives of pursuing particular strategies, the evidence suggests that a range of other factors account for this diversity. Moreo ver, arbitration was not only an institutional structure that unions faced. Rather, part of their strategic interplay with it was concerned with shaping the system to further their own goals through the use of different 'bundles' of political and industrial resources at the disposal of individual unions. Most importantly, to the extent that these unions were dependent organizations, they were dependent on a range of institutional and organizational mechanisms for the supply of critical resources. Arguably, this study also has profound implications for how more generalized accounts of union development are constructed and theorized. A localized analysis, which focuses on individual unions and their own micro- contexts, is advanced as a more appropriate starting point for union theory.

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3

ISSAYEVA, Ainur Zhenisovna, Bolat Zholdasbekovich AITIMOV, Zhanat Amandykovna ISSAYEVA, Madina Koishibayevna ZHUSSUPBEKOVA, Saltanat Saidakhmetovna TINISTANOVA y Akzada Alaidarkyzy MADALIYEVA. "Features of Legal Regulation of the Procedure for the Consideration of Labor Disputes in Kazakhstan". Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 11, n.º 1 (31 de marzo de 2020): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v11.1(47).09.

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This study examined the experience of Kazakhstan, which created its own system of laws and regulations in the field of labor dispute problems, designed to protect the interests of workers and help ensure a minimum level for residents. The article identifies problems requiring study of issues on the application of labor legislation, development of recommendations for improving and taking measures to inform judicial practice in this category of cases. We have studied the activities of the International Labor Organization (hereinafter referred to as the MOT), which is the world agency of the United Labor Organization. Kazakhstan reports on labor issues, labor disputes, trade unions of workers, workers and others. Case studies show labor disputes, strikes by workers in the regions of Kazakhstan, as well as their solutions. The study makes recommendations of the following nature, when considering disputes regarding the recognition of legal relations as labor, courts should distinguish between civil law relations and labor relations. The relevance of the research topic due to the need to develop and introduce new modern mechanism for resolving individual labor disputes, including pre-trial and non-judicial methods of conflict resolutions.

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4

Milovanova, Marina y Valeria Vasilevskaya. "Violence and harassment in the world of work as a gender problem". Science. Culture. Society 28, n.º 2S (6 de septiembre de 2022): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.2s.4.

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The problem of violence and harassment in the sphere of social and labor relations is actualized as a gender problem, the representation of which is difficult due to insufficient case studies and latency. The article analyzes statistical data and conducted quantitative sociological surveys, the author's qualitative research "The activities of trade unions in promoting the principles of gender equality" by the method of in-depth interviews of representatives and leaders of Russian trade unions who are experts in the field of gender. The empirical base made it possible to identify the level of harassment severity in the workplace, to prioritize in comparison with other issues of economic discrimination based on gender, the readiness of society to discuss it openly and publicly. The range of reasons why people are discriminated against in the workplace, their conditionality by the level of material well-being, determinism by poverty, employment industry, and the difference in the interpretation of cultural and moral norms in generations is determined. As a mechanism that could be a step towards changing the attitude of the members of social partnership to violence and harassment in the world of work the respondents discussed the ILO Convention 190 “About Eliminating of Violence and Harassment in the World of Work” (2019), restrictions on its ratification due to the current political and international situation. It is concluded that the active role of Russian trade unions, their gender structures, which are associative members of international trade union organizations in educational, informational work, real assistance to victims, as well as participation in the development of legislative initiatives and recommendations in the enforcement of existing laws, remains. The need to search for internal tools to solve the problem of violence and harassment in the sphere of social and labor relations, redirection of the public agenda into a constructive way is predicted.

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5

Snell, Darryn y Victor Gekara. "Unions and corporate social responsibility in a liberal market context: The case of Ford’s shutdown in Australia". Journal of Industrial Relations 62, n.º 5 (13 de enero de 2020): 713–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619896383.

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Within many coordinated market economies, labour unions have demonstrated to be key actors in shaping corporate social responsibility. Researchers have, however, paid surprisingly little attention to the role of unions in shaping corporate social responsibility strategies and responses in liberal market contexts. This article extends the emerging research on unions and corporate social responsibility through a case study which investigates union influences over corporate social responsibility within the liberal market context of Australia. We conceptualise the role of unions in corporate social responsibility in this context through an industrial relations lens with particular reference to collective bargaining. Drawing on qualitative data, the case study examines the Ford Motor Company’s recent closure of its Australian assembly operations which was hailed by a wide range of stakeholders as an exemplar of ‘best practice’ in their assistance of displaced workers. We conclude that, while highly socially responsible, Ford’s actions were far from voluntary but influenced by a combination of union influence and a ‘subsidised’ corporate social responsibility, where the state, unable and/or powerless to legislate good corporate social behaviour, chose to financially underwrite its cost to the firm. The study represents one of the first studies to demonstrate how unions shape corporate social responsibility strategies of firms in liberal market contexts and how ‘subsidised’ corporate social responsibility becomes an alternative political solution within such a context.

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6

Galgóczi, Béla. "Just transition on the ground: Challenges and opportunities for social dialogue". European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2020): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680120951704.

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The process leading to a net zero carbon economy by mid-century will have massive effects on jobs, labour relations and income distribution. The idea of just transition – that achieving the ambitious objectives to bring climate change under control will only be possible if the transition to a net-zero carbon economy is balanced and just – has evolved in the last four decades from a union initiative to a complex policy framework adopted by international organizations, and also referred to in the COP21 Paris Agreement (UNFCCC, 2015). Building on literature analysis, this article deconstructs the concept of ‘just transition’ by discussing its various interpretations and dimensions and highlighting the role of trade unions in applying it. Based on sectoral case studies, concrete examples from two key sectors of the European economy – energy and automobile – are given, where massive employment transitions are under way and social dialogue plays a key role. Conclusions about the changing role of trade unions and the importance of co-operative industrial relations are drawn.

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7

Bramble, Tom. "Political Economy and Management Strategy in the Metal and Engineering Industry". Journal of Industrial Relations 31, n.º 1 (marzo de 1989): 22–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568903100102.

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The study of industrial relations management has been a long-neglected aspect of the Australian scene. Recent changes in the balance of power on the shop floor in the aftermath of prolonged recession in the metal and engineering industry, however, make such neglect an expensive luxury. This article looks at four aspects of management t strategy: the labour relations management function, relations with the unions at the workplace, attitudes to employee involvement, and attitudes to the employment relationship. The suggestion, in the light of secondary evidence and a series of fourteen case studies in the Victorian and New South Wales metal industry, is that three variables are important in helping to explain the direction that labour relations management has taken in recent years. These are the 'labour threat: the reorganization of production methods, and changes to the legal and institutional framework. It was found that management in those plants in which exposure to these three environmental pressures was similar responded with fairly similar labour relations management practices, suggesting that there may indeed be a link between the key variables.

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8

Ngulumbu, Benjamin Musembi y Fanice Waswa. "Abdul, G., A., & Sehar, S. (2015). Conflict management and organizational performance: A case study of Askari Bank Ltd. Research Journal of Finance and Accounting. 6(11), 201. Adhiambo, R., & Simatwa, M. (2011). Assessment of conflict management and resolution in public secondary schools in Kenya: A case study of Nyakach District. International Research Journal 2(4), 1074-1088. Adomi, E., & Anie, S. (2015). Conflict management in Nigerian University Libraries. Journal of Library Management, 27(8), 520-530. https://doi.org/10.1108/01435120610686098 Amadi, E., C., & Urho, P. (2016). Strike actions and its effect on educational management in universities in River State. Kuwait Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review, 5(6), 41-46. https://doi.org/10.12816/0019033 Amah, E., & Ahiauzu, A. (2013). Employee involvement and organizational effectiveness. Journal of Management Development, 32(7), 661-674. https://doi.org/10.1108/JMD-09-2010-0064 Amegee, P. K. (2010). The causes and impact of labour unrest on some selected organizations in Accra. University of Ghana Awan, A., G., & Anjum K. (2015). Cost of High Employees turnover Rate in Oil industry of Pakistan, Information and Knowledge Management, 5 (2), 92- 102. Bernards, N. (2017). The International Labour Organization and African trade unions: tripartite fantasies and enduring struggles. Review of African Political Economy, 44(153), 399-414. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2017.1318359 Blomgren Amsler, L., Avtgis, A. B., & Jackman, M. S. (2017). Dispute System Design and Bias in Dispute Resolution. SMUL Rev., 70, 913. Boheim, R., & Booth, A. (2004). Trade union presence and employer provided training in Great Britain industrial relations 43: pp 520-545. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0019-8676.2004.00348.x Bryson, A., & Freeman, R. B. (2013). Employee perceptions of working conditions and the desire for worker representation in Britain and the US. Journal of Labor Res 34(1), 1–29. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12122-012-9152-y Buccella, D., & Fanti, L. (2020). Do labour union recognition and bargaining deter entry in a network industry? A sequential game model. Utilities Policy, 64, 101025. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jup.2020.101025 Constitution, K. (2010). Government printer. Kenya: Nairobi. Cortés, P. (Ed.). (2016). The new regulatory framework for consumer dispute resolution. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198766353.001.0001 Creighton, B., Denvir, C., & McCrystal, S. (2017). Defining industrial action. Federal Law Review, 45(3), 383-414. Daud, Z., & Bakar, M. S. (2017). Improving employees' welfare. European Journal of Industrial Relations, 25(2), 147-162. Deery, S., J., Iverson, R., D., & Walsh, J. (2010). Coping strategies in call centers: Work Intensity and the Role of Co-workers and Supervisors. International Journal of employment relations, 48(1), 189-200. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2009.00755.x Durrani, S. (2018). Trade Unions in Kenya's War of Independence (No. 2). Vita Books. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r4j2 Dwomoh, G., Owusu, E., E., & Addo, M. (2013). Impact of occupational health and safety policies on employees’ performance in the Ghana’s timber industry: Evidence from Lumber and Logs Limited. International Journal of Education and Research, 1 (12), 1-14. Edinyang, S., & Ubi, I. E. (2013). Studies secondary school students in Uyo Local government area of AkwaIbom State, Nigeria. Global Journal of Human Resource Management, 1(2), 1-8. Ewing, K., & Hendy, J. (2017). New perspectives on collective labour law: Trade union recognition and collective bargaining. Industrial Law Journal, 46(1), 23-51. https://doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwx001 Fitzgerald, I., Beadle, R., & Rowan, K. (2020). Trade Unions and the 2016 UK European Union Referendum. Economic and Industrial Democracy. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831X19899483 Gall, G., & Fiorito, J. (2016). Union effectiveness: In search of the Holy Grail. Economic and Industrial Democracy, 37(1) 189211. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831X14537358 Gathoronjo, S. N. (2018). The Ministry of labour on the causes of labour disputes in the public sector. University of Nairobi. Iravo, M. A. (2011). Effect of conflict management in performance of public secondary schools in Machakos County, Kenya. Kenyatta University. Jepkorir, B. M. (2014). The effect of trade unions on organizational productivity in the cement manufacturing industry in Nairobi. University of Nairobi. Kaaria, J. K. (2019). Trade Liberalization and Export Survival In Kenya. University of Nairobi. Kaburu, Z. (2010). The relationship between terms and conditions of service and motivation of domestic workers in Nairobi. University of Nairobi. Kambilinya, I. (2014). Assessment of performance of trade unions. Master’s Thesis Submitted to University of Malawi. Kamrul, H., Ashraful, I., & Arifuzzaman, M. (2015). A Study on the major causes of labour unrest and its effect on the RMG sector of Bangladesh. International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research, 6 (11). Kazimoto, P. (2013). Analysis of conflict management and leadership for organizational change. International Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 3(1), 16-25. Khanka, I. (2015). Industrial relations in Tanzania. University of Dar-es-salaam. Kisaka, C. L. (2010). Challenges facing trade unions in Kenya. Master’s Thesis Submitted to University of Nairobi. Kituku, M. N. (2015). Influence of conflict resolution strategies on project implementation. A Case of Titanium Base Limited Kwale County Kenya. University of Nairobi. Kmietowicz, Z. (2016). Ballot on industrial action by GPs averted as government accepts BMA’s demands. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.i4619 KNHCR (2020). Key Business and Human Rights Concerns in Kenya. Retrieved from http://nap.knchr.org/NAP-Scope/Key-Business-and-Human-Rights-Concerns-in-Kenya. Magone, J. (2018). Iberian trade unionism: Democratization under the impact of the European Union. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351325684 Menkel-Meadow, C. J., Porter-Love, L., Kupfer-Schneider, A., & Moffitt, M. (2018). Dispute resolution: Beyond the adversarial model. Aspen Publishers. Mlungisi, E. T. (2016). The liability of trade unions for conduct of their members during industrial action. MoLSP (2020). Ministry of Labor and Social Protection, Registrar of Trade Unions. Retrieved from https://labour.go.ke/department-of-trade-unions/ Msila, X. (2018). Trade union density and its implications for collective bargaining in South Africa. University of Pretoria. Mulima, K. J. (2017). Trade Union Practices on Improvement of Teachers Welfare. University of Nairobi). Năstase, A., & Muurmans, C. (2020). Regulating lobbying practices in the European Union: A voluntary club perspective. Regulation & Governance, 14(2), 238-255. https://doi.org/10.1111/rego.12200 Otenyo, E. E. (2017). Trade unions and the age of information and communication technologies in Kenya. Lexington Books. Powell, J. (2018). Towards a Marxist theory of financialised capitalism. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190695545.013.37 Razaka, S. S., & Mahmodb, N. A. K. N. (2017). Trade Union Recognition in Malaysia: Transforming State Government’s Ideology. Proceeding of ICARBSS 2017 Langkawi, Malaysia, 2017(29th), 175." Journal of Strategic Management 6, n.º 1 (22 de enero de 2022): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53819/81018102t2041.

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The Constitution of Kenya specifically recognizes the freedom of association to form and belong to trade unions. However, despite the adoption of the Labour Relations Act, union practice is still hampered by excessive restrictions. The EPZ companies are labor intensive requiring a large amount of labor to produce its goods or service and thus, the welfare of the employees play a key role in their functions. This study sought to determine the effect of trade union practices on employees’ welfare at export processing zones industries in Athi River, Kenya. The specific objectives sought to determine the effect of collective bargaining agreements, industrial action, dispute resolution and trade union representation on employees’ welfare at export processing zones industries in Athi River, Kenya. The study employed a descriptive research design. Primary data was collected by means of a structured questionnaire. The target population of the study was employees in EPZ companies in Athi River, Kenya with large employees enrolled in active trade unions. The unit of observation was the employees in the trade unions. The findings indicated that collective bargaining agreements had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. Industrial action had a positive but non-significant effect with employees’ welfare at Export Processing Zones industries. Dispute resolution had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. Trade union representation had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. The study recommended that trade union should avoid the path of confrontation but continue dialogue through the collective bargaining process and demands should be realistic in nature with what is obtainable in the related industry. An existence of a formal two way communication between management and trade unions will ensure that right message is properly understood and on time too. Keywords: Collective Bargaining Agreements, Industrial Action, Dispute Resolution, Trade Union Representation, Employees Welfare & Export Processing Zones

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9

Milner, Susan. "Bargaining for work–family benefits in the UK". Journal of Industrial Relations 64, n.º 1 (febrero de 2022): 124–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00221856211057918.

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Using data from the Labour Research Department's Payline bank of collective agreements, and drawing on case studies of the (male-dominated) rail transport and (female-dominated) food retail sectors, this article analyses agreement on enhanced work–family benefits, focusing on maternity and paternity leave and pay, and Shared Parental Leave (SPL) and pay. The opportunity structure for bargaining, consisting of internal and external factors encouraging or facilitating union engagement with work–family measures, has developed unevenly in the British case, resulting in only a small number of agreements overall. Collectively agreed provision offers significant benefits mainly for maternity leave and pay. The analysis finds evidence of a dynamic of bargaining whereby those organisations with enhanced maternity pay continued to extend provision and to introduce new enhancements for fathers through paternity leave, but also identifies the limits of this dynamic due to complexity of policy design. The article argues that trade unions can coordinate bargaining strategy even in the absence of formal mechanisms for doing so, but that local strategy depends on the external opportunity structure at all levels.

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10

Josserand, Emmanuel y Sarah Kaine. "Labour Standards in Global Value Chains: Disentangling Workers’ Voice, Vicarious Voice, Power Relations, and Regulation". Articles 71, n.º 4 (3 de enero de 2017): 741–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1038530ar.

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Theoretical developments and case studies have started to explore the complexity and intricacies of new forms of labour regulation in Global Value Chains (GVCs). This paper builds on these to integrate what we know into a coherent framework that can guide practice and future research. We bring together existing knowledge on new forms of labour standards regulation—such as Private Social Standards (PSSs) and International Framework Agreements (IFAs)—into a framework that integrates and disentangles the contextual determinants, processes, regulatory mechanisms, and outcomes of such regulation in GVCs. Of special significance is the distinction between regulatory processes—vicarious voice, workers’ voice, coordinated international campaigns—, and regulatory mechanisms—IFAs and PSSs. Extant literature tends to deal with existing forms of regulation without much clarity on their respective roles. Our framework identifies two pathways from regulatory processes to regulatory mechanisms: the labour power and the customer power pathways. Our framework also establishes clear connections between concepts, underlining links of causality and moderating effects. We explore the impact of value chain structure, and specifically, the connections between workers’ and vicarious voice, on regulatory outcomes. With regard to the structure of supply chains, we examine the coupling of operations and the sensitivity of value chain participants to reputational risk and drive within value chains. We add the significant dimension of ‘internal drive’ to existing understandings of drive to capture the possible internal discrepancies leading managers in multinational companies (MNCs) to apply mixed incentives to their suppliers to comply with labour standards. Additionally, we introduce the concept of ‘vicarious voice’, which we define as a situation where workers’ voice is substituted by that of actors who, unlike local unions or activist unionism, do not have a close representative link with workers. Vicarious voice may be composed of ethical consumerism, social advocacy, and international union federations.

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11

Compa, Lance. "Workers' Freedom of Association in the United States under International Human Rights Standards". International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 17, Issue 3 (1 de septiembre de 2001): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/360554.

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International Labour Rights can be found among the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other United Nations instruments which set the standards for Human Rights at work and in general. It is stated that all people are entitled to freedom of association and the right to form and join trade unions. The United States fails to meet many of the standards pertaining to the International Trade Organizations Fundamental Principles. In many case studies where it is proven that companies are neglecting to follow the laws about organization there is little done to correct the situation. There remains much room for improvement in the United States legislation in order to better the working conditions and workers' freedom to association.

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12

Marquardt, Steve. "Pesticides, Parakeets, and Unions in the Costa Rican Banana Industry, 1938–1962". Latin American Research Review 37, n.º 2 (2002): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100019506.

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AbstractThis article explores one of the earliest large-scale uses of biocidal agro-chemicals in Latin America, the United Fruit Company's hand-spraying of its banana plantations to control sigitoka disease from 1938 to 1962. After discussing the environmental context of sigatoka and the early development and implications of the spray technology, the essay focuses on the thousands of workers who applied the chemicals. Using Costa Rica as a case study, it explores workers' sense of the personal costs of their work as well as their ambiguous relationship to the larger banana workers' union movement. Because of differences in ethnicity, age, and masculine status, pesticide workers were not part of the labor movement's militant core, but their participation in strikes gave unions great power for a time. This power, along with workers' individual job actions, forced fundamental changes in the pesticide program, demonstrating the importance of integrating labor into the study of environmental change in agricultural capitalism.

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13

Zschock, Dieter K. "Medical Care Under Social Insurance in Latin America". Latin American Research Review 21, n.º 1 (1986): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100021889.

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Social insurance entitlements represent one of the more controversial aspects of social sector development in Latin America. The most comprehensive critique of social security views the system's coverage and organization as a reflection of the region's social stratification (Mesa-Lago 1978). According to this view, power groups in public administration, private industry, and labor unions exercise control over the organization and financing of sickness, invalidity, and pension funds, and they seek to restrict benefits to their respective memberships. The noninsured lack market power and political organization because of their low levels of human resources development and lack of social cohesion. Mesa-Lago's critique may be more justified for the lower-income than for the higher-income countries in Latin America, however, at least regarding medical care, which is the system's largest single entitlement program in most Latin American countries.

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14

Niftiyev, Ibrahim. "Third-country economic consequences of Western sanctions on Russia: a thematic analysis of expert opinions in Azerbaijan". SocioEconomic Challenges 7, n.º 3 (30 de septiembre de 2023): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.61093/sec.7(3).113-140.2023.

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With the beginning of a new phase of military conflict between Russia and Ukraine in 2022, third countries, especially countries of the former Soviet Union (post-Soviet space), are expected to suffer from Western sanctions and Russian countermeasures due to disruption or disruptions in supply chains. The systematization of literary sources on this topic proves that several studies are currently devoted to analysing the impact of international sanctions against Russia on the situation in the Baltic region. At the same time, the issue of the effects of Russian sanctions on the functioning of Azerbaijan in this context has yet to be analyzed. However, close relations between Russia and Azerbaijan and the growing importance of Azerbaijan for European energy security are essential conditions for this case study. This article aims to investigate the economic impact of sanctions on Azerbaijan through a thematic analysis of expert opinions on social media platforms (e.g. Facebook, LinkedIn) and websites dedicated to media coverage of this issue. This study analyzed 134 qualitative sources collected between February and July 2022, of which 84% of the data was in text format, while 16% was in video format. A technical assessment of expert opinion found that international trade, services (such as banking and transport), agriculture, monetary issues (inflation due to rising prices of imported products and the exchange rate) and migrants were the most discussed issues and causes of concern among experts. Significant disruptions in the Russian economy raise severe concerns about Azerbaijan’s fruit and vegetable exports, wheat imports, banking operations, inflation, reduced remittances (from Russia) and labor migration (from Russia to Azerbaijan). This study examines these patterns in light of prior expectations, suggests further research, and theorizes possible reasons for the observed patterns.

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15

Racabi, Gali. "Effects of City–State Relations on Labor Relations: The Case of Uber". ILR Review 74, n.º 5 (16 de septiembre de 2021): 1155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00197939211036445.

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Using case studies of labor’s interaction with Uber in the United States, the author investigates how legal relations between cities and states affect labor relations models. The case studies demonstrate a persistent dilemma for labor actors outside the National Labor Relations Act: While local regulations might be more politically accessible, these interventions are also more legally vulnerable to state and federal preemption attempts. The implications of this common dilemma are explored through the struggles of unions and labor actors with Uber in New York City, Seattle, and California. The case studies show that city–state relations affect both how innovative and how assertive a local labor relations model can afford to be. These findings can influence broader discussions about ossification and power outside traditional labor relations frames.

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Hma Salah, Hayman A. "The European Unions’ International Relations". UKH Journal of Social Sciences 3, n.º 1 (29 de junio de 2019): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25079/ukhjss.v3n1y2019.pp69-82.

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This article explores major theoretical approaches to the study of European integration, European Union (EU) as a global power, and the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. The argument presented here is that only a combination of both International Relations and European integration approaches will allow us to understand the very premises of the European integration project in terms of both internal and external – international-aspects. This approach will be complementary to the attempts by researchers those who call to mainstream European studies and an appeal in favor of abounding the project of conceptualizing the EU as a single case or as being Sui generis. This article argues that, despite serious attempts by scholars of the field of European studies, it seems difficult to theorize European integration. The established literature to the existing political entities seems less relevant to study EU due to the union’s unique identity. Theories of EU integration are unable to explain or predict the process of integration, but they are normally outpaced by events.

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17

Son, Byunghwan. "INTERPERSONAL TRUST AND CONFIDENCE IN LABOR UNIONS: THE CASE OF SOUTH KOREA". Journal of East Asian Studies 20, n.º 2 (15 de abril de 2020): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2020.5.

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AbstractHow do ordinary citizens view labor unions? The importance of public opinion about unions has rarely been highlighted in the contemporary literature on labor politics. Using five waves of the World Value Surveys on South Korea, this article suggests that public confidence in labor unions is significantly affected by individuals’ interpersonal trust, conditional on their perception of the political representation of labor. Unlike those with high levels of trust, low-trust individuals view unions as an agent seeking their exclusionary interests at the expense of the rest of the society. The difference between high- and low-trust individuals’ confidence in labor unions is more pronounced when a liberal, rather than a conservative, government is in power because of the public perception that labor interests are already well-represented by the liberal government and union functions are redundant in such a circumstances. The empirical findings are found robust to alternative theoretical arguments and empirical techniques.

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Jürgens, Ulrich, Larissa Klinzing y Lowell Turner. "The Transformation of Industrial Relations in Eastern Germany". ILR Review 46, n.º 2 (enero de 1993): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600202.

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Citing case studies based on interviews they conducted in 1991 and 1992 with labor representatives and managers at six eastern German manufacturing firms, the authors argue that the future could hold either vigor and growth or stagnation and permanent second-class status for the economy and labor movement in eastern Germany, depending largely on actor strategy and choice. The rapid spread of privatization and open markets is tending to undermine unions' influence, on the one hand; but on the other hand, institutional transfer from former West Germany (especially of codetermination law and centralized, regional-level collective bargaining) is giving unions and works councils increased possibilities for leverage.

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19

Turner, Lowell. "Globalization and the Logic of Participation: Unions and the Politics of Coalition Building". Journal of Industrial Relations 48, n.º 1 (febrero de 2006): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185606059315.

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Global liberalization is driving a ‘logic of participation’, for firms and unions alike. Economic pressures drive managers to innovate across a range of possibilities, from outsourcing and union busting to work reorganization and labor-management partnership. Those same pressures, reflected largely through the strategic choices of employers, also force unions to innovate - from concession bargaining and cooperation to coalition building and international solidarity. Because employers are increasingly tempted by strategies that seek to weaken or marginalize unions, sustained participation for unions arguably requires a new period of activist mobilization. This article explores one significant component of renewed labor mobilization: union coalition building. Based on a case study of coalition efforts in the United States between the United Steelworkers and the Sierra Club from 1999-2004, concepts and causal linkages are suggested for broader analysis. Research findings presented here indicate the following causal processes at work: union strategies, defining moments and spillover combine to drive coalition building processes that include events, campaigns and institution building - ranging from local to national and global levels. Beyond this US-based case, a framework for cross-national comparative analysis is also suggested.

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20

Adler, Lee y Lowell Turner. "Awakening the giant: the revitalization of the American labor movement". Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 7, n.º 3 (agosto de 2001): 466–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890100700310.

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This article considers the strategies employed by some U.S. unions to increase membership and regain influence. Three successful case studies are reviewed and the factors for success identified as national union support, rank-and-file mobilization, coalition building, and a range of innovative and flexible tactics adapted to particular industry, labor market and workforce characteristics. The article concludes with a discussion of the chances for disseminating such practices and possible lesson for European unions.

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21

Brigden, Cathy. "Unions and Collective Bargaining in 2008". Journal of Industrial Relations 51, n.º 3 (20 de mayo de 2009): 365–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185609104303.

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For Australian unions, 2008 was the first year with a federal labour government in office after more than a decade of conservative government. Attention focused on the promised dismantling of the Work Choices legislation and the introduction of a new legislative framework, although it took until late November for the Fair Work Bill to be introduced into federal parliament. Confronting a disappointing decline in union membership levels, a number of union campaigns focused on recollectivizing workplaces. For other unions, collective bargaining with employers was a frustrating experience, as was the case with Qantas and Telstra. Public sector unions faced lengthy and hard-fought disputes with state labour governments, while an extraordinary dispute over electricity privatization unfolded between unions and the New South Wales Labor government. By the end of the year, the impact of the global financial crisis, and the consequences for jobs was the prevailing concern for many unions.

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22

Caraway, Teri L., Michele Ford y Oanh K. Nguyen. "Politicizing the Minimum Wage: Wage Councils, Worker Mobilization, and Local Elections in Indonesia". Politics & Society 47, n.º 2 (27 de marzo de 2019): 251–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219838917.

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Indonesia’s weak labor movement transformed local wage councils from institutions of wage restraint into institutions that delivered generous wage increases. This article argues that the arrival of direct elections created an opportunity for unions to leverage elections to alter the balance of power on the wage councils. Activating that leverage required increased contentiousness and coordination among unions. As unions mobilized around wages, conflict with capital intensified and produced disruptive protests that led incumbents to side with workers. Unions also developed innovative tactics to sustain momentum in nonelection years. As unions turned the wage councils in their favor, employers fought back by shifting the scale of the conflict to the national level; the result was the recentralization of wage setting and more modest increases. In a global context of ever weakening organized labor, the Indonesian case shows how weak unions can gain power by mobilizing politically at the local level.

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23

Wad, Peter. "Solidarity Action in Global Labor Networks. Four Cases of Workplace Organizing at Foreign Affiliates in the Global South". Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 4, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2014): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v4i1.3548.

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Globalization transforms workforces of transnational corporation from predominantly home countrydominated workforces into foreign-dominated, multinational workforces. Thus, the national grounding of trade unions as the key form of labor organizing is challenged by new multinational compositions and cross-border relocations of corporate employment affecting working conditions of employees and trade unions in local places. We assume that economic globalization is characterized by expanding global corporate network of vertically and horizontally integrated (equity-based) and disintegrated (nonequity-based) value chains. We also assume that globalization can both impede and enable labor empowerment. Based on these premises the key question is, how can labor leverage effective power against management in global corporate networks? This question is split into two subquestions: a) How can labor theoretically reorganize from national unions and industrial relations institutions into global labor networks that allow prolabor improvement in global workplaces? b) How and why has labor in a globalized economy secured the core International Labor Organization (ILO) international labor right to organize companies and conduct collective bargaining? The Global Labor Network perspective is adopted as an analytical framework. Empirically, a comparative case methodology is applied comprising four more or less successful industrial disputes where labor achieved the right to organize and undertake collective bargaining. The disputes took place in affiliated factories of foreign transnational corporations located in Malaysia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Turkey. The conclusion is that the combination of global labor capabilities and global labor strategizing must generate strategic labor power that adequately matches the weaknesses of the counterpart’s global corporate network in order to achieve prolabor outcomes. The most efficient solidarity action was leveraged by a cross-border alliance of workplace collectives, national industrial unions, and a global union federation using global framework agreements (GFAs) with key customers of the employer. The least efficient campaign relied primarily on domestic developing country state institutions supported by a foreign labor nongovernmental organization (NGO).

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24

Coslovsky, Salo, Roberto Pires y Renato Bignami. "Resilience and Renewal: The Enforcement of Labor Laws in Brazil". Latin American Politics and Society 59, n.º 2 (2017): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12019.

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AbstractWhat happens to a country's system of labor laws when its government embraces market-oriented reforms? In a twist on the prediction that labor regulations will be repealed, researchers find that laws remain in place but are not faithfully enforced, a phenomenon known as de facto flexibility. This article examines the case of Brazil to understand its near-opposite; namely, resilience and renewal in the enforcement of labor regulations. It finds that labor unions have combined the corporatist authority they gained under state control with the autonomy they acquired under democratization to devise new modes of action and to safeguard existing regulations. Meanwhile, labor inspectors and prosecutors rely on existing laws to combat precarious work conditions and promote formal employment relations, which strengthen the unions. This mutually supportive arrangement is neither perfect nor free of tension, but it shows how workers can be protected even when employers are subjected to global competition.

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25

DeShazo, Peter. "Workers, Labor Unions, and Industrial Relations in Latin America". Latin American Research Review 23, n.º 2 (1988): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100022287.

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26

Simoni, Marco. "The Left and Organized Labor in Low-Inflation Times". World Politics 65, n.º 2 (abril de 2013): 314–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000075.

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This article presents fresh empirical data showing that policy alignment between center-left governments and trade unions was a sustained feature of European politics between 1974 and 2005. this contradicts expectations of a wide delinkage between the electoral left and labor as a consequence of globalization, deindustrialization, and unionization decline. However, structural economic change has altered the policy field so that sustained policy alignment can no longer be explained by existing theoretical frameworks.Based on a theoretical argument and a multivariate empirical test, the article contends that policy alignment is likelier to occur if labor plays an important role in economic management at the microlevel and the industry level and if unions are politically cohesive agents thanks to powerful confederation leadership supported by democratic decision-making practices. in making its case, the article bridges the literatures on comparative capitalism and party politics, in order to account for change and continuity in policy-making processes.

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27

Hogler, Raymond. "From Ludlow to Chattanooga and beyond". Journal of Management History 22, n.º 2 (11 de abril de 2016): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-12-2015-0211.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the development of employee representation systems in the USA from the Ludlow Massacre of 1914 up to the events in 2015 at the Volkswagen plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee. The study begins with the strike at the Colorado Fuel and Iron Corporation which led to the deaths of several women and children. In the aftermath of Ludlow, John D. Rockefeller, Jr, visited the mines in 1915 and persuaded workers that an internal employee representation plan would serve their interests better than an outside trade union. Rockefeller’s influence shaped American industrial relations until the passage of the National Labor Relations (Wagner) Act in 1935, when company unions were outlawed. The ongoing decline of unions and collective bargaining has prompted academic speculation that a return to internal workplace committees might lead to a rejuvenated labor movement in the USA. Design/methodology/approach The study uses both archival materials and secondary sources to construct a narrative of one important element of industrial relations. It explains Wagner’s ban on company unions as a component of his economic agenda. Company unions provided a voice for a firm’s workers, but Wagner believed they were powerless to redistribute corporate wealth. The decline of American unions is so profound that they no longer serve an economic role in our capitalist system, but workers’ voice in the workplace remains an important consideration. Findings The key finding of this paper is that employee representation plans are not merely an industrial relations anachronism but continue to be relevant to today’s workplace. The paper compares an influential representation plan developed in 1914 by John D. Rockefeller, Jr, to current schemes of representation and argues that labor law should be modified to permit modern versions of the older “company unions”. Researchlimitations/implications Works councils play a crucial role in European labor relations, and they could do so in America if labor laws were modified to permit it. An exposition of the deep historical context of representation helps to legitimate the concept. Future research into specific cases, including an international perspective, would add to an understanding of the benefits and costs of representation. Originality/value The originality of this paper is its combination of a historical event and a contemporary case study that brings together a theme present in managerial history for over a century. By emphasizing the aims of Rockefeller, Jr. in 1914 and the objectives of the Volkswagen Company in 2014 in establishing a participatory workplace, we gain a long-term framework through which to evaluate a particular managerial technique. The paper also suggests ways to bring our labor laws into conformance with the idea of employee representation.

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28

Cuyvers, Ludo y Weifeng Zhou. "Linking International Trade and Labour Standards: The Effectiveness of Sanctions under the European Union’s GSP". Journal of World Trade 45, Issue 1 (1 de febrero de 2011): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2011003.

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Linking international trade and labour standards is one of the ways to make countries comply with their international obligations to respect core labour standards. Under the European Union’s Generalized System of Preferences (EU’s GSP), trade preferences of Myanmar in 1997 and Belarus in 2006 were withdrawn for the use of forced labour and for violations of the freedom of association. This paper highlights the EU’s GSP scheme and idea of linking EU trade policy to core labour standards. Based on two case studies, we investigate the trade effects of the EU sanctions on the target country and analyse the effectiveness of the EU’s GSP sanctions. We find that using the EU’s GSP regime to sanction countries which violate the core labour standards has very limited effectiveness. However, sanctions can be an effective way to demonstrate the political commitment to a particular set of values and norms such as core labour standards. Sanctions may also deter other countries from committing violations. If Europe must have a stronger social dimension, so should its trade policy. – Former EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson

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29

Colley, Linda. "Union recognition and union security". Journal of Management History 23, n.º 1 (9 de enero de 2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-06-2016-0029.

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Purpose Union membership has declined in many countries reducing union capacity to bargain and contribute to economic equality. This paper aims to explore a more hopeful case in an Australian state, where the dramatic anti-union strategies of conservative governments have been reversed by Labor governments. Design/methodology/approach The research frames union recognition and union security in an international context, highlighting differences between US, Canadian, UK and Australian approaches. The research focuses on the Australian state of Queensland, providing an historical account of changes to union recognition and union preference provisions, drawing on legislation, major public service agreements, newspapers and parliamentary transcripts. Findings Conservative governments in Australia have implemented anti-union strategies, and Labor governments have often failed to restore union-friendly provisions when re-elected. In contrast, the Queensland study demonstrates a substantial restoration of union security provisions when Labor governments are re-elected, rebuilding political capital with unions and potentially supporting union membership. This difference is due to unique political and institutional factors that provide governments with unfettered powers to legislate their industrial relations agenda, whether in support or otherwise of unions, and has led to the more distinctive pendulum swings to the right and left than occurred elsewhere in Australia. Originality/value The research contributes to debates about the factors related to declining union membership and highlights a case where unions have achieved restoration of many provisions that increase their influence and potentially their membership.

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30

Lee, Cheol-Sung. "Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis". American Sociological Review 72, n.º 4 (agosto de 2007): 585–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200405.

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Using network-based measures of unions' centrality among civic associations, this article builds and tests a theoretical framework that highlights labor unions' central role in enhancing governance. I first construct three measures to capture the connectedness and power of representative voluntary civic associations, membership density, degree centrality (comemberships), and power centrality, based on the affiliation network matrices for 54 countries, using the latest World Values Survey. I then test the key argument that unions' power centrality has significant positive effects on governance, controlling for general socioeconomic and international factors. The findings from standard statistical analyses, as well as from comparative case studies of affiliation networks, support my claims that union-centered or union-linked civic mobilization achieves a balance of class power not only in civil society, but also within state institutions, strengthening reformist parties and policy makers. This article also suggests that this power shift in the state power structure leads to better governance. I highlight the role of labor-based organizations in making governments effective and responsible, and I bring the bottom-up process of civic mobilization and social accountability back into the discussion of social capital and governance.

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31

Finger, Leslie K. y Sarah Reckhow. "Policy Feedback and the Polarization of Interest Groups". State Politics & Policy Quarterly 22, n.º 1 (8 de noviembre de 2021): 70–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/spq.2021.25.

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AbstractWe use the case of education interest groups to examine how and when policy changes lead interest groups to polarize in their support for political parties. Using over 145,000 campaign contributions from all 50 states from 2000 to 2017, we test whether the passage of private school choice, charter laws, and labor retrenchment policies led to the polarization of education interest groups over time. In 2000, teachers unions were the dominant group and mostly aligned with Democrats. Meanwhile, Republicans lacked support from any education groups. This pattern was consistent across states. Over time, coalitions in some states became polarized, meaning unions grew even more aligned with Democrats and reform groups with Republicans, while other states did not experience such polarization. We show that private school choice programs, but not labor retrenchment or charter laws, contributed to this changing partisan alignment. Our findings demonstrate that policy feedback can shape both the electoral mobilization and party alignments of interest groups.

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32

Spalding, Hobart A. "Solidarity Forever?: Latin American Unions and the International Labor Network". Latin American Research Review 24, n.º 2 (1989): 253–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100022949.

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Kerikmäe, Tanel y Aleksi Kajander. "Gig economy workers in the European Union: towards changing their legal classification". Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, n.º 131 (22 de septiembre de 2022): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2022.131.2.117/en.

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While the classification of gig economy workers under European labour law has been controversial for many years, the COVID-19 pandemic made it a priority. The role of the gig economy has changed: from being an employment option that provides supplementary income, it has become many people’s main income source, which is why the European Union (EU) announced its intention to address this issue. In 2021, there was intense activity around gig economy jurisprudence across Europe, with supreme courts in several member states making judgements and new laws classifying the participants in this sector of the labour market. This paper draws on three case studies – from the UK, the Netherlands and Spain – to explore recent developments in gig economy jurisprudence and to draw conclusions for the future.

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34

Welch, Cliff. "Labor Internationalism: U.S. Involvement in Brazilian Unions, 1945–1965". Latin American Research Review 30, n.º 2 (1995): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017386.

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A major question confronting analysts of Latin American labor concerns the relationships among unions, the state, and foreign powers. Some social scientists have argued that the relative autonomy of unions affects the strength of democracy in a given country (see Weffort 1978; Hall and Garcia 1989; Epstein 1989; Cohen 1989; Collier and Collier 1991). They have also asserted that Latin America's ability to control its own destiny has been shaped in part by the influence of foreign powers (particularly the United States) over social institutions like unions (Bergquist 1986; Buchanan 1991; Spalding 1992–1993). An evolving branch of labor studies that now offers a unifying perspective for examining this complex set of relationships is the perspective of labor internationalism.

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35

Aguiari, Irina y Federica Guardigli. "Ecoprecarity: exploring the nexus between labor and ecological struggles". SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, n.º 165 (mayo de 2023): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2023-165005.

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The Covid-19 pandemic represented a critical conjuncture for investigating the nexus between ecological and labor struggles. To grasp this nexus, the authors reinterpret the concept of ecoprecarity. Ecoprecarity considers precariousness from an ecosystemic perspective to describe the vulnerabilities of working relations, human existence and ecological balance. The analysis focuses on whether and how ecoprecarity was discursively represented by trade unions and grassroots organizations in labor struggles during the pandemic. Through the observation of two case studies in Italy, the agrifood and logistic sectors, empirical results from a discursive scrutiny show that the contiguity of ecological and labor struggles is seldom present. Yet, ecoprecarity seems to emerge as an effective mobilizing frame when employed as it builds solidaristic connections among different claims.

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Merrill, Michael. "Even Conservative Unions Have Revolutionary Effects: Frank Tannenbaum on the Labor Movement". International Labor and Working-Class History 77, n.º 1 (2010): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990287.

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AbstractFrank Tannenbaum is best known for his studies of Mexican agrarian reform and for his contributions to the comparative history of slavery and slave societies. But as a young man he had made a name for himself as a notorious labor agitator, and he went on to publish two books on the US labor movement, which are worthy of reconsideration as important interpretations of independent trade unionism and political reform. The first volume appeared in 1921 and offered an original perspective on the popular syndicalism that formed such a large, positive element of the philosophy of the International Workers of the World (IWW), to the extent it had one, at the center of which lay the struggle for social recognition on the part of immigrant and (supposedly) unskilled workers. The second appeared thirty years later and provided a thoughtful defense of the private, employment-based welfare and industrial relations system that the New Deal established in the United States. Together the books offer a provocative account of the social and individual radicalism of US-style “pure and simple” trade unionism.

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37

Ibsen, Christian Lyhne, Christoph Houman Ellersgaard y Anton Grau Larsen. "Quiet Politics, Trade Unions, and the Political Elite Network: The Case of Denmark". Politics & Society 49, n.º 1 (8 de febrero de 2021): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329220985748.

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Pepper Culpepper’s seminal Quiet Politics and Business Power has revitalized the study of when business elites can shape policies away from public scrutiny. This article takes the concept of quiet politics to a new, and surprising, set of actors: trade union leaders. Focusing on the case of Denmark, it argues that quiet politics functions through political elite networks and that this way of doing politics favors a particular kind of corporatist coordination between the state, capital, and labor. Rather than showing macrocorporatist coordination between the two classes and governments, it identifies representatives of business and labor that hold privileged positions in political elite networks. Representatives of segments are found in industries important for the Danish economy, specifically, the exporting manufacturing sector. Being at the core of the network requires not only a key position in the Danish economy but also an understanding that politics is often done best without politicians and voters. The analysis shows that trade union and business association representatives work closely on a wide number of issues through quiet politics, using their extensive network to broker and foster agreement between different stakeholders.

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ROBERTSON, GRAEME B. "Strikes and Labor Organization in Hybrid Regimes". American Political Science Review 101, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2007): 781–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070475.

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Existing theories of labor protest depend on independent organizations representing workers. However, in many countries most workers are either not organized at all or are in labor unions intended for control, not representation. This is particularly the case in partially liberalized or hybrid regimes where, despite the introduction of electoral competition, autonomous, democratic organizations representing labor are not well developed. Yet such workers do protest. Drawing on an original new dataset from one hybrid regime, post-Communist Russia, I develop a theory of labor protest and of the institutional mechanisms used by elites to influence it. Instead of being a function of union membership or characteristics of the information environment, as the existing literature would have it, protest occurs when it is in the interest of powerful elements of the elite, or when economic conditions are truly desperate.

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39

Gentile, Antonina. "Labor repertoires, neoliberal regimes and US hegemony: what ‘deviant’ Italy tells us of OECD unions’ paths to power". European Political Science Review 7, n.º 2 (31 de marzo de 2014): 243–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000101.

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This paper notes the tendency of ‘social movement unionism’ scholarship on both sides of the Atlantic to focus on and prescribe the citizen repertoire as the single most important repertoire of labor for challenging neoliberal globalization. Consistent with liberal conceptions of civil society and theories of participatory democracy, it implicitly dismisses political unionism as a path to labor’s revitalization. It also assumes epochal change and confines neoliberalism to the post-Washington Consensus era. Deviant case analysis of Italian labor’s use oftworepertoires (the citizen and the labor repertoire) and of its two regimes of capitalism (in succession, a post-WWII neoliberal regime and a post-1970 corporatist regime) over the course of the ‘American Century’ gives pause to both these contentions. This study relates labor’s citizen repertoire to the era of US hegemony that promotes changes in party-government that tend to reproduce the image of the archetypically neoliberal American polity: a polity that is devoid of ‘labor’ as a recognized category of the political community, is low in social rights, and, relatedly, is devoid of a party of labor. In this neoliberal political order, labor is perennially locked into the category of ‘citizen’ and reliant on the citizen repertoire. By contrast, the survival of parties of labor in non-US polities during the post-war wave of neoliberalism permitted union movements a routeawayfrom labor-decategorizing orders – political unionism. Now, in the post-Washington Consensus wave of neoliberal regime change, that route is more onerous owing to Third Way changes in parties of labor. The major challenge for labor movements that have experienced regime change to a neoliberal polity is in directing their efforts and even their new citizen repertoire to the task of recapturing parties of labor or to creating new ones – or risk long-term US-style labor decategorization.

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40

Frundt, Henry J. "Central American Unions in the Era of Globalization". Latin American Research Review 37, n.º 3 (2002): 7–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100024468.

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AbstractGlobalization has exacerbated the impact of three Northern-driven forces on Central American unions. Transnational firms have restructured or enhanced their levels of subcontracting. Governments, while weakening labor-code implemention, have launched extensive privatization schemes. And international supporters of unions have espoused new priorities and rechanneled funding. Although all three trends have caused major difficulties for unions, this article assesses whether or not their traditional spirit of “social-movement unionism” has been undermined. Based on extensive interviews and primary and secondary data, the study documents union resilience in the banana and maquila sectors despite problematic corporate behavior and market conditions. Stung by state privatizations, unions that fragmented following the Central American Peace Accords have partially regrouped to resist public-health takeovers and labor-code harmonization. Facing losses in Northern funding, unions have painfully adapted to fresh organizing strategies and sensitivity to women's issues, which they found to be fundamental to successful collaboration with corporate campaigns, trade pressure, and NGOs. Despite losses, unions have tapped a broader solidarity in their struggle against the demons of globalization.

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41

Chambers-Ju, Christopher y R. Douglas Hecock. "Union Affiliation and Civic Engagement: Teachers in Bogotá, Colombia". Latin American Politics and Society 63, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2021.35.

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ABSTRACTDo labor unions still motivate their members to participate in politics, or have social and economic changes undermined their political importance? This question is important to revisit, as globalization and economic reform have weakened many popular sector organizations in Latin America, reducing some to mere patronage machines. This article examines the case of the teachers’ union in Bogotá, Colombia to assess whether and how labor unions are able to promote the political activation of their members. Employing a multimethod research design that begins with a quantitative analysis of a survey of Colombian teachers, this study finds that union affiliation is associated with higher levels of motivation to vote. It then uses evidence from interviews to show how union advocacy and internal elections for leadership positions shape political behavior, contributing to civic engagement. This research engages with broader debates about democratic quality and political representation in contemporary Latin America.

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42

Frundt, Henry J. "Sustaining Labor-Environmental Coalitions: Banana Allies in Costa Rica". Latin American Politics and Society 52, n.º 03 (2010): 99–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2010.00091.x.

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Abstract What is required for sustaining an alliance between union and environmental activists? Applying grounded theory to a case study in the Costa Rican banana sector, this article reveals five historical phases. First, unions and environmentalists identify common opportunity structures for joint action. Second, a preexisting network becomes a resource for mobilization. Third, the new coalition engages in communicative action that leads to shared identity and cultural framing and a foundation for handling exogenous global forces. Market policy changes in the fourth phase stimulate a transnational activist network and framing linkages. Dramatic supply disruptions in the fifth precipitate autonomous organizational approaches that require reframing, identity extension, and flexibility. This study argues that the Costa Rican case can be generalized to other labor-environmental coalitions if such alliances create simple, open structures that agilely adapt to external opportunity structures and expand frames that encourage collaborative autonomy and dualistic collective definitions.

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43

Bunadi, Bunadi y Marjan Miharja. "JURIDICAL REVIEW OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A PARTICULAR TIME AGREEMENT BASED ON LAW NUMBER 13 OF 2003 CONCERNING MANPOWER". IBLAM LAW REVIEW 1, n.º 01 (31 de enero de 2021): 204–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52249/ilr.v1i01.10.

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Industrial relations disputes are common in many companies. The dismissal process is often not in accordance with the provisions of labor regulations, one of which is regarding the dismissal of PKWT / contract workers. The formulation of the problems that the author discusses in this thesis are (1) What is the role of trade unions in fighting for dismissal disputes with PKWT / Contract workers? (2) Is the Application of a Fixed Time Work Agreement (PKWT) in accordance with the provisions of Law Number 13 Year 2003 concerning Manpower? The research method used in this research is juridical normative, namely looking at the law as a written norm made and promulgated by an authorized official or institution, the nature of descriptive analytical research is a study to obtain an overview of the main object of the problem being researched. The results showed that, the role of trade unions in companies in fighting for dismissal disputes against PKWT / Contract workers in accordance with Law no. 2 of 2004 concerning PPHI article 6 in conjunction with article 8 in conjunction with article 81, namely by conducting a bipartite effort between the labor union and the company, because the bipartite effort failed, then submitted a mediation request to the Manpower Office. The mediation attempt still failed and subsequently filed a lawsuit for dismissal disputes at the Industrial Relations Court, although it was unsuccessful. The application of a fixed-term employment agreement (PKWT) is contrary to the provisions of Law number 13 of 2003 concerning Manpower Article 59 paragraphs (1), (2), and (7). In addition, the PHI Judge in deciding the case did not reflect a sense of justice and ignored the evidence presented by the plaintiff (the worker). This problem should not have occurred, if the company obeyed and understood the labor regulations regarding workers who could be promised under a non-permanent contract or PKWTT.

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Williams, Naomi R. "Sustaining Labor Politics in Hard Times: Race, Labor, and Coalition Building in Racine, Wisconsin". Labor 18, n.º 2 (1 de mayo de 2021): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8849568.

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Abstract This article explores the shifting politics of the Racine, Wisconsin, working-class community from World War II to the 1980s. It looks at the ways Black workers’ activism influenced local politics and how their efforts played out in the 1970s and 1980s. Case studies show how an expansive view of the boundaries of the Racine labor community led to cross-sector labor solidarity and labor-community coalitions that expanded economic citizenship rights for more working people in the city. The broad-based working-class vision pursued by the Racine labor community influenced local elections, housing and education, increased the number of workers with the power of unions behind them, and improved Racine's economic and social conditions. By the 1980s, Racine's labor community included not only industrial workers but also members of welfare and immigrants’ rights groups, parents of inner-city students, social workers and other white-collar public employees, and local and state politicians willing to support a class-based agenda in the political arena. Worker activists’ ability to maintain and adapt their notion of a broad-based labor community into the late twentieth century shows how this community and others like it responded to the upheaval of the 1960s social movements by creating a broad and relatively successful concept of worker solidarity that also incorporated racial justice.

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Fitzsimmons, Tracy y Mark Anner. "Civil Society in a Postwar Period: Labor in the Salvadoran Democratic Transition". Latin American Research Review 34, n.º 3 (1999): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100039388.

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AbstractThis research note seeks to offer some resolution to the theoretical disagreements over how democratization affects civil society, specifically in a transition toward democracy that occurs through pacted settlements of an armed internal conflict. Using a comparative study over time of the labor movement in El Salvador, the authors demonstrate that while unions of the political center and left have weakened since the signing of the Salvadoran Peace Accords, independent labor groups show higher levels of organizing and right-leaning unions have maintained nearly constant levels of organizing. But the labor movement has become atomized because unions have been unable to redefine their once-common political goals to adopt other unified stances in the postwar period. The data show that the unions that have relinquished excessively politicized stances or never claimed them are the ones that survive and sometimes grow in the postwar environment. These findings have implications for the nature of the emerging Salvadoran democracy and the economic well-being of its citizens.

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López-Alves, Fernando. "Explaining Confederation: Colombian Unions in the 1980s". Latin American Research Review 25, n.º 2 (1990): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023402.

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The formation of a “united front of all workers” has been a strategic goal for most labor leaders, but in reality, such coalitions have been more the exception than the rule. This kind of alliance requires workers in different sectors of the economy, who usually have dissimilar interests, to merge into a coordinating body, generally a new labor confederation. Therefore, regardless of whether they emerge in the core or on the periphery, confederations that aggregate the interests of the majority of organized workers have necessarily been preceded by fascinating processes of negotiations and mergers among unions. This study focuses on the formation of one such coalition in the Colombian labor movement.

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Crowley, Stephen. "Barriers to Collective Action: Steelworkers and Mutual Dependence in the Former Soviet Union". World Politics 46, n.º 4 (julio de 1994): 589–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950719.

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The author examines the question of why labor in the former Soviet Union has remained so quiet during this tumultous period. He conducts a most similar case study of coal miners, who have struck and organized militant trade unions, and of steelworkers in the same communities, who have not. To explain the lack of strike activity, the concept of mutual dependence is developed, whereby the enterprise is dependent on workers in a labor-short economy and workers in turn have been dependent on the enterprise for the provision of goods and services in short supply. The provision of a high level of such goods and services through the workplace was found to prevent independent worker activity in steel mills and certain coal mines. Implications are drawn for theories of collective action and the study of the former Soviet Union and its economic and political transformation.

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Williams, Heather L. "Of Labor Tragedy and Legal Farce". Social Science History 27, n.º 4 (2003): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012670.

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It is commonly assumed that transnational activist networks have greater power to compel state and private sector actors to address rights-based grievances as networks grow and activists gain greater visibility in the mass media. However, evidence from case studies of transnational mobilization suggests that the opposite may hold true under given circumstances. This article examines the struggle for an independent union in the Tijuana-based Han Young welding facility, which in 1997 and 1998 became one of the most important tests to date of labor law and institutions across the U.S.-Mexico border. Drawing international press, the Han Young factory conflict eventually drew in national labor unions, a multinational corporation, state governments, the U.S. and Mexican congresses, powerful private-sector lobbies, Mexican district courts, labor secretariats, national and regional media in Mexico and the United States, and eventually then Mexican president Ernest Zedillo and then U.S. president Bill Clinton. Despite the prominence of the case, however, the Han Young struggle ended in almost total defeat for labor. Evidence from the Han Young case suggests that as conflicts become more complex and drawn out, transnational activists' real influence may decrease, as redress of particular demands requires increasingly complex and surgical interventions to resolve problems. When conflicts implicate internecine power struggles among government actors, solving problems requires confrontations not only over social demands, but also over implementation of agreements when they are reached.

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Berthold, Norbert. "Das Bündnis für Arbeit – Ein Weg aus der institutionellen Verflechtungsfalle?" Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 2, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2001): 383–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2516.00063.

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Abstract Persistently high unemployment is still the most urgent problem confronting policymakers in many continental European countries. Policymakers were not idle but their activities often treated the symptoms rather than the real causes of the malaise in labor markets. A prerequisite for solving the unemployment problem is pushing for more competition in all markets, but in particular in the labor market. However, lack of competition allows insiders to capture rents, thus making them opposed to a rigorous competitive policy approach. It is often suggested that corporatism would be an alternative and possibly even superior solution, i.e., tripartist agreements involving unions, employer associations and the government. The paper argues that this is not the case. Rather, corporatism leads to even less competition and opens additional channels for externalizing the burden of adjustment to exogenous shocks on future generations and on taxpayers at large via the social security system. Globalization might in contrast help to overcome the problem because there are fewer rents to be captured by insiders, and more open goods and factor markets make labor demand more elastic, thus enforcing more moderate wage setting and more flexible wage structures.

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Zhang, Hao. "Regional value chains and spontaneous multi-employer wage coordination in China". Journal of Industrial Relations 62, n.º 1 (20 de agosto de 2019): 104–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619865754.

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This article explores how wage determination is coordinated within a regional value chain in China's auto industry and the underlying mechanism that governs this coordination. While the market-economy reform over the past four decades has granted firms considerable autonomy in managing their own employees, this case demonstrates that in China's private sector, wage determination is not at individual employers' full discretion. In general, scholars agree that Western-style formal institutional structures for wage coordination – centralized collective bargaining – have not been effectively established in China. But in Tianjin's auto industry, spontaneous multi-employer wage coordination occurs through informal arrangements that leverage a lead firm's control over its suppliers and various social networks that connect employers, labor unions, and workers in the locality. As a result, wages across the local auto industry are greatly compressed. This article concludes by discussing the important role of informal institutions in China's private governance.

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