Tesis sobre el tema "La théologie-Politique"
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Shoval, Ronen. "La sainteté collective dans la politique biblique : aux sources de la théologie politique". Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100060.
Texto completoThis research has examined the function of the concept of Holiness in biblical political theology, by using methodology from the fields of sociology (in its broadest sense) to study politics. The topic of this research is not the activity of God, but rather the activity of human beings in their relationship with the Divine. The research revealed that the concept of Holiness (in the thoughts of: Durkheim, Otto, Eliade, James, Underhill, Zehner, Comstock, Berger) does not fully explain Holiness is it appears in the Bible. These thinkers and authors share common assumptions that divided the Holy from the secular, and then posit that the Holy seeks to influence the secular, and the Gospel aims to bring the Holy toward the secular. However, as pointed out by Dan, their formulations do not reflect clearly the biblical thought because, in the Bible, reality does not split into two sections: Holy and secular. The concept of Holiness in the Bible, as this research has shown, emerges from the notion of covenant—i.e., reflecting a promised relationship between the transcendental and the immanent, stimulating the political realm, and animating a demand from "Am Israel" to establish theocentric history that consecrates the public space. This Holiness expects and demands intensive work by the individual as well as the collective to advance the understanding and practice of morals to the standards of the Holy. The biblical concept of Holiness includes a series of philosophical assumptions regarding the relationship between matter and spirit and the role of human free choice, but it is not purposed toward individual aims; rather, it establishes as the purpose of existence the creation of collective Holiness; first, nationally, and ultimately, universally. This paper contributes to the understanding of biblical political philosophy, and to a better grasp of the concept of collective Holiness, its place and its implications upon rituals, institutions and the Constitution. The research also contributes to the understanding of the concept of Holiness by examining the use of the term in the Bible, and pointing out that Impurity is the opposing term to both Purity and Holiness, and that all three of these terms have meaning separate and apart from what is considered to be within the concept of secular
Noble, Jason S. "La théorie sociale de Paul Tillich une théologie politique?" Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2003. http://savoirs.usherbrooke.ca/handle/11143/5199.
Texto completoBouthillon, Fabrice. "Une théologie politique à l'âge totalitaire : Pie XI (1922-1939)". Paris 4, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA040083.
Texto completoChoosed for pape in 1922, Pius XI develops at first a political theology who was typical of the intransigent Catholicism: the first world war seems to him the failure's proof of the modern project of human autonomy in consideration of god, project that the French revolution had conducted to its apogee. Just as the memory of the terror had allowed the concordat of 1801, so he calls the peoples to come back to the reign of god. This integralistic program is connected to the totalitarian dimension of any ideology of Christendom, and to promote it Pius XI accepts to cooperate with fascism and nazism, because hostiles to revolution; but in the end of his reign, around 1937, he perceives that the church is more threatened by the totalitarianism than by the liberalism the First World War had shaked : so he insists more on the ties between Christianity and freedom. So he insists more on the ties between Christianity and freedom
Séroussi, Valérie. "De la théologie à la politique : le moment socialiste vrai". Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010506.
Texto completoThe present work, based on my reading of die Rheinischen Jahrbucher and das deutsche Burgerbuch, is an attempt at rediscovering true socialism healed of the Marxian-Engelsian injury. It is a question of reviving a historical moment, when socialism, born in Germany of French communism, was not yet embodied in marxism. The debate on the relationship between German socialism and theology is therfore redefined around moses heb who considered society to be sacred
Paleologu, Theodor. "Le Grand-Inquisiteur "-katékhon" ou antéchrist? : contribution à la théologie politique". Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0103.
Texto completoChaunu, Jean. "Théologie politique et patriotisme en France face au totalitarisme : 1930-1940". Lille 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004LIL3A003.
Texto completoTournu, Christophe. "Théologie & [et] politique dans l'oeuvre en prose de John Milton". Clermont-Ferrand 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996CLF20100.
Texto completoThis study purports to analyse the interactions between j. Milton's discourse on god and his view of man's organized society in the works "of (his) left hand", where he applied himself to the various fields of liberty. Examining private life, the polemicist must devise his own hermeneutics to justify divorce in case of mutual incompatibility; "the rule of charity" was to account for his politics of marriage. What is essentially a christology leads to a radical upgrading of fallible man. When he deals with the problem of education, he insists on the perfectibility of man through learning. If j. Milton's accademy forms man to a knowledge of god, its program prepares an elite to leadership. Theology, without politics, appears to be an empty husk. Then the pamphleteer pleads for the abolition of pre-publication censorship: he strives to support a political project by his theology, although the former will further ask for liberty of conscience. Emphasizing the responsibility of man, j. Milton rejects calvins and come close to arminianism. In discussing the ecclesiastical cause he asserts the dignity of believers and positions himself for a segregation of the two spheres. Divesting the church of politics, he would invest the institution with a supra theological dimension. That politics, without theology, would be unfounded is the conclusion of his vision of power. Confuting the jure divino of kings to put forward the imprescriptible rights of the people to self-government, he legitimizes tyrannicide with philosophical and historical arguments, before advocating an aristocratic republic. Thus theology and politics would completely agree : the minority of good men or of rulers corresponds to the handful of god's elect. Yet the two poles cannot obey one logic, for man sees not as god sees, but they follow the same pattern of evolution. Just as politics is eventually t o disappear because man should master himself by interiorizing the law, theology will no longer be a prototype for all present collective situations: the ways of god to man aim at a renewing of the individual(s) and are to be found in the unwritten scripture - the word
Katchekpele, Leonard Amossou. "Les enjeux politiques de l'Église en Afrique : contribution à une théologie du politique". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAK017.
Texto completoEchoes from Africa to the world and from the world to Africa seem to tell a single story: Africa fails.Especially political Africa. Among those dashing to help, the commitment of the Church catholic is to be praised but also critically engaged. Can anyone help Africa to modernize by ignoring that in Africa, modernity meant colonization? Then, a question: what is the Church doing, and what can it do qua Church, for Africa? This confronts us with a situation, an action and a critical question. This work, focusing on Togo taken as mirror to the continent, aims at challenging the way the situation is described, at elaborating an answer to the question in hoping to shed a light on the way the action is understood and undertaken. For such an end, it draws on post-colonial studies and on the Cambridge theological movement called Radical Orthodoxy, through the works of J. Milbank and W. Cavanaugh
Manouvrier, Colette. "Ramsès le dieu et les dieux, ou la théologie politique de Ramsès II". Paris, EPHE, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996EPHE0003.
Texto completoIn ancient Egypt, it is not easy to dissociate religion from politics. Pharaoh represents a sacred power and is connected with gods. But he is also a statesman, connected with mankind. So, according to history, the king plays the part of a pendulum between temporal and spiritual. When Ramses II accesses to the throne, the cult of Amun is firmly re-established. The king remembers well the experience of Amenhotep III and does not forget the errors of Amenhotep IV-Akhenaton. To supply his propaganda and his personal ambitions, Ramses II gives a political size to theological phenomenons and a religious size to political events. Pharaoh tries to gather the different gods and creates a new organigram of the Egyptian pantheon. He changes the imperial tri-unity Amun-Re-Ptah, into the ramesside quatuor, thanks to the promotion of god Seth. He creates “gods of-Ramses” and organizes the cult of his own divinity. Offering his own cartouche instead of offering maat, king Ramses the second becomes the servant of the god whose name is Ramses
Rivolier, Agnès. "Entre théologie, philosophie et politique : analyse historique de la légitimisation de l'autorité pédagogique". Thesis, Saint-Etienne, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STET2189/document.
Texto completoAt a time when some people lament the loss of authority in schools, the evocation of a golden age of teachers’ authority is recurrent. Everything happens as though this authority had been obvious up to the end of the 19th century so much so that it never had to be legitimated in order to exist. This doctoral thesis focuses on this myth. Tackling such a question justified an effort of comprehension for a past that, although it doesn’t concern us anymore, remains the basis on which or against which the present was built. In other words, it was a matter of returning to the sources of authority that could be put forward as the elements for legitimization. That’s why the studied period is a “long-spanning period” spreading from the Antiquity to the dawn of the 3rd Republic. Answering to the research question: “On what grounds did the legitimacy of the teachers’ authority rest and on what external means did it rely?”, this doctoral thesis demonstrates that, unlike what is often said, the authority of primary school teachers has required speeches of legitimization from the theoreticians of education whether they were religious, philosophical or political. Indeed, relying on the forms of legitimized authority, inspired by the one that was established by Max Weber, this thesis not only reveals the elements of legitimization that are characteristic of historical periods but it also enlightens the existence of three constancies for this legitimization: patriarchalism, charisma of the profession and moral codification
Prédelus, Mimose. "La théologie de la libération en Haïti : un acteur religieux en politique (1970-2004)". Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOU20046.
Texto completoThis study deals with the movement called the “Liberation Theology” in Haiti. With a historical approach, it aims to trace back the evolution of the movement from 1970 to 2004 while showing the networks and actors involved. Though the movement’s true birth is very recent in Haiti’s society, its development has been groundbreaking. It has grown through many grassroots structures such as the ecclesiastic grassroots Communities, widely known as TKL (Ti Kominote Legliz), the groups constituted by peasants and the centers of formation. As a place of political education, brotherhood and solidarity, those structures have played a major role, in the 1980s, not only in the renaissance of the Catholic Church, but also because it helped to diffuse the « Liberation Theology » in Haiti. Their strength during the dictatorship has been blatant, through their public positioning and their actions which have in a large measure contributed to the dictatorship’s downfall. The movement was led by priests from diverse social backgrounds and Congregations. Some of them had been exiled during the dictatorship. Although the exile has been one of the most common sanctions during the dictatorship, it has not been the most efficient weapon since it led to the development, by these priests, of a powerful anti-Duvalier movement that was strongly influenced by the « Liberation Theology » whose press and grassroots associations were to be the main means of diffusion of their ideas and that was at the origin of Jean-Claude Duvalier’s departure on February the 7th, 1986. The movement’s success corresponds to the election, in 1990, of one of its leaders, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Who are those actors ? What were their goal and mission? What are the main networks implied in this movement? Is there really a common viewpoint between the “Liberation Theology” and the ideas defended by its actors in Haiti? How can Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s ideas be said to coincide with those of the “Liberation Theology”? Should his presidential politics be considered as following the « Liberation Theology »? Those are the questions to which the present study will try to bring some answers
Pelletier, Gérard. "La théologie et la politique du Saint-Siège devant la Révolution française, 1789-1799". Paris 4, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA040289.
Texto completoBoumedian, Naoual. "La société comme corps: de la théologie politique à la chair :pour une approche sémiotique". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210636.
Texto completoDoctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Jourdain, Édouard. "Le politique entre guerre et théologie : la révision du marxisme et l'ombre de Carl Schmitt". Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0084.
Texto completoThe last two decades have brought Carl Schmitt's work back in the spotlight as fas as political theory is concerned, not without controversy. Events of the last twenty years, like the fall of Berlin wall or the 9/11 attacks, have led to new debates regarding his theories. Indeed, the end of the USSR and the triumph of liberal democracy, but also the return of the so-called "religious phenomena", give a birth to a new vision of modern conflicts recalling Carl Schmitt's main ideas: political theology, opposition between democracy and liberalism, the theory of fair wars, as well as terrorism via his partisan theory. Those subjects that have been dealt with contemporary philosophers, like Giorgio Agamben, Antonio Negri, Jacques Derrida, Etienne Balibar, Slavoj Zizek or Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau to rethink politics. What is examined here are the terms in which these autors use Carl Schmitt's theories to revise Marxism, regardless Proudhon 's theories, event thought they revolved around these rediscovered problematics
Morgain, Stéphane-Marie. "Unité de corps et exclusion confessionnelle : Théologie et politique chez Pierre de Bérulle (1598-1629)". Paris 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA010595.
Texto completoCardinal Pierre de Bérulle (1575-1629) is known as the founder of the oratorians, congregation of priests dedicated for the formation of the clergy acording to the council of trente, and for having introduced into France spanish carmelite nuns of Therese of Avila's reformation. His contribution to the politics of Louis XIII is less known. This work proposes from a reading of Bérulle's theolocial texts to develop a vast political project capable of facing up to the challenges of the protestant reformation, of gallicanism and the rebellion of "grands" which engendered the division of the body of the state, and the body of the church. A project perfectly organized which will be supplanted by Richelieu's more realistic vision
Crignon, Philippe. "Hobbes et la représentation : une ontologie politique". Paris 8, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA082718.
Texto completoHobbes’s political philosophy reshapes the ontological condition of a human community with the concept of representation. Far from being an other word for delegation, representation deals with the way men unite in one people and avoid the contradiction of the state of nature, where nature nature destroys itself. Hobbes substitutes representation for incarnation, as a model to bring men unto being together. This new foundations for politics split with a theological tradition as well as corporation law. They discredit the idea of a body politic, and opens on a new definition of the person
Fabbri, Renaud. "L'Ordre et le sacré : sécularisation, désécularisation et théologie politique dans la contre-révolution européenne et les nouveaux mouvements politico-religieux musulmans et hindous". Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012VERS008S.
Texto completoThe notion of Political Theology seems to bring us back to outdated questions or problematic ideologies. Since Weber, we tend to associate modernity with secularization and liquidation of political theology. Against the convergence theories, my work investigates whether or not the European model of secularization represents the exception rather than the rule. On the basis of a comparison between contemporary Middle Eastern Islam and Hinduism, it makes the hypothesis that outside of Europe, political theology can represent a factor of modernization. By un-secularizing the imported modernity brought by colonization, Islamic or Hindu political theologies contribute to the emergence of hybrid though autochthonous religious modernities. This hypothesis should account for the rise of politico-religious forms of militancy, the modern theories of the religious State but also regional dynamics of democratization (illustrated by the Arab Spring)
Beytelmann, David. "Les usages conceptuels du dominium. Théorie politique, droit et théologie pendant la Controverse des Indes en Espagne (1492-1556 )". École normale supérieure-Lettres et sciences humaines (Lyon ; 2000-2009), 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008ENSF0093.
Texto completoThis dissertation studies the notion of dominium through the interpretation of three related problems within the great spanish XVIth century debate over the conquest of Americas : the problem of salvery, the justification of war and finally, the political theory that legitimates and gives a political and legal foundation to the new colonial society, and its regime. The work is structured in four great chapters : in the methodological essay we study the different problems treated by tradition of the debate’s historiography ; in the first chapter, we study the theoretical implications of the confrontation between the critic of the encomienda system and the critic of slavery ; in the second, the justification of war through the doctine of just war is analysed through the interpretation of the ideas of international law historians and Carl Schmitt. Finally, in the thrid chapter, we adress the question of dominium as a key concept for the political theory of the spanish monarchy and try to give a new interpretation of its centrality within the perspective of european political philosophy , as confronted with the rise of the « concept of sovereignty ». The final chapter, or conclusion, is a discussion of key issues concerning the place of the colonial question in the fields of political philosophy, the social and political history of the state, and the construction of theoretical categories of belonging in political philosophy
Franceschi, Pierre Antoine. "Le Nationalisme : implications éthiques et théologiques". Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008STR20052.
Texto completoTo speak about nationalism is yet to come in controversy. It is the reason why it is necessary to define with strength and prudence the notions of nation and nationalism, this last laying on two argumentative basis, identity and sovereignty that, finally, question on the other, the foreigner. On this point, catholic Church is not neutral and support the idea of the global development of man as well as a qualified approach about nationalism. On the ground, most of episcopates refuse exclusives but keep mute about nationalism. In front of the rise of nationalist movements, an approach founded on a theological thought may have three types of answer about this cry of suffering and desperation that is nationalism: the rise of a new idea of nation, a common ecclesial fight against fundamentalisms and the support of a post-national and personalist Europe
Gubert, Serge. "Le maître dans tous ses "états" : sujétion, théologie politique et royauté : dynastie mérinide (VIIe-IXe/XIIIe-XVe siècles)". Paris, EHESS, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004EHES0002.
Texto completoThis thesis is spared of the ideological and symbolic program of the marinid dynasty (1269-1465). In the first part, the autor emphizes on the emergence of a new sovereign's figure, the "prepossessing mater's" (nawlâ) in the bosom of the royal house (dâr al-mulk), who finds his meaning in the kind of governence used by the marinid's sultans, among tribes, blood relationships and dependents. The second part studies the lexical construction of this figure through all the emblematical and graphical's supports (numismatic, monumental's epigraphy, diplomatical's letters, poems) to emphize the existence of a political theology centered on a two faced figure : the "master-slave" (nawlâ-abd Allâh). This statement borrows his main arguments from the islamic mystic and coincides with the Shadhilism's appearance in North Africa. The last part turns around the symbolic of power and studies the organizes convergence between historiographical topics, monumental program, emblems, and ceremonial
Chevalier, Jean-Frédéric y Albertino Mussato. "Poésie, politique et théologie dans l'oeuvre poétique d'Albertino Mussato : l'Écérinide, le Songe et les Épîtres métriques (1315-1319)". Paris 4, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA040264.
Texto completoIn december 1315, padua crowned one of its poets, albertino mussato, solemnly. Focusing on his three works which all raise the question of the links between poetry, politics and theology, we have put together the ecerinis, the somnium and the metrical episles in our first volume, setting the text up and suggesting a translation for the tragedy and the descent into hell. In our second volume, we aim at bringing out the coherence of the three works mentioned above : when wrinting the first neo-latin tragedy, evoking the hellish torments to be feared by traitors and tyrants, and defending poetry against its disparagers, albertino mussato ascribes a political theological goal to poetry. He must justify the poeta theologus designation as well as flay the power of the lords of verona since ezzelino da tomano
Froidevaux-Metterie, Camille. "Religion, politique et histoire : christianisme et modernité selon Ernst Troeltsch". Paris, EHESS, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997EHES0020.
Texto completoThe text from ernst troeltsch (1865-1923), the social teaching of the christian churches (1912), is the major theoretical work on which my thesis is based on. This german theologist has completed a comprehensive study of the social doctrines of christian religion, from their evangelical origins to the eighteenth century. He made his task to relate, in the capacity of en historian, the successive theories and attitudes of christianism towards the secular world. The perspective that is of interest to me is the one that encompasses the social and political principles of christian religion, the troeltsch's analysis is particularly relevant from this point of view. Before studying his results, a first part is dedicated do the history of the conflict between faith and reason from the 12th to the 19th centuries. This development lightens the tentative that troeltsch has made to conciliate the apologetical and scientifical approaches, that is the views of both the theologist and the historian. In his work, troeltsch evidenced the existence of two main christian social doctrines : the catholic social philosophy is based on the patriarcal and organic ideas and is a conservative doctrine to which lutheranism is linked, in as much as it also defines an unitarian civilization ; ascetic protestantism emerged from the conjunction of the neo-calvinist movement and the protestant sects. The latter is considered by troeltsch as the only christian form which can be related, from certains aspects, to the capitalist and democratic society
Pereira, Sousa Ana Mercedes. "Modernité, religion et politique en Colombie : la théologie de la libération et les communautés ecclésiales de base : 1950-1991". Paris 8, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA081508.
Texto completoThis is a resarch about "modernity, religion and politics in colombia: liberation theology and basic ecclesial communities 1950-1991". It is realized from a social-historical and cultural viewpoint. The text is divided into eleven sections, in the first section the author draws a thoretical framework about the messianic and utopic religious practices that are shown in the praxis of the religious actors who share the postulates of the liberation theology, in the following sections the author presents the colombian context and develops a periodization of the liberation theology movement, and in each of the periods, she analyses its articulation to the popular movements. In the last sections she analyses from a micro-social viewpoint the dayto-day existence of the becs, especially that of their basic members, and the cultural and religious transitions they suffer. Finally she draws some conclusions about the future of this movement in the context of the crisis of the utopias
Toussaint, Hérold. "Ideologie, utopie et théologie de la libération en Haïti". Paris, EHESS, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000EHES0110.
Texto completoOuail, Assia. "la théologie d'al-farabi et son effet sur sa vision politique : suivant sa tentative de conciliation entre platon et aristote". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Montpellier 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019MON30098.
Texto completoMy study in my thesis is devoted to the study of the mind of the master of the Muslim philosophy al-Farabi in comparison with ancient Greek philosophy of Plato and Aristotle specifically. In my study I try to analyze the theological thought of al-Farabi was very influenced by Plato and Aristotle. In my analysis I have studied the effect of his effort to reconcile the two Greek philosophers while trying to keep the religious aspect of his thought that was very influenced by the Shiites. Thus, in the last chapter I tried to study the effect of his theology on his political vision in his idealism of the virtuous city
Fraiberg-Pietra, Sophie. "L’idéal démocratique à l'épreuve du modèle sinaïtique : le concept d'Alliance". Paris 10, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA100200.
Texto completoModern identity is defined by a democratic ideal in which the individual tends to become the source of each ethical value, as testified by the consecration of individual interest in the rise of the Human Rights thought. Such a process of secularization described by several sociologists implies that modernity defines itself against the past. With the concept of Alliance, we shall refute such a conception of modernity, according to which Moderns finally freed themselves from the alienation of traditional consciousness. In the very bosom of tradition takes place a "grinding" process between traditions, "spiritual blocks", Athens and Jerusalem, where one is used as reference against the other, following a pattern called by Rémi Brague "romanity", characterized by "cultural secondness", able both to take into account and, inextricably, to exclude. For Shmuel Trigano, this "appropriation of what is regarded as foreign" is nothing but a "negation of strangeness". Yet, strangeness being the very principle of the jewish idea of Alliance, it is the exclusion of the "Jew" that prevails in the consideration of the hebrew model. For us, what is at stake is to reassess those exclusions and appropriations. Since the roots of the democratic ideal are not exclusively greek, we have to reconsider this ideal in the light of the hebrew Alliance model, also known as sinaitic model. Though it has been a meaningful theoretical tool for such thinkers as Machiavelli, Hobbes and Spinoza, the Alliance elaborates another understanding of transcendance. Rehabilitating heteronomy is not aiming at giving some legitimacy to irrational commandments, but allows us to think a transcendantal act
Sinaeian, Masoud. "Du politique au rapport théologico-politique chez Carl Schmitt". Thesis, Paris 1, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA01H211.
Texto completoThe present research aims to reconstruct the contours of Carl Schmitt's concept of the political and theological-political ideas. It also examines what these theological-political interventions may imply about his conception of the political, and the structure of the question of what belongs to politics in modern history. First, we present the different dimensions of the concept of the political within the framework of a history of German legal theory of the state. The concept of the political is formed above all in this context and finds its main distinctions here. We then analyze the concept of the political in order to reconstruct its internal logic and functions. We argue that this logic has a double aspect, based on dichotomies such as prince-people, state-society, representation-identity, and so on. Second, we examine some of the limitations of Schmitt's ideas in the context of his reflections on major questions of a theological-political nature as well as on some authors selected in that context. Finally, we analyze Schmitt's metaphorical approach to the theological-political question as well as the idea of an analogical structural relation between theological and juridico-political thought. We also deal with the potential relationship of these theological-political interventions in his conception of the political
Bourdin, Bernard. "La médiation chrétienne : quelle altérité théologico-politique dans l’histoire ?" Thesis, Poitiers, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014POIT5025/document.
Texto completoThe present work is laid out in three sections, each of which develops a part of the overall thesis. First section: the origin of political modernity has been the object of numerous philosophical interpretations. At the heart of these interpretations, the concept of secularization has proven to be as decisive as it is contentious. In order to put this concept to the test, this first section seeks to show the value of the hermeneutical fruitfulness to be found in Christian political theology, whose central notion is that of mediation; it does this on the one hand through the multiple paradigms of this latter, and on the other hand by confronting it with several twentieth-century political philosophies. The second section, which is the most important in terms of volume, sets out on a critical examination of the political theology of the jurist Carl Schmitt: to what extent does it offer elements which respond to questions concerning the adequacy of Christian political theology vis-à-vis the modern secular paradigm prevalent in today's political environment? to what extent does it lead to an impasse which needs to be obviated in order to work out a new way of relating Christianity and politics and historical thought? In order to answer this question [translator's note: these questions?], the third section adds various considerations. First of all, it proceeds with an investigation of Rosenzweig's philosophy exhibited in L'Etoile de la Rédemption [The Star of Redemption], notably with regard to his concept of people (Jewish or Christian). Secondly, it details the theories of Rosenzweig and Schmitt with regard to diverging agreement: the place of the Jew outside of history versus the place of the Christian within history. A concept which the two authors take in diametrically opposed directions. It is by taking the measure of these diverging agreements that one arrives at the conclusive thesis, namely the working out of a theory of “the political man”, can find room for flexibility, providing a link between religious transcendence and the autonomous and secular grounding of a political philosophy of democracy
Tanguay, Daniel. "Le problème théologico-politique chez Leo Strauss". Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040253.
Texto completoThis thesis is a systematic and historical illustration of the proposition that the theological-political problem is the central theme of Leo Strauss' thought. On the systematic level, it presents Strauss' thought as a zetetic philosophy, which remains open to the challenge presented by political theology. On the historical level, it is a reconstruction of the genesis and the development of the theological-political problem in Strauss' work. Special attention is given to the juvenalia (1921-1935) on Zionism, Hermann Cohen, the modern critique of religion (Spinoza), Maimonides and the tradition of Islamic Aristotelians. The juvenalia are noteworthy because they attempt to renew thought on the relationship between philosophy and revealed religion by way of criticizing philosophy of religion and questioning the results of the modern critique of religion. This critical analysis permitted Strauss to propose a return to medieval enlightenment (Maimonides), to see if it resolves more adequately the conflict between reason and revealed law, i. E. The theologicopolitical problem. By way of his study of medieval prophetology, Strauss came to grasp the importance of Islamic philosophy (especially Fârâbî) with a view to understanding the Maimonides' deeper meaning. However Strauss does not completely adhere to this solution of the conflict between philosophy and religion. Actually, the conflict between Athens and Jerusalem remains for him insolvable. Contrary to the moderns, who think they can resolve the conflict by denying it, Strauss wishes to revive it through thought. His whole philosophical effort consists in rescuing from oblivion the theological-political problem, so as to awaken modern philosophy from its dogmatic slumber
Hernández, Rodríguez Alfonso Maria y Haymon d'Auxerre. "Anthropologie et ecclésiologie dans l'exégèse biblique carolingienne selon le commentaire sur le prophète Osée d'Haymon d'Auxerre". Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010584.
Texto completoPietra, Laurent. "Le conseil politique rapporté à la figure biblique de Joseph". Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100144/document.
Texto completoThe biblical character of Joseph, the beloved son of the patriarch Jacob, is granted a universal posterity. His story comes from more ancient peoples and texts than itself, but gives birth to more stories and communities. Joseph's etymology makes him, more than a name, a principle of increase, authority and counsel. If so, a lot of individuals and phenomena could be described as josephic. In this model narrative, Joseph, despite mendacious accusations, escapes from victimal processes by understanding them and forgiving; this singularity defines the election and makes Joseph a prominent political counsellor. This narration provides simultaneously the forming of the Jewish nationality and the epitome of the Jew among the Nations. Announcing by his behaviour the laws of Moses, Joseph represents their universal significance and the ambiguity of their universalisation. This universality will allow the adoption of this messianic figure by the Christian and Muslim traditions.Thus he assumes a rich theologico-political posterity in which the notion of counsel is capital: embodiment of the political philosophy for Philo of Alexandria, figure of the chosen one in the theology and the politics of Calvin, confirmation of the principles of the Hobbesian social contract theory, formation of “the humanism of the future” in Thomas Mann's mythical narrative. As a saving figure that enables one to escape from evil, he also enables one to conceive of a new institution for the survivors. The josephic counsel questions thus the relations between counsel and commandment, and between political unity and spiritual unity. It is therefore a matrix of counsel that concerns the political philosophy
Shim, Sang Woo. "Ethique et politique dans la pensée d'Emmanuel Lévinas : les droits de l'homme et le rappel prophétique des droits d'autrui". Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008STR20006.
Texto completoLévinas seeks the ways of revival of the political thoughts. The politics is not a fight for power nor its exercise. Lévinas establishes a link of distance of the philosophical report based on the Platonic conflict or on the Hegelian reconciliation. Lévinas insists on the fact that the ethical politics has itself a condition of the possibility of love, charity and mercy. The Philosophy as wisdom of love is the political effort of inscription of the ethical responsibility. Lévinas specifies the contours of the political mediation between the subjects and the institutions. The conscience is made dices-intér-essement. Therefore, this thesis tries to reconsider the bonds between ethics and the politics in the context of risk of depoliticization revealed by the totalitarian phenomena. The course of the politics can contribute to the realization of the responsibilities towards the others. We will consider about the other foundations of the thought of the policy which would establish a new bond of the thinker, instituting the philosophy as the irreconcilable presence with the politics
Fandohan, Gouidi Anastase. "La religion des hommes de lettres au XVIIIe siècle". Tours, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002TOUR2031.
Texto completoBar, Maymon Meïr. "Mythologies of masculinities and the search of the (male) Self". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0008/document.
Texto completoThe dissertation focuses on the construction of the self, in this case the male self. It wishes to understand and analyze different technologies of power that manipulate the subject and render his a self to an ‘I’ with a strong sense of identity. The case study is the book of Ezekiel as a manifesto of power/knowledge process, and as a brick in the adobe of western thinking. The main assumption is that the fundamental building block of (also the biblical) societies is Man and his images. A Man is a ‘Self’ that is caught in an identification process through construction and deconstruction, in an ever-changing discourse that shapes and reshapes myths and produces the ‘correct’ and ‘wrong’ knowledge in order to fulfill a political end. The notion Man exists as something neutral even though it is constantly in the process of identification. Another assumption is that no identity is fixed, and all identities are fluid and are changing as response to political events or to fulfill a political end. In fact, there is no such thing as an identity but a subject trapped in a constant identification process. The main research question is: What is the genealogical theological process of the political subjectivization in the book of Ezekiel? Asked differently: What is the total sum of the technologies of power that are manipulated on the reader and generates the subject who subscribes to the text?
Thomas-Leitao, Valérie. "PALLIATIVE NURSES CARING FOR SPIRITUALITY: A theological analysis of palliative nurses' discourse on spirituality from 1976 to 2012". Thesis, Université Laval, 2012. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2012/29352/29352.pdf.
Texto completoKonin, Alla Marcellin. "Les modalités spécifiques de la raison politique : critique religieuse et engagement politique chez Spinoza". Poitiers, 2008. http://theses.edel.univ-poitiers.fr/theses/2008/Konin-Alla/2008-Konin-Alla-These.pdf.
Texto completoThe thesis examines the relationship between religion and politics from the Spinozist critical perspective. In terms of form, discursive and critical reasoning is opposed to faith which can be characterised as a non-analytical certainty taking the form of revelations. In terms of content however, reason and faith are united by their shared content a sense of the Absolute. In these circumstances reason is able to promote religious feeling, the finite becoming infinite thanks to meditative thought ;conversely, faith can provide a basis for rationality. Nonetheless, is it not possible to see this rationality of faith as a denial of that which specifically defines faith ? Spinoza's aim was to separate philosophy from theology so as to liberate thought and freedom of expression. As a matter of fact, the analysis of rational understanding and its relations with theological knowledge gives us a better grasp of what differentiates the theologian and philosopher on the one hand, and the theologian and politician on the other. Spinoza's 'conatus' should allow us to overcome subordination and prejudice, taking us toward liberation and the salvation of society
Monteil, Pierre-Olivier. "Politique de la gratitude : le « paradoxe politique » de Paul Ricœur au défi du néolibéralisme contemporain : une mutuelle mise à l'épreuve ?" Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0075.
Texto completoThis search aims at regrouping Paul Ricœur’s political corpus in order to reflect its coherence despite its fragmentary style. The founder study entitled « The political paradox » embrasses the dimensions of togetherness, institutional life and public policies. This approach is progressily enlarged to ethics and to an anthropology of the capable man, leading to a social criticism that denounces the influences which weaken this capacity. This arborescence is then confronted to non-philosophy, in a mutual ordeal between the « political paradox » and contemporary neoliberalism, as well as through a dialog about theologico-politics in which biblical hermeneutics unveiles intentions behind philosophical arguments. The structure of this work considers politics as a perspective and as a compelling power, due to the antagonistic political traditions that the « political paradox » attempts to correct one by another through a pratice refering to political liberalism. Superposing this structure to the one of the « little ethics » in Oneself as Another enables us to root it in ethics and to connect it to the thematics of owning, being able and being worthy, three spheres to be treated as distinct ones. The entire course, which grafts hermeneutics of action to public space phenomenology, invites to a reprise stimulated by utopia, which unmasks neoliberal ideology and others. Hermeneutical condition figured by the formulation of the « political paradox » as « englobing/englobed » is a poetic wisdom that enables to discern overabondance through equivalence, so that we can act in response to the gratitude of being born in a way which rekindles the meaning of our togotherness
Yermolenko, Volodymyr. "Deux époques de la philosophie contre-révolutionnaire : la pensée contre-révolutionnaire en France (1789-1830) et en Russie (1905-1939) : une étude comparative". Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0067.
Texto completoThis thesis is focused on the two historical (and national contexts of the counter-revolutionary philosophy, in France between 1789 and 1830, and in Russia between 1905 and 1939. In this movement between the two contexts of the counter-revolutionary philosophy the anti-modern thinking has evolved, reformed and deformed, enriching itself with properly «modern» elements. In the field of the philosophy of history and palingenetic imaginary, it has been evolving from a focus put on the ancient and the tradition (by De Maistre or Bonald) to re-appreciation of the new, novelty and creation (by Berdiaev). In the field of the moral philosophy, a clear evolution can be observed from the pre-modem logic of theodicy (which aims at discovering good under the masque of evil) to the modern logic of critique (which distrusts humanist «good » and tries to discern evil behind its masque). Finally, in the field of the social philosophy, personalist elements are integrated into the anti-modern thinking, traditionally totalizing and holistic. These are signs of the modern grafting into the anti-modern thinking which we were following throughout this thesis. These symptoms also show constellations of an antimodern modernity, pointing at the critique of the modernity by the anti-modern reflection, which, in the course of its evolution, did not hesitate to recapture modern achievements of individuality, liberty, novelty and critique
Gueissaz, Mireille. "L' image énigmatique de Ferdinand Buisson : la vocation républicaine d'un saint puritain". Paris 7, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA070057.
Texto completoThe argument of this work comes partly from michael walzer' revolution of the saints and partly from the finding of a collection of archives given to the musee pedagogique by f. Buisson who had been the director of the primary school in france for seventeen years under jules ferry and after him (1879-1896). The author analyses this collection as being the equivalent of the puritan's + record-book ; of the saint, given by the puritan m. Buisson so as to testify of his action as a good puritan saint, devoted to the progress of god's realm on earth such token was so odd to french habits of thinking political matters that the 105 volumes of this huge + record-book ; were dispatched, some of them were lost or left unregistered the private nature of the whole sery being denied and rubbed out. The idea of presenting one of the most famous propagandists of the + morale laique ; as a puritan saint must not be taken as a mere paradox, for ferdinand buisson though currently presented, with his fellows felix pecaut and jules steeg as protestant + liberals ; in the french meaning of the word had begun his religious and political career as a puritan revivalist missionnary - so did his friends- before calling himself a + chretien liberal ; as a protest against the illiberal politic of his so called liberal church: la chapelle taitbout. Considering his religious and political career as a whole, it strikes that ferdinand buisson considerered that the deacon that tried to help the poor and wanted a universalist church based on charity and saintness according to unitarian values (taitbout and neuchatel), the director of the enseignement primaire that worked with ferry at quinet's + ecole laique ; and the seine deputy that tried to separate the churches from the state with jaures, combes and the french libres penseurs were all parts of the same man + walking in his calling ; and trying to make france the country of a new + morale ; (la morale independante), a new liberal religion (la religion de l'avenir) and of a new church (neither catholic nor protestant, neither socialist nor + scientificically ; free thinker ;, separated from the state but under control, accepting different beliefs inside its walls). Both religious and liberal dimension in the political thought of a great jacobinist and well known free thinker had made of m. Buisson an enigmatic character of french laicite
Adje, Assandi Moïse. "Refonder la politique en Afrique pour une raison vertueuse". Strasbourg 2, 2007. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/restreint/theses_doctorat/2007/ADJE_Assandi_Moise_2007.pdf.
Texto completoAfrica has failed on every matter : politically, economically and socially. In fact, the african history, from the first independant empires to the pre - and colonial times, cannot provide valuable political solutions. Neither tradition nor modernity can constitute a solution for todays turbulences. Political future troubles African states. It is our outline to “refund” politics through a integral vision of mankind and its calling. For that reason we want to appeal to the social belief of the Church as Saint Thomas d’Aquin described it in his thoughts. It consists of clearing up the rights and obligations of mankind that are pertaining to its nature and life. These rights bind authorities which are themselves preceded by a political obligation that introduces its argument. These rights are the rights of everyone and the obligations procede from that common humanity and are certified by state institutions which organise the common life for the common good. It is necesary to hold in the same time the value of human life in itself and the link of duty which binds every men in between. At the intersection between the received and the given life, between grace and responsability, are attitudes and acts to find, a passive and active mix which is called RIGHTEOUSNESS or “righteous reason”. We suggest clues for this continent. It seems to be fundamental to restore a cultural existence to ethnos, to federate inter-state groups and to reconcile them in spite of borders, in order to release politics in its expression. This alternative bears ethics wich opens freedom, because group ethics, passing by meetings, takes back the total man and makes a way to cultural enthousiasm. So we recognize the supremacy of the group over the individuals, but through the multiplication of relationship and communication
Chelly, Amélie-Myriam. "La sécularisation du chiisme et la République islamique d’Iran". Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0003.
Texto completoSecularization is a process leading to a new state of facts, which is caracterized by an autonomization of the public sphere versus the religious one. This process also leads to a decline of religion. It is therefore the way Western social sciences define the concept of secularization: as a phenomenon, which is coextensive with Western modernity. Secularization, thus considered, is the full expression of disenchantment. However, the Iranian theocratic experiment initiated in 1979 makes the consideration of another definition of secularization necessary, or rather the extension of this concept: secularization can also be literally understood as a total application of otherworldliness into a secular and institutional sphere. This secularization of Shia Islam draws the outlines of a politicization of traditional religion into holistic ideological frameworks. This process is an "immanentization" of transcendent notions, such as the martyr figure or the notion of umma and creates confusion between the private and the public sphere, which is specific to modern socio-political ideologies. The secularization born out of theocratic ambition is now called into question in an unprecedented effort of reconsideration: henceforth, the failure of the theocratic model generates another type of secularization, which draws a distinction between the political and religious spheres. Post-khomeinist aspirations want to redefine some socio-political frameworks structured around the concepts of rights, dignity, pluralism and civil society. The experience of politicization of traditional Shia Islam is at the origins of a new blossoming of intellectuals, who articulate their approaches and commitments through the place to be given to Islam in the society, in order to save both religious and political spheres
Amar, Mourtala. "Le politique et le théologique aux premiers temps de l'islam (656-750 E.C.) : la querelle qui opposait la Murğiʾa et la Qadariyya sur le libre arbitre et la prédestination divine". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0038.
Texto completoThis PhD dissertation studies the quarrel between two Muslim theological-politicalfactions, namely the Murǧiʾa and the Qadariyya, over the issues of free will and divinepredestination. The Qadarites held that man is solely responsible for his actions; for them,anyone, including the caliph, who committed a cardinal sin automatically was loosing his faith.Consequently, he must either repent or be executed. The murǧiʾites, for their part, defended theidea that the actions of individuals should be referred to the judgment of God, who, the only Onecapable of judging the secrets of men. For this school of thought, faith is in no way linked tobehaviour, given that man's actions are dictated by God from all eternity, according to the thesisof divine predestination. This position prompted some medieval scholars, as well as somemodern researchers, to assert that the murǧiʾites supported the Ummayyad caliphs. According tothese scholars, the murǧiʾites' argument was that the legitimacy of the Umayyad caliphs, whosepower came under divine decree, should not be questioned and therefore absolute obedience wasdue to them, by going against divine predestination.This work attempts to understand whether theologians got involved in politics in the nameof an intrinsic relationship with the theological, or whether politicians have resorted to thereligious to legitimize their power. To do this, we have re-evaluated the principles of murǧiʾitedoctrine by studying its various branches, in order to determine the type of relationship each ofthem maintained with the Umayyad caliphs. In facts, the various revolts led by the murğiʾitesagainst the ruling dynasty contradict the idea of an alliance between the two parties. Furthermore,the involvement of non-Arab Muslims, known as mawālī, in this theological quarrel, with thesupported of the murğiʾites, requesting political and social equality deserves to be analyzed. Forthis reason, we attempt to understand why and how the social and political demands of themawālī were finely intertwined with the theological debates and issues of that time.Analysis of the status and notion of Ḫalīfat Allāh (caliph of God) is essential, as it helpsus understand whether the Umayyads referred to the term Ḫalīfa mentioned in the Qur'an becausethey considered their power sacred or not. Did the Umayyads exploit theological issues forpolitical ends to legitimize their power? How did the religious dimension justify political actions,6and how the political decisions oriented the religious dogma? Did the Umayyads’ recourse toreligion hinder the development of rational political thought?To answer these questions, we have used sources rarely used until now by researchersworking on this ancient period, namely Arabic poetry and epistolary correspondence betweenscholars and the Umayyad caliphs. The use of Arabic poetry and prose is necessary, as it enablesus to confirm or refute the information given by Muslim historiographers whose works post-datethe period under consideration
Colosimo, Anastasia. "Juger de la religion ? : droit, politique et liberté face au blasphème en démocratie". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0034/document.
Texto completoBlasphemy is since the beginning of its recorded history not only a religious but also a political concept. Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, the founding deaths of Socrates and Jesus Christ, both sentenced to death, the first for impiety, the second for blasphemy, but also the Torah, the Gospel and the Quran show that the prohibition of blasphemy has above all a political function, which is to eliminate whoever harms the community. With modernity, the invention of tolerance and the proclamation of freedom of expression as a fundamental right, blasphemy should have disappeared. Instead, it metamorphosed. From Salman Rushdie to Charlie Hebdo, it became a worldwide issue. In the Muslim world, its prohibition has become a fearsome tool of repression of religious minorities on a national level and of acceleration of a clash of civilizations on an international level. To face this challenge, Europe pretends to answer with freedom of expression, but the majority of European countries still forbid blasphemy, understood no more as an offense to God but an offense to the believers, which is the sign of a rogue secularization. This is especially true in France where the proliferation of laws limiting freedom of expression ended up in a re-introduction of the prohibition of blasphemy and more generally of crimes of opinion
Pinheiro, Mario Doraci. "L'église s'engage dans la politique". Thesis, Paris 9, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA090033.
Texto completoThis thesis aims to analyse the institutional engagement of the Roman Catholic Church and other Pentecostal groups, regarding the land reform and agrarian policies launched in Brazil after the organisation of the Brazil’s Conference of Catholic Bishops (CNBB) held in 1952. We underline that it is necessary to highlight the way how the Roman Catholic Church started its actions by “teaching to read and write” and “recovering” their members those who were dragged into the socialist ideology developed by peasant’s leagues, in order to prevent the growing of the communist front in the countryside. At that time, the catholic’s social movement objectives were under eminent danger, due the Brazilian army aided by the U.S. government, declared a coup in 1964. The Roman Catholic Church in Brazil is divided into two wings: a left and a conservative. The left wing has launched the “Liberation Theology” prohibited by the head of the church in Rome. However, this religious left minority succeeded by organizing the Land’s Pastoral Commission, which contributed to the return of democracy, as well as the organization of the Worker’s Party in 1980, considered by the believers as the God’s will and the foundation of the Landless Worker’s Movement in 1984
Menager, Frédéric. "Théorie critique et sécularisation". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0141.
Texto completoCritical Theory is not a fixed set of authors grouped together into a school but rather astyle of thought. One of Critical Theory’s particularities is its frequent reference to concepts derived from theology and religious vocabulary, a feature well known to eminent commentatorssuch as Martin Jay, but held in low regard and inadequately expounded. This thesis attempts to map and describe the genealogy of the usage made of these concepts by looking at them from a genetic standpoint in order to elucidate their sources as well as from a structural standpoint in order to explain the functional contribution of Critical Theory to the general economy. Another aspect explored is the necessary confrontation of this meaning inherent to Critical Theory with the quarrel over secularization that has permeated German philosophical life since 1922 and the publication of Schmitt's Political Theology.To this end we have studied a corpus that spans from the founders of the so-calledFrankfurt School to later representatives who have been grouped under the term communicative shifting-point, also covering like-minded authors sharing Bloch or Kracauer's relationship to the secularization of theology. Research here is concerned with concepts as such and is notguided by historical rationale or any author classification scheme. An approach focused on major movements and conceptual changes has been emphasized. I nevertheless included the paradigmatic break, as it intersects a historical, methodological and conceptual turning point.Individual authors' positions have been compared with one another and their meaning placed in relation to underlying theological structures, in particular those dealing with the notion of Jewish messianism, but also with key themes surrounding secularization theory.This use of secularized theological concepts enables us to view the communicational paradigm as a response to certain difficulties arising from earlier use of secularized theological concepts and as part of the transition from a theory of domination to a theory of democracy. Said transformation entails a shift from secularized theology to a political philosophy ofreligion. Moreover, we have come to realize that Critical Theory is redefining the epistemic scope of the secularization quarrel by advocating an alternative to the Löwith-Blumenberg debate. Beyond metamorphosizing Critical Theory, this theory constitutes a leaven for unity,heralding a model for the conception of complexified secularization. The latter now requires systematic modelling in order to account for the aporia between the persistence of the power of heteronomic religious thought and the decline of its hold on the political and legal organization of societies that have become self-sufficient
Cezette, Mitsué. "La représentation des passions dans le théâtre tragique de la Renaissance [Texte imprimé] : Garnier, La Taille, Montchrétien". Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00272376.
Texto completoTahar, Chaouch Malik. "La théologie de la libération en Amérique latine : champ et paradigme d'une expression historique". Paris 3, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA030050.
Texto completoThe present thesis develops an original approach to the theology of the liberation that crosses the apprehension of the object in term of social field and the interpretation of the ideological contents in paradigm term. It displaces the previous analyses that define it like a popular, peripheral and progressive theology, theoretical expression of the religious and social ruptures of an ample movement of the Latin American Christianity. It perceives it as a transnational theology whose dynamics of networks and whose religious and social interests clarify its double relation of continuity and discontinuity with the rejected norms of the religious domination and exogenous modernity in Latin America. It locates first its genesis within the transformations of the contemporary Catholicism and the activism of the Christian third world in the region. It explains them later social, political and ideological conditions of its appearance in the 1960's and reconstructs the main aspects of the field and the paradigm. Finally, it follows its displacements successive and it measures its impact, from the 1970's to the crisis of the expression in the 1990's
Rebasti, Francesca. "Il problema della coscienza nella teologia politica di Thomas Hobbes". Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0018.
Texto completoWhy did Hobbes write the Leviathan ? In pursuit of an answer to this crucial question, this study suggests that Hobbes began his major political work in order to radically reform both consciences and the very notion of conscience, as it was decisive to the success of his politico-theological programme. During what was called “the age of conscience”, the internal forum was invoked as the last guarantee of individual salvation and collective order. Religious and political duties were based on conscience; yet, the authentic “rule of conduct” was going through a profound crisis. By triggering “all seditions concerning religion and ecclesiastical government”, conscience turned out to be a device for the subjection of the masses and a deadly disease for the political body, and therefore a major obstacle to the constitution of Hobbes’s well-grounded state. The study shows how Hobbes, after criticizing the key category of Christian moral theology, gave it a scientific foundation, which made the cum-scientia the pivot of political unity, while securing the public sphere from private convictions on right and wrong. Through the combination of different methods, like lexicographic analysis and intellectual history, the study examines at first the problematic character of the hobbesian conscience against the backdrop of contemporary conceptions. Then, it illustrates the etymological argument of the seventh chapter of Leviathan, by depicting it as the turning point of Hobbes’s reflection on the idea of conscience. Finally, the ethical and political implications of the etymology are analyzed in the context of both casuistry and the cartesian reform of probabilism
Schmitz, Benoit. "Le pouvoir des clefs au XVIe siècle. La suprématie pontificale et son exercice face aux contestations religieuses et politiques". Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040197.
Texto completoThis PhD thesis deals with the most important prerogative of the pope during the early modern period, i. e. the power that the keys of the kingdom of heaven gave to him. This power to bind and to loose all men in the economy of Salvation was contested during the Sixteenth Century by the Protestant Reformation and by the european monarchies. What is at stake is to understand how the papacy asserted the spiritual value of the papal supremacy while asserting its political effects. A first part turns on the controversies about ecclesiastical power from the council of Pisa to the Lutheran Reformation. A second part deals with the relationship between the papacy and the states through the use of the deposing power. Owing to the richness of the documentation conserved in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, a thorough inquiry is conducted on the case of the excommunication and of the absolution of Henry IV. This work explains thus how the roman policy enabled the papacy to remain a political actor of first importance in the Europe of the Sixteenth Century
Auffray-Seguette, Marie. "Les biens de ce monde : l'économie vue comme espace de recomposition de la religion dans la modernité". Paris, EHESS, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008EHES0137.
Texto completoThe general goal is to identify, in modernity, the recomposition of religious universals. The observation relates to the economic sphere. The approach follows Max Weber's "disenchantment of the world" theory. But contrary to this theory, which presented capitalist economy as the end of religion, here the capitalist economy is seen as a space for religious recomposition. Religion is understood here as a way to establish social order upon a process of objectivation, which in turn would be based on an illusion of heterodetermination. This thesis intends to show that the recomposition of modem religion takes place along the same dynamics that are supposed to originate religious decline. These dynamics - the rationalisation movement, the autonomization of values and the rise of individualism-are successively considered as heirs of religious principles which turn the secularization movement against itself