Bibliografías temáticas / Kurdish fighters

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Kurdish fighters"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 20 de abril de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Kurdish fighters"

Nilsson, Marco. "Primary Unit Cohesion Among the Peshmerga and Hezbollah". Armed Forces & Society 44, n.º 4 (9 de agosto de 2017): 647–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17720922.

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This study analyzes the creation of primary unit cohesion among the Kurdish Peshmerga soldiers fighting the Islamic State in northern Iraq and among Hezbollah fighters active in Syria. For this comparative study, Kurdish soldiers were interviewed on three fronts outside Mosul, Erbil, and Kirkuk in February 2015 and May 2016, and Hezbollah fighters were interviewed in Lebanon in March 2016. In contrast to many studies’ depictions of unit cohesion as relating to shared experiences of training and battle, this study argues that the Kurdish soldiers also import into their units various ideas relating to Kurdish identity. These include ideas about nationalism and religion produced through discourses within the Kurdish military and society. However, Hezbollah seeks to minimize political damage in the multisectarian political context in Lebanon while conducting domestically contested military operations abroad. This has led to a downplaying of the sectarian aspects of the conflict, which could be imported from the Shia community to increase unit cohesion, and to an ideological framing of the conflict. The general ideas circulating in society and the political context therefore matter for the strategies that can be used to increase primary unit cohesion and soldiers’ fighting power.

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Tillo, Khoushnaw. "Perspectives of the Kurdish knot in the Middle East". Review of Nationalities 8, n.º 1 (1 de diciembre de 2018): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0007.

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Abstract For centuries, Kurds have been carrying out activities aimed at obtaining their own state. Due to the cooperation of Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria, it was impossible in the twentieth century. As a result of Operation Desert Storm, a Kurdish enclave was created in the north of Iraq, which over the years developed and allowed for real dreams of recognized independence, at least for some of the Kurds living in the Middle East. A&er the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq in 2011, there was a political vacuum in which we observe the weakening of the Iraqi state, the outbreak of the Arab Spring and the emergence of the Islamic State, which also had direct consequences for the Kurds. The weakness of the central government in Baghdad, the need to fight the Kurdish army against IS fighters raised the importance of arguments for the proclamation of an independent Kurdish state in the Middle East, or maybe even two, including the possible division of Syria.

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Rothkopf, Ilana. "International Humanitarian Law and Non-State Practice in Armed Conflict: Combatant’s Privilege and Kurdish Fighters in Syria". Journal of Conflict and Security Law 24, n.º 2 (2019): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krz008.

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Abstract Do fighters associated with non-state armed groups have the combatant’s privilege in armed conflict? Non-state armed groups are commonplace in contemporary armed conflicts. However, international humanitarian law (IHL), particularly the law that pertains to combatant’s privilege and prisoner of war status, was designed with state actors in mind. This article assesses the conditions under which the members of non-state armed groups have combatant’s privilege. Throughout, it uses the case of Kurdish fighters in Syria as an example of the timeliness of this question and its ramifications for conflict actors. This article notes, with support from the Geneva Conventions, Additional Protocols, and other sources of IHL, that IHL does not foresee a combatant’s privilege for armed groups in a non-international armed conflict. It contends, however, that the international community should agree to a generalisable rule for the treatment of fighters as combatants regardless of conflict type, if these fighters demonstrate the capability and willingness to adhere to IHL. Such a rule would reduce the need to assess both conflict type and the status of individual fighters should they be captured, and more importantly, it would incentivise continued compliance with IHL.

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Yesiltas, Ozum. "Understanding Rojava". Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 18, n.º 3 (1 de noviembre de 2022): 337–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-10022118.

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Abstract This study critically analyzes representations of Kurdish women fighters in US mainstream media from January 2014 to December 2018. The article argues that the narrative articulated through the presentation of Kurdish women in the US media as “badass” soldiers fighting against the violence and extremism of the Islamic State serves to eschew a deeper understanding of their political and ideological motivations. Although they do not fit into the stereotypical category of oppressed Muslim women in need of saving, Kurdish women too are the subject of misrepresentation in US media in ways similar to the monolithic and essentialized representations of Afghan women in the post-9/11 era or Iranian women following the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The present work questions why this misrepresentation takes place and what renders the representation of Kurdish women Orientalist despite its differences from the previous discursive constitutions of Muslim women in US media.

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Tank, Pinar. "Kurdish Women in Rojava: From Resistance to Reconstruction". Die Welt des Islams 57, n.º 3-4 (17 de octubre de 2017): 404–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05734p07.

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In 2010, the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, declared, “The freedom of the Kurdish people can be viewed as inseparably bound to women’s freedom.”1 This statement emphasizes a core tenet in the reinvention of the PKK’s ideology as articulated by Öcalan: the understanding that freedom can only be achieved through the defeat of the patriarchal system. The women of the PKK and its sister organization, the Democratic Union Party (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat, PYD), represent the embodiment of the PKK’s new ideology, attracting international attention following Kurdish efforts to establish an autonomous region of governance in north-east Syria. This article focuses on a case study of the PYD’s Syrian Kurdish Women’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin, YPJ), and their defence of Kurdish-dominated enclaves in Syria. The analysis demonstrates the agency behind their engagement and the ideology that motivates their resistance to patriarchy in the Middle East. In so doing, the article compares the YPJ’s understanding of agency to media representations of YPJ fighters’ engagement, in an effort to see beyond the traditional victim/peacemaker articulation of gendered engagement, arguing instead for the need to recognize the politics behind Kurdish women’s participation as combatants in the Syrian civil war.

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Yar, Lucia. "KURDISH FEMALE FIGHTERS IN SYRIA DURING AND AFTER THE FIGHT AGAINST ISIS". Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 20, n.º 2 (16 de diciembre de 2020): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.20.2020.02.019-040.

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Kurdish female fighters in Syria did not receive attention until after the Battle of Koban. This study analyzes activities during and after the struggle against ISIS, focusing on the ideological motivators that influenced their involvement in the armed insurgent movement. Through a discursive analysis of non-traditional, local sources, it concludes that the specificity of the ideological transformation of the movement, where women's emancipation came to the center of the local discourse, persisted even after the primary goal of the resistance has changed.

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Schaefer, Oskar. "COVID-19 as a Green Light for the Regeneration of ISIS’ Forces in North-East Syria". Polish Political Science Yearbook 50 (2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202127.

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Following the fall of the so-called Islamic State in March 2019, tens of thousands of its fighters, along with their wives and children, were captured and detained in facilities controlled by Syrian Democratic Forces in northeast Syria. Many of which were European. Based on the information provided by scientific institutes and journalists, the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic had had a significant impact on the functioning of those facilities. Not only did it aggravate an already severe humanitarian crisis, pushing the detainees to reinforce their attempts of escaping and rioting against the guards, but it also lowered the security level in the controlled facilities, allowing a flourishing of criminal activities. Furthermore, the detainment of ISIS followers turned into a political game between the Kurdish coalition and the United States. The global health crisis put to the test the strategy of many Western governments of keeping European ISIS fighters in the Middle East while pressuring the international community to rethink its approach towards this crescent problem.

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Toivanen, Mari y Bahar Baser. "Gender in the Representations of an Armed Conflict". Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 9, n.º 3 (2016): 294–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00903007.

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The Syrian civil war has been, without doubt, the war most widely covered by international media in this millennium. Having engaged in an armed combat against the Islamic State (IS), Kurdish military troops, especially the female battalion, have received considerable international media attention. This study examines the gender dimension of national media representations of female Kurdish combatants belonging to the Protection Units (YPJ) in Syria. How have the female combatants been framed in British and French media? To what extent are these representations gendered? The overall data consists of news articles from national media outlets in France and in the United Kingdom between 2014 and 2015, and is analyzed with frame analysis. The results show that the juxtaposition of female combatants with IS fighters allows the depiction of the participation of the former as exceptional and heroic and as one that deconstructs the masculinity of its adversary. The role of female combatants in the ongoing conflict is represented in the British and French media through the construction of sexualized and modern-day heroine figures that are largely glorified.

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Hassan, Jehat y Kovan Hassan. "Poems of Lamentation of Terez". Humanities Journal of University of Zakho 11, n.º 3 (22 de septiembre de 2023): 545–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26436/hjuoz.2023.11.3.1056.

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In the past, grief and lamentation for the dead were one of the main purposes of poetry. However, with the passage of time, this purpose witnessed great changes as the Kurdish literature witnessed such developments. This means that grief and lamentation moved from the level of grief of relatives and clan to greater goals. The death of leaders, artists, writers, and fighters also became a tool for grief and lamentation in most of the stages of the Kurdish literature, especially in poems. Grief and lamentation for the dead were among the important topics and became the focus of poets' interest, especially in the traditional and modern poems. Many of the Kurdish poets cared about lamentation in the modern era, as they wrote poems of sadness and lamentation for different personalities and events. Terez is among those poets who paid great attention to lamentation, as it is possible to clearly show the direction of this change in his poems, and we tried to know the extent and quality of Terez's interest in the subject of grief and lamentation. Was he able to express it well and meet the required level? To what extent did he care about this topic? For this reason, we have tried in this research entitle (Poems of Lamentation of Terez) to show the innovations and changes that Terez made in this aspect. This research study adopted both the (descriptive and analytical) approaches.

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Paasche, Till F. "Fighting Falcons over northern Iraq: a Kurdish perspective on F-16 fighters and regional security". Critical Studies on Security 3, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2015): 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2015.1005421.

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Más fuentes

Tesis sobre el tema "Kurdish fighters"

Mohammadi, Fereshteh. "Framing Kurdish Female Fighters : A qualitative content analysis of media representations of female fighters of Kobane in Arabic, Kurdish and Russian Media". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Journalistik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-39431.

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With the uprising of the Arab Spring in Syria in 2011, a myriad of news articles covering Syrian people' protests were published in the international media. However, it was after the Islamic State’s (IS) attacks on Syria and accordingly, Rojava region – the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, de facto Autonomous Region – in 2014, that the region became the attention center of the international media. A considerable number of academic articles have analyzed the representations of the Kurdish female fighters in the Western media in different angles, such as the framing of the female fighters, their motivations, their roles in the war etc. There may exist a limited number of academic papers analyzing the Kurdish female fighters from the non-Western media perspective which might present a different picture from that of Western media analysis. Applying framing theory in combination with a qualitative content analysis approach, this study is intended to explore the Kurdish female fighters’ framing in Arabic, Kurdish and Russian media, namely Al-Jazeera, ANF and RT, respectively. Moreover, orientalism theory, feminist theory on militarization and war, and war and peace journalism theory are implied to investigate the framing of the kurdish female fighters in the three media.

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Lundmark, Therése. "Political Violence in Media: A case study of the media framing of the Kurdish female fighters in Northern Iraq and Syria". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-56460.

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The aim and purpose of this study is to explore how the Western media, more precisely six British newspapers, portrays the Kurdish female fighters of the Women’s Protection Units and the Peshmerga, who today are fighting against Deash in Northern Iraq and Syria. There have been a growing media interest in the Kurdish female fighters since the rise of Daesh, and they were an often recurring subject in newspapers and other media platforms during 2014 and 2015. I have collected 32 articles from six different newspapers, and applied a framework consisting of six different frames developed by Brigitte L. Nacos together with theories of media framing and social constructivism. The methodology is conducted as a critical discourse analysis, inspired by Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model. In the articles, the Kurdish female fighters are portrayed as a different phenomenon, however, the articles still describes them as brave and dignified fighters who are rational in their understanding of what they are fighting for and what they are sacrificing. They are portrayed as being motivated by issues such as equality and female liberation in contrast to Deash anti-female values. The previous research conducted by feminist scholars often focuses on that the media portray women, who conduct acts of political violence, in a negative ways, such as deviants who are lacking traditionally stereotypical feminine characteristics or that their looks are in focus instead of their motivations. However, I have drawn the conclusion that there is more to how the Kurdish female fighters are portrayed then what one would think.

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Malmgren, Amelie y Michelle Fabiana Palharini. "‘Martyrs and Heroines’ vs. ‘Victims and Suicide Attackers’. A Critical Discourse Analysis of YPJ’s and the UK media representations of the YPJ’s ideological agency". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23746.

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The present thesis compares media representations of Yekîneyên Parastina Jin (YPJ or the Women’s Protection Units), an all-female Kurdish military organisation, in British media versus the organisation’s own media outlets, with the aim to see how they differ, more specifically in terms of representations of their ideological agency. By utilizing critical discourse analysis (CDA) in combination with postcolonial theory, the media construction of four soldiers’ deaths have been scrutinized in 30 media texts in order to provide a deeper understanding of the hegemonic discourses and sociocultural practices which underpin these constructions. The result shows a discrepancy in terms of representations of YPJ’s ideological agency. On the one hand, YPJ adopts an explicit effort to assert their ideology through a propagandistic discourse that emphasises their values of resistance, freedom, egalitarianism, gender emancipation and democratic confederalism, portraying their fighters as fearless martyrs and heroines that are determined to die for their cause. On the other hand, the UK media represent YPJ’s ideology in generic ways in which hidden ideological ‘us vs. them’ representations are deeply rooted in a broader naturalised Western hegemonic discourse, with portrayals of YPJ’s fallen soldiers mostly characterised by sensationalism and victimisation. One part of such hidden ideological agenda is the way in which YPJ constantly gets included in, and excluded from, ‘us’ (the West), depending on who the enemy is, in addition to mainly receiving media coverage in direct relation to ISIS, a common Western enemy. The result is a representation that endorses YPJ’s fight within a hegemonic Western discourse, neglecting their ideological agency. This has sociocultural implications since such hegemonic discourse misrepresents YPJ’s struggle, constructing their fight mostly as part of a Western counterterrorist strategy, which further legitimises the Western power to construct history based on its own premises and claims of truth.

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Rostampour, Somayeh. "Genre, savoir local et militantisme révolutionnaire : mobilisations politiques et armées des femmes kurdes du PKK après 1978". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022PA080065.

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Cette thèse traite de la théorie et de la pratique des femmes combattantes au sein du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) en Turquie de 1978 à nos jours. Alors que la production académique sur le PKK se concentre sur les positions officielles de l’organisation laissant en suspens la question de l’agentivité des femmes, cette recherche contribue à combler ce vide. En s’appuyant sur des récits féminins de combattantes et sur une démarche ethnographique, cette recherche entend retracer l’histoire du PKK au prisme du genre. Structurée autour de trois parties, la thèse problématise la participation politico-armée des femmes dans une société patriarcale et leur militantisme pour la reconnaissance de la kurdicité et pour la cause des femmes au sein d’un mouvement mixte marqué par l’hégémonie masculine. Outre leur participation politique et armée à cette lutte, les femmes construisent un féminisme local nommé Jineolojî dont ses causes et ses apports, ainsi que ses limites dans le contexte des pays du Sud, seront discutés. Dans le prolongement de l’analyse du féminisme matérialiste et en s’appuyant sur une perspective critique anticoloniale, cette étude examinera les débats actuels de l’étude de genre sur le local et le global, la nature et la culture, le sexe et le genre, le mythe et l’histoire. La thèse conclura que le militantisme a permis aux actrices kurdes de transgresser des normes de genre et de s’organiser collectivement autour de la cause des femmes tout en transformant le Mouvement dans son ensemble. Quant à sa théorie, malgré ses lacunes épistémologiques et méthodologiques, la Jineolojî apporte une contribution majeure aux études féministes, notamment dans les pays en guerre et en proie à des conflits ethniques
This thesis examines the theory and the practice of women fighters in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in Turkey from 1978 to the present through a sociological field study. While the academic production on the PKK often focuses on the organization’s official positions and thus leaves untouched the questions of gender domination and women’s agency, this research attempts to bridge this gap. Based on the stories of women fighters and an ethnographic approach, this research traces the history of the PKK through the prism of gender. Structured around three parts, the thesis addresses women’s participation in armed struggles (and the difficulties they encountered in a patriarchal society like Turkey), their political participation in gender and ethnic liberation within a mixed movement marked by male hegemony, together with their intellectual struggles for constructing a local feminism called Jineolojî. Drawing on the materialist feminist and the critical anti-colonial perspectives, this study will engage – via the analysis of Jineolojî and its inherent contradictions – with the current debates in gender studies on the local and the global, nature and culture, sex and gender, myth and history. The thesis concludes that the transformations in the women’s political and armed participation changes their mode of knowledge production and vice versa. Militant activism has enabled Kurdish women actors to transgress gender norms, organize collectively around the women’s causes, thereby transforming and feminizing the movement as a whole. As for their theory, and despite its epistemological and methodological shortcomings, Jineolojî makes a major contribution to feminist studies, especially in countries at war and those confronted with ethnic conflicts

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Kevci, Perisan. "Kurdish female fighters versus ISIS - a textual and image analysis". Thesis, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-37143.

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Libros sobre el tema "Kurdish fighters"

Roger, Hutchings, ed. Ataturk's children: Turkey and the Kurds. New York: Cassell, 1996.

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Topal, Mustafa Kemal. Women Fighters in the Kurdish National Movement. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755648399.

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The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is a Kurdish militant political organization and armed guerrilla movement. Designated a terrorist organization by Turkey, the EU and the US, it seeks self-determination from Turkey. But this book examines the other changes it generates in society, focusing on how it has become a platform for shifts in gender politics through its women fighters. Based on fieldwork undertaken in Iraq, Syria and Europe - including in-depth interviews and participant observation within women’s camps - the book examines Kurdish women fighters’ motivations to join the PKK, as well as their personal life stories and views on gender, patriarchy, and ethnic minority experiences. This is the largest ethnographic study on the PKK to date and the book argues that in addition to seeking their nation's struggle for survival and a democratic society, Kurdish women fighters are driven by the prospect of improving conditions for themselves and for women across the entire region.

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Sasson, Jean P. Love in a Torn Land: Joanna of Kurdistan: The True Story of a Freedom Fighter's Escape from Iraqi Vengeance. Wiley, 2007.

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Haner, Murat. Freedom Fighter: A Terrorist's Own Story. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Freedom Fighter: A Terrorist's Own Story. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Haner, Murat. Freedom Fighter: A Terrorist's Own Story. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Haner, Murat. Freedom Fighter: A Terrorist's Own Story. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Department of Defense. Western Foreign Fighters in Syria: An Empirical Analysis of Recruitment and Mobilization Mechanisms - Report on Civil War, Networks, Group Dynamics, Free Syrian Army, Islamic State, ISIS, and Kurds. Independently Published, 2017.

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Sasson, Jean. Love in a Torn Land: Joanna of Kurdistan - The True Story of a Freedom Fighter's Escape from Iraqi Vengeance. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2011.

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Sasson, Jean. Love in a Torn Land: Joanna of Kurdistan - The True Story of a Freedom Fighter's Escape from Iraqi Vengeance. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2011.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Kurdish fighters"

Sofie Schøtt, Anne. "The Courtroom: Legal Struggle for Military Support". En Kurdish Diaspora Mobilisation in Denmark, 149–85. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474491709.003.0007.

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This chapter delves into the courtroom activism in support of the Kurds who joined the Kurdish fighters against Islamic State. It explains the rationale behind the Kurdish military activism in support of the Kurdish struggle against Islamic State, and investigates the strategies adopted to counter the legal restrictions on military support, which appear from amendments of the Passport Act and the Criminal Code. The chapter also considers the political and public reactions as well as the response from Kurdish diaspora actors towards courtroom activism. Focusing on one case of Kurdish courtroom activism, the struggle of a female fighter, Joanna Palani, who took her passport withdrawal to court, the chapter uncovers how both Danish decision makers and the public adopted an ambiguous stance towards Kurdish military activism. The chapter argues that the Kurdish diaspora actors seemed to accept this ambiguity to uphold a desirable room for manoeuvre. Finally, the chapter discusses the lack of incentives and prospects of courtroom activism among Kurdish activists in Denmark.

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Asaad, Lava. "3 Structuring Jineology within Global Feminism: Representations of Kurdish Women Fighters in Western Media". En In the Crossfire of History, 53–66. Rutgers University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36019/9781978830240-004.

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Haner, Murat. "Turkish Oppression toward the Kurdish Villagers". En The Freedom Fighter, 104–23. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315102221-7.

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Haner, Murat. "The History of the Kurds and the PKK". En The Freedom Fighter, 16–41. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315102221-2.

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Haner, Murat. "The Turks, the Kurds, and the Last Chance". En The Freedom Fighter, 396–98. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315102221-22.

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Bargu, Banu. "Another Necropolitics". En Turkey's Necropolitical Laboratory, 209–31. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450263.003.0010.

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Necropolitics is often used to denote how the living is subjected to the power of death and destruction. Omitted from this conceptualisation is the violence that takes as its object the realm of the dead – the corpse, the act of burial, funerary rituals, the graves and cemeteries as sites of burial and commemoration, and forms of mourning and reverence. In this chapter, I examine different forms of postmortem violence directed at insurgent bodies. I focus on the image of the naked and bloody corpse of a woman, later revealed to be a Kurdish militant and guerrilla fighter known as Ekin Wan, leaked to the press in the period of Turkey’s hung parliament in the summer of 2015. I argue that the circulation of her denuded image after being killed in combat with the state’s security forces was a symptom of the end of the peace process and the beginning of Turkey’s new authoritarianism. I theorise violence that targets the realm of the dead as a distinctive and neglected form of necropolitics and necropolitical violence as the entire ensemble of practices that target the dead as a surrogate for, and means of, controlling the living.

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Toal, Gerard. "Geopolitics Thick and Thin". En Near Abroad. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190253301.003.0014.

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On November 24, 2015, a Turkish F-16 fighter jet shot down a Russian Sukhoi Su-24M aircraft on the Syria-Turkey border. For seventeen seconds the Russian aircraft crossed the southern tip of a salient of Turkish territory that Syria claimed rightfully belonged to it. Two Russians ejected from the plane over Syria. A local Turkmen militia, commanded by a Turkish citizen, fired at the aviators, killing one. A second Russian serviceman was killed during a rescue mission to save the surviving aviator. The incident, recorded on radar systems by many countries and partially captured on video camera, was the first time since the Korean War that a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) country’s fighter jet destroyed a Soviet/Russian Air Force aircraft. Fortunately the event did not escalate into a full-blown NATO Russia crisis, although with tensions high over the Ukraine crisis and two authoritarian leaders at loggerheads, it could well have done so. There were background accusations. Turkish president Erdoğan was aggrieved that Russia was bombing co-ethnic kin in its southern near abroad while aiding Kurdish separatists, while Russian president Putin saw Turkey as an accomplice of international terrorists. Entwined territorial and terrorist anxieties, as well as near abroad insecurities, preoccupied both men. Had Russia responded with force against Turkey, this could have triggered Article V of NATO’s Washington Treaty, and NATO members would have faced the prospect of war with Russia over a tiny piece of territory in the Middle East most knew nothing about. Relations between the NATO alliance and Russia are now at their lowest point since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Airspace violations, incidents at sea, military training exercises, and hybrid war hysteria have kept tensions high. After Crimea, NATO moved to strengthen its capacity to respond to perceived Russian encroachment on the Baltic countries. The Obama administration’s European Reassurance Initiative was launched in June 2014 with a $1 billion budget for training and temporary rotations. In a speech in Riga in September 2014, President Obama declared: “We’ll be here for Estonia.

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