Tesis sobre el tema "Justiţie - Congrese"
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Landa, Arroyo César. "General concerns on the judicial supervision limits of the due process in the procedures before the inquiry commissions in the Congress". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115345.
Texto completoDurante los últimos años se observa una paulatina intervención del Poder Judicial en las competencias y atribuciones del Parlamento para fiscalizar o investigar asuntos de interés público, llegando a cuestionarse el propio principio de separación de poderes. En dicho contexto, el presente artículo busca analizar cuáles son los límites del control judicial del debido proceso sobre los procedimientos que se desarrollan a través de las comisiones de investigación del Congreso de la República.
Agee, Gary Bruce. "“A Cry for Justice:” Daniel A. Rudd’s Ecclesiologically-Centered Vision of Justice in the American Catholic Tribune". University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1224170155.
Texto completoCampos, Marcelo da Silveira. "Pela metade: as principais implicações da nova lei de drogas no sistema de justiça criminal em São Paulo". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-31072015-151308/.
Texto completoIn the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.
Simó, Ana María Nancy. "La comunidad organizada en el contexto del Primer Congreso Nacional de Filosofía, 1949". Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, 2005. http://bdigital.uncu.edu.ar/4570.
Texto completoFil: Simó, Ana María Nancy. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras.
Basaure, Miranda Isaac Marcelo. "The Absence of the Ombudsman in Argentina: Seven Years without Collective Representation". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116533.
Texto completoEl presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las causas y antecedentes que han contribuido a que, en Argentina, el cargo de Defensor del Pueblo permanezca vacante. Asimismo, repasa los orígenes normativos del órgano, a fin de comprender su valor y misión democrática. En el fallo caratulado Centro de Estudios para la Promoción de la Igualdad y la Solidaridad y otros c/ Ministerio de Energía y Minería s/ amparo colectivo, emitido el 18 de agosto de 2016, la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación exhortó al Congreso de la Nación a nombrar un Defensor del Pueblo con arreglo a las disposiciones que le ha conferido el artículo 86 de la Constitución Nacional. La decisión de la Corte expuso una problemática jurídica de larga data: la ausencia de un Defensor del Pueblo.
Hallowes, David, Mark Butler, David Fig, Greg Knill, Roben Penny, Gillian Watkins y David Wiley. "Greening the RDP: people, environment, development: report of proceedings [of the] Environmental Justice Networking Forum Constitutive Conference, Kempton Park Conference Centre, 25-27 November 1994". Environmental Justice Networking Forum, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/69373.
Texto completoCampos, Marcelo da Silveira. "Crime e Congresso Nacional no Brasil pós-1988 = uma análise da política criminal aprovada de 1989 a 2006". [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279483.
Texto completoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A partir de meados dos anos 90 do século XX até os dias atuais, parte da literatura internacional sobre criminalização, segurança pública e justiça criminal (sobretudo nos EUA e Inglaterra) sinalizou o abandono da política criminal tradicional - chamada de penal welfarism. Esta política, baseada na tradição liberal dos direitos humanos e pautada no ideal de ressocialização do criminoso, teria sido substituída por uma política penal mais dura, abrangente e agora mais voltada para a defesa social. Modificou-se o funcionamento estratégico da justiça penal contemporânea e sua importância. A partir desse enquadramento teórico geral, este trabalho analisa quais foram as políticas criminais adotadas pelo Parlamento brasileiro. Para isso analiso a produção das principais leis aprovadas em segurança pública e justiça criminal no Congresso Nacional brasileiro no período de 1989 a 2006. Divido a pesquisa em dois momentos: i) um mapeamento do material apontando quais são os partidos, estados e casas proponentes; mandatos presidenciais que sancionaram as leis; número de leis aprovadas por ano e o tempo de tramitação das leis de acordo com a casa propositora; ii) os tipos gerais (modelos) de punição propostos pelas normas. Proponho nas considerações finais que é possível pensar: coexistências na política criminal entre criminalização, recrudescimento penal e leis que despenalizaram ou buscaram efetivar direitos dos réus; ii) apesar da coexistência ou (e) sobreposição entre estes domínios na política criminal, o Parlamento e o Executivo 'escolhem' o uso simbólico do Penal como forma fundamental de resolução de conflitos, a partir de demandas estatais (ou da sociedade civil) por maior (ou mais pesada) criminalização de condutas
Abstract: From the mid-90s of the twentieth century until today, part of the international literature on criminality, public safety and criminal justice (primarily in the U.S. and England) signaled the abandonment of traditional criminal policy - called the penal welfarism. The policy, based on the liberal tradition of human rights and on the ideal of social resocialization of criminals, would have been replaced by a tougher criminal justice policy, more comprehensive and now more focused on social defense. The strategic functioning of criminal justice and its contemporary relevance has changed. From this general framework, this research examines the criminal policies which were adopted by the Brazilian Parliament. To that end, I analyze the production of the major laws approved on public safety and criminal justice in the Brazilian Parliament in the period from 1989 to 2006. The research is divided into two different moments: i) a mapping of the material indicating which are the proponent parties, states and houses; presidential mandates, the number of laws adopted per year and the time of the drafting of laws in according to the proponent house ii) the general types (models) of punishment proposed by the laws. I propose in my final considerations that: the coexistence in Brazilian criminal policy of criminalization and the stiffening of criminal laws/expansion of rights in Brazil. Despite this coexistence or (and) overlap between these areas, the Parliament and the Executive 'choose' the symbolic use of the penal laws as a fundamental form of conflict resolution from state (or civil society) demands for more extensive (or heavier) criminalization of conducts
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
Belhumeur, Andréa. "Le débat au sénat américain entourant l'adhésion des États-Unis à la cour permanente de justice internationale de janvier 1935". Thesis, Université Laval, 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/24780/24780.pdf.
Texto completoVelut, Jean-Baptiste. "Libéralisation ou équité des échanges? : Les conflits sur les modalités de l'élaboration de la politique commerciale américaine de l'ALENA à l'ALEAC (1991-2005)". Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030017/document.
Texto completoThe 1990s marked the emergence of the “new politics of American trade.” A large coalition of labor, environmental and consumer organizations fought to broaden the narrow economic scope of American trade policy and change the rules of globalization. More than fifteen years after their first legislative battle against the North American Free Trade Agreement, what is the legacy of their political mobilization? What factors constrained their progress? Drawing from interviews with political actors, lobbying materials from labor, environmental and business organizations, and congressional records, this dissertation analyzes the clash between “fair” and “free” traders in five major legislative battles from 1991 to 2005. It reveals that the “special relationship” between the business community and the executive branch was the key obstacle to the achievements of the “blue (collar)-green” alliance from the beginning to the end of the policy process. Not only did the private sector enjoy privileged access to the negotiations phase, but the president also assisted free trade coalitions in their lobbying efforts, allowing them to win most legislative battles
Jorge, Álvaro Palma de. "Supremo interesse: protagonismo político-regulatório e a evolução institucional do processo de seleção dos ministros do STF". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16202.
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Based on the fact that higher courts are assuming a greater role in Brazil today, as is the global trend in complex contemporary societies, in the shaping of public policy and regulation, the study aims to map the evolution – and progressive democratization – of the checks and balances structure established in the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, i.e., the selection process of justice for Federal Supreme Court, Brazil’s apex constitutional court. The text analyses the institutional/constitutional framework of the selection process for new justices, and exemplify changes in the profile of political players, in the network of competences of institutions involved in the process and in the social, political, economic and cultural context that pushed through the practical transformation of the institutional selection model without altering, however, the format originally established in the 19th Century. By mapping the origin and evolution of the constitutional formula for collaboration between the Executive and Legislative branches in choosing the members of the Judiciary’s highest court, the study finds the origin of the Brazilian model in the US experience, describing the latter and making parallels between the two. Taking the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil as a milestone, the work demonstrates the even greater mobilization of political and social players concerning the selection process, especially in relation to the hearings and confirmation of appointments for the Federal Supreme Court by the Federal Senate Constitution, Justice and Civic Rights Commission (CCJ). Finally, the studies analyzes actual CCJ hearing sessions and some of the main discussions therein so as to draw lessons that may guide the debate on the evolution of the selection process of justices to the Federal Supreme Court , including as an early control tool used by those involved in the creation of future public policy through Federal Supreme Court decisions.
Partindo da constatação de que o Brasil acompanha hoje um fenômeno global de protagonismo das cortes supremas nas sociedades complexas contemporâneas, notadamente na criação de políticas-públicas e regulação, o estudo procura mapear a evolução – e progressiva democratização – de uma estrutura de freios e contrapesos prevista na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 ('Constituição'), qual seja, o processo de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Ao longo do texto é analisada a arquitetura institucional e constitucional do processo de indicação e aprovação de novos ministros, bem como exemplificadas mudanças no perfil dos atores políticos, no plexo de competências das instituições envolvidas e no contexto social, político, econômico e cultural que forçaram a transformação prática do modelo de seleção institucional, sem alteração, no entanto, da formatação originalmente prevista desde o Século XIX. Mapeando a origem e evolução da fórmula constitucional de colaboração entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo para a escolha dos membros da cúpula do Poder Judiciário, o estudo identifica a origem do modelo brasileiro na inspiração da experiência norte-americana, descrevendo esta e os paralelos possíveis com aquele. A partir do marco central da Constituição, o trabalho procura demonstrar uma progressiva mobilização de atores políticos e sociais em relação ao processo de escolha, notadamente em relação ao momento em que os indicados para o Supremo Tribunal Federal são sabatinados pela Comissão de Constituição, Justiça e Cidadania do Senado Federal. Finalmente, são analisadas concretamente as sabatinas e algumas das suas principais discussões, buscando extrair lições que sirvam de norte colaborativo para a evolução da forma de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal, inclusive como instrumento de controle prévio de seus membros, futuros elaboradores de políticas-públicas.
Syu, Jia-Yi y 許家怡. "The Role of President’s Non-institutional Council in the R.O.C Constitutional System: The Cases of National Congress on Judicial Reform, Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee". Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/x7fp65.
Texto completo國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
106
President Tsai Ing-wen, in order to implement her electoral promise, organized ”National Congress on Judicial Reform” and “Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee” after she assumed the presidency. According to the constitutional norms of R.O.C., the President does not have especial power to take over the job far. Therefore, the role of President’s non-institutional council in the R.O.C constitutional system is an important issue of concern. This paper’s reference consisted of the meeting minutes of the non-institutional council. The writer based on it to do research and explore the performance of the President, the Executive Yuan, the relevant agencies and the committee members in the non-institutional council, and the non-institutional council’s role in the R.O.C constitutional system. According to research result, there are five similarities in the non-institutional council:(1) The organizational structure: Which the President personally convened is established by the guidelines approved by the President, and the non-institutional council is a task force; (2) The general staff affairs: The secretary-general and deputy secretary-general to the President serves as the executive secretary or deputy executive secretary of the non-institutional council, and is the chief person in charge of the general staff affairs. The budget and personnel shall be provided and staffed by the Office of the President, the Executive Yuan, and the relevant agencies; (3) It is a controversy over the power that the President convened the non-institutional council; (4) The Executive Yuan and the relevant agencies are subordinate to the President in the non-institutional council; (5) The committee members have high expectation for the influence of the President. Furthermore, the difference between the non-institutional council is that National Congress on Judicial Reform is defined as an advisory committee, but Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee has the power to make decisions on major policies.
Goodwin, Diana K. "Congressional influence on Department of Justice merger decisions : a case study". Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/35175.
Texto completoGraduation date: 1995
Carvill, Robert Lee, Mary Baumgartner, R. W. Bruinsma y Andy den Otter. "Perspective vol. 5 no. 5 (Nov 1971)". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251227.
Texto completoPitt, Clifford C., Bruce Clemenger y John R. A. Mayer. "Perspective vol. 22 no. 2 (Apr 1988)". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251255.
Texto completoPitt, Clifford C., Bruce J. Clemenger y John R. A. Mayer. "Perspective vol. 22 no. 2 (Apr 1988)". 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/277585.
Texto completoFernhout, Harry, Bruce J. (Bruce James) Clemenger, Gayle Postma y J. Klein Reinder. "Perspective vol. 25 no. 1 (Feb 1991)". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251285.
Texto completoFernhout, Harry, Bruce J. Clemenger, Gayle Postma y J. Klein Reinder. "Perspective vol. 25 no. 1 (Feb 1991)". 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/277615.
Texto completoVan, Niekerk Letitia. "Intimidation as a factor in the liberation struggle in South Africa with special reference to Bela Bela (Warmbaths) : an anthropological perspective". Diss., 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17744.
Texto completoINTIMIDASIE AS 'N FAKTOR IN DIE VRYHEIDSTRYD IN SUID-AFRIKA MET SPESIALE VERWYSING NA BELA BELA (WARMBAD): 'N ANTROPOLOGIESE PERSPEK.TIEF Kulturele vernuwmg ts 'n universele verskynsel. Anthony Wallace se model van kulturele vernuwing of -aanpassing bied 'n raamwerk vir die verduideliking en interpretasie van die fases waardeur kulturele vernuwingsbewegings van 'n godsdienstige, politieke of ander aard ontwikkel. In hierdie studie word daar uitsluitlik gefokus op vernuwingsbewegings van 'n politieke aard. Aangesien deelname aan die aktiwiteite van kulturele vernuwings- en aanpassingsbewegings nie noodwendig vrywillig geskied nie, het leiers van hierdie bewegings gebruik gemaak van tegnieke en metodes van intimidasie om deelname en vernuwing op die massas af te dwing. In SuidAfrika is politieke vernuwing onder andere teweeggebring deur die ANC as politieke bevrydingsbeweging. Die ANC het gebruik gemaak van gewelddadige (harde of direkte) sowel as nie-geweldadige (sagte of indirekte) intimidasie om mense, ongeag hulle etniese aanhorigheid, te dwing om die beweging se oogmerke aktief te ondersteun om politieke verandering te weeg te bring. As dee! van die strategie om deur intimidasie mense tot deelname aan massa-aksies soos optogte, betogings en massa-vergaderings te dwing, het die ANC gebruik gemaak van bepaalde kultuur verskynsels en -komponente wat eie is aan die lewensbeskouinge en lewenswyse van Bantoe-sprekendes. Kultuurkomponente wat suksesvol benut is deur die leiers en lede van bevrydingsbewegings omvat, onder andere verskynsels soos kommunaliteit, groep solidariteit, die regspraak, liedere en danse. Hierdie kultuurkomponente en verskynsels is verander en aangepas om ten eerste eenheid en deelname te bewerkstellig en te verseker en uiteindelik om die hoofdoelwit van politieke bevryding te bereik.
Anthropology and Archaeology
M.A. (Anthropology)