Tesis sobre el tema "Italian Communist Party"
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Fantoni, Gianluca. "Red screens : the cinematographic production of the Italian Communist Party". Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2013. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=25628.
Texto completoGoÌmez, GutieÌrrez Juan JoseÌ. "Italian Communist Party cultural policies during the post-war period 1944-1951". Thesis, Open University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270093.
Texto completoEdwards, Phil. "Struggling to protest : the Italian Communist party and the protest cycle, 1972-77". Thesis, University of Salford, 2005. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/26647/.
Texto completoAmmirato, Piero. "From resistance to the historic compromise : the evolution of the Italian Communist Party /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ara519.pdf.
Texto completoManente, Aurelio. "The evolution of the Italian Communist Party : the search for a new identity". Thesis, University of Kent, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267402.
Texto completoTravis, D. J. "Communism in Modena : The development of the PCI in historical context (1943-1952)". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354350.
Texto completoCharalambous, George. "The Europeanisation of the Greek, Cypriot and Italian communist parties : A comparative study in party tactics". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499884.
Texto completoBehan, Thomas. "The Italian Communist Party and industrial workers in the Porta Romana area of Milan, 1943-1948". Thesis, University of Reading, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.293554.
Texto completoKennedy, Claire y n/a. "The Transformation of the Democratic Party in Italy 1989-2000: A Case Sudy in Venice". Griffith University. School of Arts, Media and Culture, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070208.095410.
Texto completoKennedy, Claire. "The Transformation of the Democratic Party in Italy 1989-2000: A Case Sudy in Venice". Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367283.
Texto completoThesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Arts, Media and Culture
Full Text
Mazzolini, Samuele. "Populism and hegemony in Ernesto Laclau : theory and strategy in the Italian Communist Party and the Ecuadorian Citizens' Revolution". Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22783/.
Texto completoPerfetti, Guglielmo. "Absolute beginners of the 'Belpaese' : Italian youth culture and the Communist Party in the years of the economic boom". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/9132/.
Texto completoMaia, Rodrigo Ismael Francisco [UNESP]. "Crise da esquerda comunista: políticas do PCI e do PCP sobre a união europeia". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/132429.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Questa dissertazione ha lo scopo di capire le relazione tra il Partito Comunista Italiano(PCI) e il Partito Comunista Portoghese (PCP) rispetto il processo di integrazione europeo che si è concluso con l'Unione Europea (UE), rilevando la connessione fra politica interna e estera nelle strategie dei partiti. In Italia e Portogallo, lo stabilimento della democrazia faceva parte della strategia dei due PC, i quali avevano ampie basi nelle classi lavoratrici. La tenuta della autoorganizzazione delle classi lavoratrici e la fine dei processi di agitazione sociale portarono alla normalità democratica e alla internazionalizzazione economica, liberale. Il PCI, promuovendo la sua particolare via italiana al socialismo, ha collaborato con la formazione della Comunità Economica Europea (CEE), il PCP che inizialmente la rifiutava, ha iniziato a prenderla come fonte di benefici in difesa dalla democrazia. Lo sviluppo sociale della CEE è stato disuguale e combinato, grazie al quale i paesi sono diventati parte del mercato comune mentre la frammentazione devastava il mondo del lavoro. L'isolamento è stata una prima sconfitta per i due PC nei governi nazionali, e un'altra è stata la impossibilità di andare avanti con la strategia delle riforme in direzione al socialismo. Al fallimento pratico e ideologico si è aggiunto quello politico al momento della conclusione della UE e della crisi finale della sinistra comunista internazionale, quando il PCI ha deciso per lo scioglimento e il PCP per la continuità ortodossa.
Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de compreender as relações entre o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Comunista Português (PCP) a respeito do processo de integração europeu que culminou na União Europeia (EU), destacando a conexão entre a política interna e externa nas estratégias dos partidos. Na Itália e em Portugal, a instauração do regime democrático fazia parte da estratégia dos dois PCs, os quais possuíam amplas bases nas classes trabalhadoras. O estancamento das auto-organizações das classes trabalhadoras e o fim dos processos de efervescência social levaram à normalidade democrática e à internacionalização das economias, liberalizando-as. O PCI, promovendo sua particular via italiana ao socialismo, colaborou com a formação da Comunidade Econômica Europeia (CEE), o PCP que inicialmente a recusava, passou a tomá-la como fonte de benefícios em defesa da democracia. O desenvolvimento social da CEE foi desigual e combinado, no qual os países passaram a fazer parte do mercado comum ao mesmo tempo em que a fragmentação assolava o mundo do trabalho. O isolamento foi uma primeira derrota dos dois PCs nos governos nacionais, e a outra foi a impossibilidade de avançar com a estratégia de reformas rumo ao socialismo. À falência prática e ideológica se somou a política no limiar da efetivação da UE e diante da crise terminal da esquerda comunista internacional, quando o PCI decidiu pelo desmanche e o PCP pelo prosseguimento ortodoxo.
This thesis aims to understand the relationships between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) about the European integration process which culminated in the EU, highlighting the connection between domestic and foreign policy in strategies of the parties. In Italy and Portugal, the establishment of the democratic system was part of the strategy of the two PCs, which had broad-based in the working class. The stagnation of the selforganization of the working classes and the end of social unrest processes have led to democratic normality and the internationalization of economies, liberalizing them. The PCI, promoting their particular Italian via to socialism, collaborated with the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), the PCP that initially refused, began to take it as a source of benefits in defense of democracy. The EEC's social development was uneven and combined, in which countries became part of the common market at the same time the fragmentation ravaged the world of work. The isolation was a first defeat of the two PCs in national governments, and the other was the impossibility to move forward with the strategy of reforms toward socialism. To the practical and ideological failure was joined the politics at the threshold of execution of the EU, in front of the terminal crisis of the international communist left, when the PCI decided for dismantle and the PCP to the orthodox continuation.
Maia, Rodrigo Ismael Francisco. "Crise da esquerda comunista : políticas do PCI e do PCP sobre a união europeia /". Marília, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/132429.
Texto completoAbstract: This thesis aims to understand the relationships between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) about the European integration process which culminated in the EU, highlighting the connection between domestic and foreign policy in strategies of the parties. In Italy and Portugal, the establishment of the democratic system was part of the strategy of the two PCs, which had broad-based in the working class. The stagnation of the selforganization of the working classes and the end of social unrest processes have led to democratic normality and the internationalization of economies, liberalizing them. The PCI, promoting their particular Italian via to socialism, collaborated with the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), the PCP that initially refused, began to take it as a source of benefits in defense of democracy. The EEC's social development was uneven and combined, in which countries became part of the common market at the same time the fragmentation ravaged the world of work. The isolation was a first defeat of the two PCs in national governments, and the other was the impossibility to move forward with the strategy of reforms toward socialism. To the practical and ideological failure was joined the politics at the threshold of execution of the EU, in front of the terminal crisis of the international communist left, when the PCI decided for dismantle and the PCP to the orthodox continuation.
Astratto: Questa dissertazione ha lo scopo di capire le relazione tra il Partito Comunista Italiano(PCI) e il Partito Comunista Portoghese (PCP) rispetto il processo di integrazione europeo che si è concluso con l'Unione Europea (UE), rilevando la connessione fra politica interna e estera nelle strategie dei partiti. In Italia e Portogallo, lo stabilimento della democrazia faceva parte della strategia dei due PC, i quali avevano ampie basi nelle classi lavoratrici. La tenuta della autoorganizzazione delle classi lavoratrici e la fine dei processi di agitazione sociale portarono alla normalità democratica e alla internazionalizzazione economica, liberale. Il PCI, promuovendo la sua particolare via italiana al socialismo, ha collaborato con la formazione della Comunità Economica Europea (CEE), il PCP che inizialmente la rifiutava, ha iniziato a prenderla come fonte di benefici in difesa dalla democrazia. Lo sviluppo sociale della CEE è stato disuguale e combinato, grazie al quale i paesi sono diventati parte del mercato comune mentre la frammentazione devastava il mondo del lavoro. L'isolamento è stata una prima sconfitta per i due PC nei governi nazionali, e un'altra è stata la impossibilità di andare avanti con la strategia delle riforme in direzione al socialismo. Al fallimento pratico e ideologico si è aggiunto quello politico al momento della conclusione della UE e della crisi finale della sinistra comunista internazionale, quando il PCI ha deciso per lo scioglimento e il PCP per la
Resumo: Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de compreender as relações entre o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Comunista Português (PCP) a respeito do processo de integração europeu que culminou na União Europeia (EU), destacando a conexão entre a política interna e externa nas estratégias dos partidos. Na Itália e em Portugal, a instauração do regime democrático fazia parte da estratégia dos dois PCs, os quais possuíam amplas bases nas classes trabalhadoras. O estancamento das auto-organizações das classes trabalhadoras e o fim dos processos de efervescência social levaram à normalidade democrática e à internacionalização das economias, liberalizando-as. O PCI, promovendo sua particular via italiana ao socialismo, colaborou com a formação da Comunidade Econômica Europeia (CEE), o PCP que inicialmente a recusava, passou a tomá-la como fonte de benefícios em defesa da democracia. O desenvolvimento social da CEE foi desigual e combinado, no qual os países passaram a fazer parte do mercado comum ao mesmo tempo em que a fragmentação assolava o mundo do trabalho. O isolamento foi uma primeira derrota dos dois PCs nos governos nacionais, e a outra foi a impossibilidade de avançar com a estratégia de reformas rumo ao socialismo. À falência prática e ideológica se somou a política no limiar da efetivação da UE e diante da crise terminal da esquerda comunista internacional, quando o PCI decidiu pelo desmanche e o PCP pelo prosseguimento ortodoxo.
Mestre
Haig, Fiona. "Reactions to the Soviet interventions in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, amongst French and Italian Communist Party members in the shipbuilding towns of La Seyne and Monfalcone". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2011. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/reactions-to-the-soviet-interventions-in-the-hungarian-revolution-of-1956-amongst-french-and-italian-communist-party-members-in-the-shipbuilding-towns-of-la-seyne-and-monfalcone(4474b879-de77-4cd9-acce-1b92e6d6ad11).html.
Texto completoBernardinis, Silvia de. "O programa econômico dos comunistas na Itália nos governos de unidade nacional (1943-1947)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-03092013-092459/.
Texto completoThis dissertation focuses the analysis on economic policy proposals of the Italian Communist Party from 1943 to 1947. The sample period marks the transition from the Fascist regime to the construction of a democratic republic and represent the only government experience of the party throughout its history. From the debate about capitalism development by the Italian party, the survey tried to identify some of the reasons that led to the failure of his action in national unity governments in a period, on the other hand, that recorded a strong social roots of the party. The survey highlighted mainly the theoretical tool underlying the strategy adopted by the Italian Communists in this period, the \"progressive democracy\" as a privileged instrument to perform the \"italian way to socialism\", an alternative to the revolutionary process of russian 1917 and at the same time different from the tradition of European social democracy. We attempted to detect obstacles and theoretical aporias that such a strategy put in the party´s performance in the government implementation, in particular with regard to the development of two substantial reforms, the agrarian and industrial ones. The research identified in the \"moderantismo\" party\'s the inability to formulate in a marxist theory perspective, but at the same time moving away from Soviet socialism - a clear alternative economic project to keynesian proposals and reform projects type that in the same period other European countries were experiencing.
Naccarella, Pierpaolo. "La « seconde génération » de l'élite dirigeante du Parti communiste italien : entre fascisme, antifascisme et communisme". Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100189.
Texto completoThe members of the ''second generation'' of the ruling elite of the Italian Communist Party (ICP) come together under fascism. During the 1930s they are young intellectuals who belong to ''left-wing fascism''. From the middle of this decade they start to move away from fascism. They will later join the ICP.Between 1944 and 2006 twenty of them publish ''personal texts'' (personal and autobiographical works), in which they explain their political itinerary. In them they claim to be coherent: the main reasons for which they followed fascism are the reasons for their commitment to the ICP.They also write that their support for the Mussolini regime was the result of the fact that they were deceived under fascism which gave them a false impression of itself. The young intellectuals did not adhere to the ''real'' fascism, but a false representation of it. Consequently they had always been antifascists while believing themselves to be fascists.The content of these publications is influenced by the leader of the ICP, Palmiro Togliatti, who uses the ''personal texts'' dating from the 1940s to attract young ex-fascists whom his party needs to form a new ruling class and to win the battle for the conquest of power.These ''personal texts" in turn influence several historians and Italian opinion which, for a long time, accepted their theses without calling them into question, and based their way of representing and describing the political and cultural commitment shown by young intellectuals under fascism on them
Boxhoorn, Abraham. "The cold war and the rift in the governments of national unity : Belgium, France and Italy in the spring of 1947 : a comparison /". Amsterdam : Historisch seminarium van de Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb366730321.
Texto completoPlon, Laurence. "Les relations entre le parti communicte et le cinéma en Italie de 1945 à 1980". Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010528.
Texto completoThe history of Italian cinema, in the wake of the second world war, was intimately linked to italy's political scene. This close relationship is the result of the political commitment of Italy's neo-realistic cinema to resistance to fascism during the war. In the years following the war, italian cinema maintained close connections to the emerging political arena, expressing views on italian society in its entirety. As a result, gaining control over the movie industry became a major political stake for the successive christian-democrat governments. The difficult political and social context, however, favoured a rapprochement between the major left wing parties, including the italian communist party, and italian cinema. Italian cinema was thrusted into the epicentre of the political debates that have troubled the country in the following decades. Italian cinema has been the witness, and the actor, of some of the most prominent episodes of italian history: the political and social struggles of the 1950s, the economic expansion of the 1960s, and the moral crisis that has been described as the "years of lead". This latter period has been marked by "black" terrorism and "red" terrorism that occurred during the rampant economic crisis of the 1980s
Lambert, Serge. "Tradition révolutionnaire et "Nouveau Parti" communiste en Italie, 1942-1945". Lille 3 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375948754.
Texto completoDi, Stefano Lorenzo. "Il Pcf in Corsica e il Pci in Sardegna, 1920-1991 : insediamento territoriale, storia elettorale, identità insulare". Thesis, Corte, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022CORT0001.
Texto completoThe history of the Italian Communist Party (Pci) in Sardinia, from its foundation in 1921 to its dissolution in 1991, has not yet been written. The thesis aims to fill this gap, while adding a new aspect: its intertwining with the history of the French Communist Party (Pcf) in Corsica. The study, structured in three periods corresponding to the great historical ruptures (1920-1943; 1944-1962; 1963-1991), focuses on three aspects: territorial implantation, electoral history and island identity. The first part is characterized by the weakness of the two political organizations. The Resistance marked a turning point, especially for the Corsican Party, which was at its militant and electoral peak between 1945 and 1947, but which, from 1947 onwards, began its decline. The decline was due to the consequences of the Cold War, the emigration of the party’s cadres, the Party’s agenda on decolonization and particularly because of the war in Algeria. The erosion stabilized after 1958, with the participation of Corsican communists in the main revendication movements.The Italian Communist Party in Sardinia increased its influence following the choice of an autonomist political line in 1947. The Sardinian Communist Party, led by the regional secretary Velio Spano (1947-1957), then by Renzo Laconi (1957-1963), reached its membership peak in 1954.From the 1960s onwards, the two islands went through a phase characterized by urbanization, depopulation of the inland, a rapid demographic growth and uneven economic development, based on intensive agriculture and mass tourism in Corsica, and on the creation of industrial poles in the petrochemical sector in Sardinia. During this phase (1962-1991), the Corsican Communist Party maintained its influence through the municipal establishment in the red bastions of the island. From 1959 to 2001, there was a communist mayor in Sartène, while in Bastia, from 1968 to 2014, the communists occupied the seat of the first deputy mayor with a mayor belonging to the Radical party. At the same time in Sardinia, the Communist Party was at its electoral peak, during the period of Enrico Berlinguer’s national secretariat, between the mid-1970s and the mid-1980s. During the 1976 elections, the Sardinian Communist Party received 35.54% of the vote, while the Corsican Communist Party only scored 16.20% of the vote during the 1978 legislative elections. Moreover, the Sardinian communists participated in the regional executive committee from 1980 to 1982, and from 1984 to 1989. It should be noted, however, that while the autonomous region of Sardinia was established in 1948, the first special status for Corsica was only approved in 1982. In this sense, the common programme of the communists and socialists in 1972 marked a change of agenda within the French Communist Party. Félix Damette, a French theorist of the strategy of self-management socialism, encouraged the development in the island of the law that favors a democratic regional power. The Fédération de la Corse-du-Sud, born in 1976, was more receptive to change than the Fédération de la Haute-Corse, which remained more centralist.As regards island identity, from 1947 to 1991, the Sardinian Communist Party was committed to the implementing and updating the autonomist political agenda. In Corsica, the Party was more attentive to the island’s slogans and symbols used in political communication and, in the 1980s, the organization played an important role in the formalization of the regional language and culture, thanks to the commitment of Biancarelli, Bungelmi and Marcellesi
Francescangeli, Eros. "La sinistra rivoluzionaria in Italia. Politica e organizzazione (1943-1978)". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3425284.
Texto completoQuesta ricerca analizza quella peculiare area politica che negli anni settanta si rappresentò, e in genere venne rappresentata, come «sinistra rivoluzionaria», alternativa a quella definita «ufficiale», «tradizionale» o «storica» (Partito comunista italiano e Partito socialista italiano). La ricerca, tuttavia, abbraccia un arco temporale relativamente ampio della storia politico-sociale italiana e del movimento operaio italiano e internazionale. Partendo dal dissidentismo anarchico e social-comunista (trockisti, bordighisti, sinistra socialista, ecc.), che si manifesta a partire dal 1943-1944, si arriva alle organizzazioni rivoluzionarie degli anni sessanta e settanta: marxisti-leninisti e operaisti. Dallo studio incrociato delle fonti è emerso come il rapporto tra il Sessantotto e la militanza politica nei gruppi della sinistra rivoluzionaria pre e post-sessantottina fosse caratterizzato sia da elementi di continuità-omogeneità sia da elementi di rottura-eterogeneità. In ogni caso, i primi sembrano sopravanzare i secondi
Cirefice, Virgile. "Cultures et imaginaires politiques socialistes en France et en Italie (1944-1949)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080085.
Texto completoIn the perspective of a cultural studies approach to political history, this research questions the diversity of socialist cultures and their shared representations at the end of the Second World War. French and Italian socialists, who had been united by a long-standing alliance before the Liberation, progressively tore each other apart because of different strategic choices in the early stages of the Cold War. Drawing on the local study of six federations, the purpose of this work is to highlight the diversity of their world views and the rituals that shape them, their various relationships to time – past and future – as well as their understanding of what constitutes a legitimate political action.This study shows the struggle to generate a renewed democratic life at the local level and the role played by both parties in this matter. Through the relationships between the different movements of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), it is possible to better understand the debates that run through European socialism at the Liberation and at the onset of the Cold War. This research also allows an in-depth study on political violence, its justification and the shapes it can take on, especially when tensions flared up in 1947 and 1948. At this critical time, opponents were often undermined by the other side which portrayed them as the enemy, in an effort to delegitimize them. More generally, it is a reflection on the methods of political history, aiming to further include cultural issues, in a broad meaning of the term and relying on a wide range of material and sources (sound archives, multimedia, press cartoons, activist testimonies, among others)
Bergaglio, Cecilia. "Identités et stratégies politiques du PCI et du PCF : une comparaison entre le Triangolo Industriale en italie et la région industrielle du Rhônes - Alpes en France". Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAL029.
Texto completoThe aim of the research project is the attempt to answer some basic questions about the identity of the Italian and French Communist parties, considered as complex and dynamic political subjects.The first step was to select two case studies, one in Italy and one in France, as places where to observe and deal with the most meaningful themes linked to the identity, the strategies and the political communist cultures.As far as Italy is concerned, I chose the so-called Triangolo Industriale. It represents a macro-area with economic and social common features and where the Pci played an important role, different from the other sub- cultural areas of Italy in the second post-war period.I realized that the Rhône-Alpes had the economic, social, geographical and anthropic features approaching it to the Triangolo Industriale, with which also as a geographical proximity.Going deeper into the social and the economic texture of the three most important cities – Grenoble, Lyon, Saint Étienne - I discovered that they have the same mixture of “ingredients” compared to Milan, Turin and Genua: well-rooted industrial vocation, heterogeneous society, a good balance among the political forces, local communist Federations able to mark the identity, the history and the cultural of their members and the electors.The research has as starting point the year 1946. Natural chronological caesura but overcome by the memories of the militants and political leaders, which date back until the previous period to the birth of the party.It is a long and complex process lasting until 1976 for Italy and 1978 for France. These dates are extremely representative for both communist parties because they constitute the apogee moment, before the beginning of the decline. Two events characterize this moment: the failed “sorpasso” in Italy and the electoral defeat in France. It is a crucial point implying a radical change also in our two micro-cosmos.The sources used in this research can be divided in three groups: the first group is represented by the statistic data about militants and political local structures. The second is represented by the official documents of the internal party debates, useful to reconstruct the political strategies pursued in every territory.The third and last source is the one that has struck me more for the infinite interpretative possibilities and for the passage from the quantitative to the qualitative level. They are the biographies written by the communist leaders at the moment of their adhesion to the party or when they attended the political schools of the party.STAR
WANG, SHU-JUAN y 王淑娟. "A study of the Italian communist party: development and degeneration". Thesis, 1992. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/25881317649273112872.
Texto completoZIVKOVIC, BOGDAN. "Yugoslavia and Eurocommunism. Yugoslavia and the Italian Communist Party in the Sixties and Seventies". Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1467937.
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