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1
Coppa, Frank J. y Gian Carlo Jocteau. "L'armonia Perturbata: Classi Dirigenti e Percezione degli Scioperi nell' Italia Liberale." American Historical Review 95, n.º 4 (octubre de 1990): 1240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163620.
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Sandí Morales, José Aurelio. "La Santa Sede in Costa Rica 1870-1936". Revista de Estudios Históricos de la Masonería Latinoamericana y Caribeña 12, n.º 1-2 (1 de julio de 2020): 319–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rehmlac.v12i1-2.41636.
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El investigador José Aurelio Sandí Morales ha defendido una Tesis doctoral, cuyo título es: “La Santa Sede in Costa Rica 1870-1936. Il rapporto politico-religioso e diplomatico tra il governo del Costa Rica, la gerarchia cattolica del Paese e la Santa Sede nel periodo liberale costaricano”, en la Universidad Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa en Italia, el 24 de enero de 2018. José Aurelio Sandí Morales nació en 1984 en Costa Rica.
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Coco, Vittorio. "La polizia in Italia. Una storia complessa". SOCIETÀ E STORIA, n.º 173 (noviembre de 2021): 556–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2021-173009.
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I sette contributi che compongono il dossier sono l'esito di un seminario tenutosi presso l'Università degli studi di Milano nell'ambito delle attività del Cepoc (Centro per lo studio delle polizie e del controllo del territorio). In quella occasione si sono discussi quattro volumi di recente pubblicazione (editi tra 2018 e 2019) aventi per oggetto diversi aspetti di storia delle polizie in Italia in età contemporanea, con la partecipazione sia degli autori e curatori dei volumi, sia di studiosi della materia. Ne esce un quadro articolato e problematizzato degli indirizzi secondo i quali in Italia si va consolidando una storiografia dedicata a questi temi, sin qui relativamente trascurati con riferimento all'età contemporanea. Nello stesso tempo si offrono numerosi gli spunti, anche in chiave utili a stimolare nuove linee di ricerca. In questo contributo l'autore discute in particolare i volumi di Michele Di Giorgio, Per una polizia nuova. Il movimento per la riforma della Pubblica Sicurezza (1969-1981), e di Laura Di Fabio, Due democrazie, una sorveglianza comune. Italia e Repubblica Federale Tedesca nella lotta al terrorismo interno e internazionale (1967-1986), nonché Salvatore Ottolenghi, Una cultura professionale per la polizia dell'Italia liberale e fascista. Antologia degli scritti (1883-1934), a cura di Nicola Labanca e Michele Di Giorgio.
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Di Amato, Annamaria. "Dallo Stato liberale allo Stato fascista: la progressiva trasformazione della rappresentanza politica tra antiparlamentarismo e corporativismo". Ciencia Nueva. Revista de Historia y Política 2, n.º 2 (23 de noviembre de 2018): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22517/25392662.18701.
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En Italia, a finales de la primera guerra mundial, la Cámara electiva estuvo afectada por una profunda transformación debida a la reforma electoral de 1919 y a la consiguiente entrada de los partidos de masas en los equilibrios político-institucionales. La clase dirigente liberal, tradicionalmente acostumbrada a la circunscripción uninominal, quedó perjudicada y totalmente desplazada a la hora de constituir los gobiernos. En esos trances, gracias también a la fusión del movimiento de los Fasci di combattimento con el Partido nacionalista, Mussolini logró granjearse cierta confianza en el ámbito político de los liberales que llamaríamos “históricos” tanto de derecha como de izquierda, y sobre todo por parte del Soberano. La alimentada ambigüedad en algunas cuestiones constitucionales –sobre todo en la primera fase de su gobierno– le permitieron construir sin oposiciones un régimen político que, rápidamente, desembocó en el autoritarismo en particular tras la primera reforma electoral y el delito Matteotti. El Parlamento –sobre todo la Cámara electiva– fue el órgano más afectado por las reformas electorales fascistas (1924, 1928, 1939), que lo cambiaron completamente, introduciendo una nueva forma de representación política, el corporativismo, que reemplazaba la representación individual, alterando la naturaleza profunda del Estado liberal.
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Di Figlia, Matteo. "Gli ebrei in Italia, il dibattito su Israele e la questione ebraica. Quattro riflessioni recenti". ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, n.º 298 (junio de 2022): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2022-298013.
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La storia degli ebrei nell'Italia contemporanea è stata molto discussa dalla recente storiografia. In questa nota si prendono in esame quattro libri pubblicati tra il 2018 e il 2020 che affrontano il tema da prospettive differenti come il ruolo politico degli ebrei nell'Italia liberale e negli anni della grande guerra, la storia delle persecuzioni in età fascista, il problematico avvento della Repubblica, la raffigurazione degli ebrei e di Israele nelle sinistre italiane e la più generale percezione di Israele nel mondo politico e culturale italiano.
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Stanco, Gianfranco. "Le prospettive del policentrismo in Italia – Radici e costruzioni identitarie tra storiografia e dottrina giuridica". A&C - Revista de Direito Administrativo & Constitucional 12, n.º 49 (16 de julio de 2012): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21056/aec.v12i49.169.
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Lo Stato italiano è stato fondato nell’Ottocento secondo un modello di dominio del territorio centralizzato e gerarchizzato, sacrificando le aspettative municipalistiche e federalistiche emerse durante il Risorgimento. L’autore indaga sui fattori che hanno determinato lo sviluppo accentrato dell’amministrazione pubblica nello Stato liberale e nello Stato autoritario fascista e sui tentativi della scienza giuridico-amministrativa di proporre moduli di organizzazione in linea orizzontale. La ricerca, utilizzando un approccio storico-comparativo, ricostruisce le linee del conflitto tra monismo e pluralismo giuridico nei secoli XIX-XX ed individua i percorsi evolutivi del policentrismo italiano nell’ordinamento costituzionale.
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Mori, Simona. "Polizia e società italiana fra Otto e Novecento: spunti da alcuni studi recenti". SOCIETÀ E STORIA, n.º 173 (noviembre de 2021): 575–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2021-173011.
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I sette contributi che compongono il dossier sono l'esito di un seminario tenutosi presso l'Università degli studi di Milano nell'ambito delle attività del Cepoc (Centro per lo studio delle polizie e del controllo del territorio). In quella occasione si sono discussi quattro volumi di recente pubblicazione (editi tra 2018 e 2019) aventi per oggetto diversi aspetti di storia delle polizie in Italia in età contemporanea, con la partecipazione sia degli autori e curatori dei volumi, sia di studiosi della materia. Ne esce un quadro articolato e problematizzato degli indirizzi secondo i quali in Italia si va consolidando una storiografia dedicata a questi temi, sin qui relativamente trascurati con riferimento all'età contemporanea. Nello stesso tempo si offrono numerosi gli spunti, anche in chiave utili a stimolare nuove linee di ricerca. In questo contributo l'autrice discute i volumi di Michele Di Giorgio, Per una polizia nuova. Il movimento per la riforma della Pubblica Sicurezza (1969-1981), e di Laura Di Fabio, Due democrazie, una sorveglianza comune. Italia e Repubblica Federale Tedesca nella lotta al terrorismo interno e internazionale (1967-1986), nonché Salvatore Ottolenghi, Una cultura professionale per la polizia dell'Italia liberale e fascista. Antologia degli scritti (1883-1934), a cura di Nicola Labanca e Michele Di Giorgio, e Dura lex sed lex. Storia e rappresentazione della Polizia di Stato dal 1852 alla Riforma del 1981, a cura di Raffaele Camposano e Fabio Santilli.
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Cornelli, Roberto. "Spunti dalla storia per una teoria della polizia". SOCIETÀ E STORIA, n.º 173 (noviembre de 2021): 565–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2021-173010.
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I sette contributi che compongono il dossier sono l'esito di un seminario tenutosi presso l'Università degli studi di Milano nell'ambito delle attività del Cepoc (Centro per lo studio delle polizie e del controllo del territorio). In quella occasione si sono discussi quattro volumi di recente pubblicazione (editi tra il 2018 e il 2019) aventi per oggetto diversi aspetti di storia delle polizie in Italia in età contemporanea, con la partecipazione sia degli autori e curatori dei volumi, sia di studiosi della materia. Ne esce un quadro articolato e problematizzato degli indirizzi secondo i quali in Italia si va consolidando una storiografia dedicata a questi temi, sin qui relativamente trascurati con riferimento all'età contemporanea. Nello stesso tempo si offrono numerosi gli spunti, anche in chiave interdisciplinare, utili a stimolare nuove linee di ricerca. In questo contributo l'autore discute i volumi di Michele Di Giorgio, Per una polizia nuova. Il movimento per la riforma della Pubblica Sicurezza (1969-1981), e di Laura Di Fabio, Due democrazie, una sorveglianza comune. Italia e Repubblica Federale Tedesca nella lotta al terrorismo interno e internazionale (1967-1986), nonché Salvatore Ottolenghi, Una cultura professionale per la polizia dell'Italia liberale e fascista. Antologia degli scritti (1883-1934), a cura di Nicola Labanca e Michele Di Giorgio, e Dura lex sed lex. Storia e rappresentazione della Polizia di Stato dal 1852 alla Riforma del 1981, a cura di Raffaele Camposano e Fabio Santilli.
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Teresa Giusti, Maria. "Passi cauti. I rapporti fra Italia liberale e Russia rivoluzionaria, dall'Impresa di Fiume alla vigilia del fascismo". VENTUNESIMO SECOLO, n.º 50 (noviembre de 2022): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/xxi2022-050004.
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Felice, Emanuele. "La norma e l'eccezione: i divari regionali in Italia (1891-2001) attraverso un'analisi shift-share". QA Rivista dell'Associazione Rossi-Doria, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2011): 77–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qu2011-004003.
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La norma e l'eccezione: i divari regionali in Italia (1891-2001) attraverso un'analisi shift-share L'articolo analizza le nuove stime del valore aggiunto regionale, per anni benchmark dal 1891 al 2001, con riferimento alla struttura occupazionale e al prodotto per addetto, nell'agricoltura, industria e servizi. Viene stimato l'impatto della distribuzione della forza lavoro e della produttivitŕ per addetto sui divari regionali e, attraverso un'analisi shift-share, vengono misurate le componenti strutturali e locali della crescita, in quattro distinti periodi storici: l'etŕ liberale (1891-1911), gli anni fra le due guerre (1911-1951), il miracolo economico (1951-1971) e i decenni della ristrutturazione post-fordista (1971-2001). Dai risultati, emergono importanti spunti di riflessione sul «modello» italiano di disuguaglianza regionale nel lungo periodo, che sembra differenziarsi soprattutto per il percorso del Mezzogiorno, la cui convergenza durante il miracolo economico si č interrotta negli ultimi decenni.
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Colombo, Maddalena. "I giovani migranti nelle scuole italiane: percorsi formativi, disuguaglianze, risorse". REMHU : Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana 22, n.º 42 (junio de 2014): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1980-85852014000100010.
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Nel 2013 la presenza di minori stranieri in Italia ha raggiunto quote numeriche importanti, soprattutto per la presenza di seconde generazioni (44%). Famiglie e giovani stranieri puntano sull'istruzione anche a compensazione di diritti sociali che sentono negati (ius sanguinis); i livelli formativi degli immigrati stanno aumentando gradatamente, ma si segnalano alcune criticità: a) la persistenza di un gap negativo tra i risultati scolastici degli alunni di nazionalità italiana e straniera; b) in certi istituti la maggiore visibilità delle diverse provenienze etniche in alcune aree sembra provocare disagi nelle interazioni tra autoctoni e immigrati; c) in alcune sezioni scolastiche ad elevata incidenza di stranieri, la concentrazione di problematiche sociali mette in allarme la concezione anti-discriminatoria e liberale della scuola. Tuttavia anche in tali sezioni ci sono risorse educative che non vanno sottovalutate.
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BIAGINI, EUGENIO. "Italia liberale e protestanti. By Giorgio Spini. (Studi storici.) Pp. 423+32 black-and-white plates. Turin: Claudiana, 2002. €29.50 (paper). 88 7016 390 3". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, n.º 2 (abril de 2004): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904240787.
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Colao, Floriana. "La sovranità della Chiesa cattolica e lo Stato sovrano. Un campo di tensione dalla crisi dello Stato liberale ai Patti Lateranensi, con un epilogo nell'articolo 7 primo comma della Costituzione". Italian Review of Legal History, n.º 8 (21 de diciembre de 2022): 257–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2464-8914/19255.
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Il saggio ricostruisce la genesi della ‘Premessa’ al Trattato del Laterano del 1929, in cui le Due Alte Parti – governo italiano e Santa Sede, con le firme di Mussolini e del cardinale Gasparri – garantirono alla Chiesa «una sovranità indiscutibile pur nel campo internazionale». Da qui la «necessità di costituire, con particolari modalità, la Città del Vaticano […] con giurisdizione sovrana della Santa Sede», e l’art. 2, «l’Italia riconosce la sovranità della Santa Sede nel campo internazionale come attributo inerente alla sua natura, in conformità alla sua tradizione ed alle esigenze della sua missione». Il saggio considera che i giuristi – Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, che, da presidente del Consiglio nel maggio giugno 1919 tentò una trattativa con la Santa Sede per la risoluzione della Questione romana, e Amedeo Giannini, che tra i primi suggerì a Mussolini un «nuovo codice della legislazione ecclesiastica» – legarono la Conciliazione alla crisi dello Stato liberale ed al «regime diverso», insediatosi in Italia il 28 Ottobre 1922. Il saggio considera che già nel 1925 il guardasigilli Alfredo Rocco coglieva nelle ‘due sovranità’ una pietra d’inciampo nella costruzione dello Stato totalitario, anche se dichiarava di dover abbandonare l’«agnostico disinteresse del vecchio dottrinarismo liberale». Il saggio considera che Rocco rimase ai margini delle trattative con la Santa Sede, dal momento che metteva in guardia dal riconoscimento del «Pontefice sovrano, soggetto di diritto internazionale», e da «un altro Stato nello Stato», principio su cui convergevano giuristi quali Ruffini, Scaduto, Schiappoli, Orlando. Le trattative segrete furono affidate a Domenico Barone – consigliere di Stato, fiduciario del Duce – e Francesco Pacelli, avvocato concistoriale e fiduciario del cardinal Gasparri; la sovranità della Chiesa ed un suo ‘Stato’ appariva come la posta in gioco. Il saggio considera che la nascita dello Stato della Città del Vaticano complicava l’‘immagine’ del Regno d’Italia persona giuridica unitaria, ‘costruita’ dalla giuspubblicistica nazionale, difesa anche da Giovanni Gentile sul «Corriere della Sera». Mostra che il fascismo intese riconoscere il cattolicesimo «religione dominante dello Stato» per rafforzare la legge 13 Maggio 1871 n. 214, «sulle guarentigie pontificie e le relazioni fra Stato e Chiesa», che aveva previsto un favor religionis per la Chiesa cattolica. La Conciliazione risalta come l’approdo di un lungo processo storico, che offriva forma giuridica al ruolo che il cattolicesimo aveva e avrebbe rivestito per l’identità italiana; non a caso nel Marzo 1929 Agostino Gemelli celebrava una «nuova Italia riconciliata con la Chiesa e con sè stessa, con la propria storia e la propria bimillenaria civiltà». Il saggio mostra che la sovranità della Chiesa e lo Stato della Città del Vaticano furono molto discusse nel dibattito parlamentare sulla ratifica dei Patti firmati l’11 Febbraio 1929, con i toni duri di Mussolini, che definì la Chiesa «non sovrana e nemmeno libera». Rocco affermò che il «regime fascista» riconosceva «de iure» una sovranità «immutabile de facto»; rispondeva agli «improvvisati e non sinceri zelatori dello Stato sovrano, ma anticlericale», che «lo Stato è fascista, non abbandona parte alcuna della sua sovranità». Jemolo e Del Giudice – estimatori delle « nuove basi del diritto ecclesiastico – colsero il senso di questa «pace armata» tra governo e Santa Sede. Il saggio esamina l’ampio dibattito sulla «natura giuridica» della sovranità della Chiesa e sulla «statualità» dello Stato della Città del Vaticano, tra diritto pubblico, ecclesiastico, internazionale, teoria generale dello Stato. Coglie uno snodo nel pensiero di Santi Romano, indicato da Giuseppe Dossetti alla Costituente come assertore del «principio della pluralità degli ordinamenti giuridici». Il saggio esamina poi il confronto sullo Stato italiano come Stato confessionale, teoria sostenuta da Santi Romano, negata da Francesco Scaduto. Taluni – Calisse, Solmi, Checchini, Schiappoli – guardavano ai Patti Lateranensi come terreno del rafforzamento della sovranità dello Stato; Meacci scriveva di «Stato superconfessionale, cioè al di sopra di tutte le confessioni»; Piola e Del Giudice tematizzavano uno «Stato confessionista». Jemolo – che nel 1927 definiva la «sovranità della Chiesa questione forse insolubile» – affermava che, dopo gli Accordi, «il nostro Stato non sarà classificabile tra i Paesi separatisti, ma tra quelli confessionali». Il saggio esamina poi il dibattito sulla sovranità internazionale della Chiesa – discussa, tra gli altri, da Anzillotti, Diena, Morelli – a proposito della distinzione o unità tra la Santa Sede e lo Stato Città del Vaticano – prosecuzione dello Stato pontificio o «Stato nuovo» – e della titolarità della sovranità. Il saggio si sofferma poi sul dilemma di Ruffini, «ma cos’è precisamente questo Stato», analizzando uno degli ultimi scritti del maestro torinese, il pensiero di Orlando, Jemolo, Giannini, una monografia di Donato Donati e una di Mario Bracci, due dense «Lectures» di Mario Falco sul Vatican city, tenute ad Oxford, Ordinamento giuridico dello Stato della Città del Vaticano di Federico Cammeo, in cui assumeva particolare rilievo la «sovranità, esercitata dal Sommo Pontefice», per l’«importanza speciale» nei «rapporti con l’Italia». Quanto agli ecclesiasticisti, il saggio esamina le prospettive poi sviluppate nell’Assemblea Costituente, uno scritto del giovane Giuseppe Dossetti – docente alla Cattolica – sulla Chiesa come ordinamento giuridico primario, connotato da sovranità ed autonomia assoluta non solo in spiritualibus; le pagine di Jannaccone e D’Avack sulla «convergenza tra potestas ecclesiastica e sovranità dello Stato come coesistenza necessaria della Chiesa e dello Stato e delle relative potestà»; un ‘opuscolo’ di Jemolo «per la pace religiosa in Italia», che nel 1944 poneva la libertà come architrave di nuove relazioni tra Stato e Chiesa. Il saggio conclude il percorso della «parola sovranità» – così Aldo Moro all’Assemblea Costituente – nell’esame del sofferto approdo all’articolo 7 primo comma della Costituzione, con la questione definita da Orlando «zona infiammabile». Sull’‘antico’ statualismo liberale e sul ‘monismo giuridico’ si imponeva il romaniano pluralismo; Dossetti ricordava la «dottrina dell’ultimo trentennio contro la tesi esclusivista della statualità del diritto». Rispondeva alle obiezioni dei Cevolotto, Calamandrei, Croce, Orlando, Nenni, Basso in nome di un «dato storico», «la Chiesa cattolica […] ordinamento originario […] senza alcuna compressione della sovranità dello Stato». Quanto al discusso voto comunista a favore dell’art. 7 in nome della «pace religiosa», Togliatti ricordava anche le Dispense del 1912 di Ruffini – imparate negli anni universitari a Torino – a suo dire ispiratrici della «formulazione Lo Stato e la Chiesa cattolica sono, ciascuno nel proprio ordine, indipendenti e sovrani». Tra continuità giuridiche e discontinuità politiche, il campo di tensione tra ‘le due sovranità’ si è rivelato uno degli elementi costitutivi dell’identità italiana, nel segnare la storia nazionale dei rapporti tra Stato e Chiesa dall’Italia liberale a quella fascista a quella repubblicana, in un prisma di temi-problemi, che ancora oggi ci interroga.
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Dragaš, Konstantin. "Federico Imparato, La „chiave dell' Adriatico“. Antonio Salandra, Gaetano Salvemini, la Puglia e la politica balcanica dell' Italia liberale durante la Grande Guerra (1914–1918), Rubbettino Editore, 2019, 422 pp." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, n.º 31 (12 de noviembre de 2020): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2020.31.286-288.
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Álvarez Alonso, Clara. "Trienio Liberal, Vintismo, Rivoluzione". Historia Constitucional, n.º 23 (14 de septiembre de 2022): 677–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/hc.v0i23.817.
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Recensión de / Review of: Remedios Morán Martín (dir.) Trienio Liberal, vintismo, rivoluzione: 1820-23. España, Portugal e Italia. Thomson Reuters /Aranzadi, 2021, 936 pp. Fecha de envío / Submission date: 7/01/2022Fecha de aceptación / Acceptance date: 14/02/2022
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Vergottini, Giuseppe de. "La Constitución económica italiana : pasado y actualidad". Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, n.º 29 (1 de junio de 2012): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.29.2012.6993.
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Los principios constitucionales en materia económica se desprenden hoy, no solo de la Constitución italiana, sino también y sobre todo de los Tratados europeos. La adhesión de Italia, primero al Tratado CE y más tarde al Tratado UE, ha reclamado en un primer momento nuevas interpretaciones de la constitución económica coherentes con el planteamiento liberal de los Tratados, y ha propiciado a continuación la reforma constitucional de 2001 e incluso posteriormente la formulación de proposiciones legislativas que tutelan el mercado para llegar, en fin, a la expresa mención de la competencia en la Constitución. Pero también los Tratados europeos han sido modificados e interpretados para hacerlos coherentes con los principios constitucionales y, en particular, con los valores sociales.Nowadays economic constitutional principles are not only in the Italian Constitution but also, and specially, in European Treaties. Italian adhesion to the EEC Treaty and then to the UE Treaty has demanded: a new interpretation of economic constitutional rules, due to the liberal conception of European Treaties; then, the 2001 constitutional reform; afterwards, the elaboration of parliament acts in order to protect free markets; and, last, the amendment to include «free competition» in the constitutional text. On the other hand, European Treaties have been reformed and interpretated according to the constitutional order and particularly to the welfare State principle.
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Soler, Abel. "«Major de tots los poetes e oradors»: la condecoració humanística del cavaller Curial". Revista de lenguas y literaturas catalana, gallega y vasca 23 (17 de diciembre de 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rllcgv.vol.23.2018.23226.
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En la novel·la cavalleresca Curial e Güelfa (ca. 1445-1448), anònima i escrita en català, l’autor transforma un cavaller-trobador del segle xiii, Curial, en un cavaller bibliòfil i humanista (orator et poeta): educat «entre los grans philòsofs, poetes e oradors» i estudiós de les ciències liberals, la filosofia moral i la poesia clàssica. Curial —probable alter ego de l’escriptor— visita un Parnàs oníric, on Apol·lo li atorga el títol de «major de tots los poetes e oradors qui vuy son». La somniada coronació serveix d’excusa a l’autor per a fer una defensa de la literatura de ficció i per a proposar als seus oients —cortesans; cavallers, en part— un arquetip imitable de noble o cortigiano amic d’humanistes i amant dels studia humanitatis, d’acord amb els preceptes pedagògics del primer Quattrocento italià. Tot plegat, reforça la idea d’una obra literària escrita a Itàlia i comprensible en context italià.In the chivalric romance Curial e Guelfa (ca. 1445-1448), anonymous and written in Catalan, the author transforms a 13th-century knight-troubadour, Curial, into a bibliophile and humanist knight (orator et poeta): educated «entre los grans philòsofs, poetes e oradors», and scholar of liberal sciences, moral philosophy and classical poetry. Curial —a probable alter ego of the writer— visits a dreamlike Parnassus, where Apollo gives him the title of «major de tots los poetes e oradors qui vuy son». The dreamed coronation serves as an excuse for the author to defend the fitcional literature and to propose to his listeners —courtiers, many of them knights— an archetype of noble or cortigiano worthy of imitation, friend of humanists and lover of the studia humanitatis, in accordance with the pedagogical precepts of the early Italian Quattrocento. All in all, it reinforces the idea of a literary work written in Italy and comprehensible in an Italian context.
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Chiaruttini, Maria Stella. "“Robbery Made the Kingdom of Italy, Misery Will Unmake It”". Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 62, n.º 2 (1 de noviembre de 2021): 369–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2021-0014.
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Abstract This contribution analyses the nineteenth-century debate on one of the most hotly debated topics of Italian history: public debt and taxation. Starting in the 1850s, fiscal policies were weaponised by liberal nationalist elites and their opponents alike to promote their contrary worldviews by arguing over the merits of national unification and a parliamentary system on the basis of their fiscal outcomes. First Piedmont, then unified Italy, were eagerly expected by Catholics and Bourbon legitimists to default on their debts as a result of their moral and fiscal profligacy, while liberals were concerned about popular support for the national cause in a context of rising taxes. Southern Italy in particular was very vocal in denouncing its perceived fiscal mistreatment by the Italian government, an accusation the North rejected by portraying Southerners as unpatriotic tax evaders. Today, these narratives are re-emerging not only in public debates questioning the Risorgimento as the nation’s founding myth but also in the discourse about European integration.
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ISABELLA, MAURIZIO. "CITIZENS OR FAITHFUL? RELIGION AND THE LIBERAL REVOLUTIONS OF THE 1820S IN SOUTHERN EUROPE". Modern Intellectual History 12, n.º 3 (16 de enero de 2015): 555–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431400078x.
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Historians of liberalism have tended to ignore or underplay the contribution of southern Europe. However, in the 1820s this part of the world was at the forefront of the struggle for liberal values. This essay explores the relationship between constitutional culture and religion during the liberal revolutionary wave that affected Portugal, Spain, the Italian peninsula and Greece, by examining parliamentary debates, the revolutionary press, literature targeting the masses, religious sermons and exile writings. It argues that rather than rejecting religion, liberals strove to find an accommodation between their values and revealed truth—they were convinced that no society could survive without religious morality. In this way, they developed a variety of religious attitudes that ranged from deism to forms of crypto-Protestantism without abandoning their established religions. At the same time, although they defended individual rights and freedom of expression against the opposition of the churches, and argued for reformed and enlightened forms of religiosity, most of them considered the religious uniformity of their societies advantageous and even opposed religious toleration.
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Romani, Roberto. "Liberal Theocracy in the Italian Risorgimento". European History Quarterly 44, n.º 4 (23 de septiembre de 2014): 620–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691414546601.
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Natili, Daniele. "Il colonialismo nell'Italia liberale: fronte interno e gruppi di pressione tra storiografia e ricerca". MEMORIA E RICERCA, n.º 29 (marzo de 2009): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2008-029008.
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Which were the social, economical and political groups which promoted the Italian colonialism? Which the characteristics of their action in political and public sphere? These questions delimit the research about the Italian colonial "party" as the subjects and the personalities which promoted the Italian colonial expansion after the Italian unification. From the reasons of the delay of this studies, examining the scientific production of the Seventies, analysing the new tendencies of research, the issue of this article is to give a picture of the actual state of the historiography about this argument.
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DONATI, SABINA. "ITALY'S INFORMAL IMPERIALISM IN TIANJIN DURING THE LIBERAL EPOCH, 1902–1922". Historical Journal 59, n.º 2 (1 de marzo de 2016): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000461.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the notion of ‘informal imperialism’ in East Asia and extends the related historiographical debate to the Italian case-study by focusing on liberal Italy's concession at Tianjin city port from 1902 through 1922. By doing so, it provides a fresh perspective on Italy's sole concession in China as well as offering specific theoretical insights and historical details that have not been sufficiently discussed in the literature pertaining to Italian expansionism in the liberal years. Within the context of an Italian informal imperial structure at its inception, the study carries out an historical investigation by using the economic lens on the one hand, and the political-administrative one on the other. In this way, it advances the current discussion about informal imperialism(s) in Tianjin by surveying issues pertaining not only to Italian trade, finance, and investments in imperial settings but also to foreign self-government and the establishment of an Italian Municipal Council as tools of imperial power relations. Based on a variety of Italian-language historical sources, archival material, and related academic works, the analysis is further enriched with comparisons drawn from the English-language scholarship on the British and the Japanese informal empires.
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Cerasi, Laura. "Anglophilia in crisis: Italian liberals, the ‘English model’ and democracy in the Giolittian era". Modern Italy 7, n.º 1 (mayo de 2002): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940220121816.
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SummaryThe image of England was very important to the political culture of Italian liberals during the Risorgimento and the post-unification period. Even if it was viewed as unreachable, it still constituted an example of progress that Italy could strive towards. This article reconstructs the stages of the process that saw a section of Italian political culture become alienated from this image, just at a time when a more complete form of industrial democracy was becoming eswtablished in Britain. This alienation is interpreted here as having its roots in attitudes to the issues raised by the workers’ movement: Italian liberals were reluctant to give it full legitimacy and engage it on the open terrain of social and political competition. The first two sections of the article go over the traits of Italian Anglophilia up to the end of the nineteenth century and single out the earliest reasons for alienation. The third section identifies the Boer War, the figure of Chamberlain and the cluster of issues linking democracy, imperialism and protectionism as key factors in the change of direction. The fourth section shows that the constitutional conflict in Britain and the Parliament Act were a further, decisive, step in Italian liberals’ disaffection with the ‘English model'.
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Rosta, Miklós y László Tóth. "Is there a demand for autocracies in Europe? Comparing the attitudes of Hungarian and Italian university students toward liberal democratic values inspired by János Kornai". Public Choice 187, n.º 1-2 (15 de febrero de 2021): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-021-00877-y.
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AbstractIn the European Union right-wing and left-wing populist parties are increasingly becoming stronger. Meanwhile in Central and Eastern Europe autocracies are emerging and becoming stabilized. Italy and Hungary are two notable examples of these processes. Italy is the only country in Western Europe where a coalition of purely populist parties won an election, while Hungary has the most mature autocracy in the European Union. By using survey methodology, we examined the preferences of Hungarian and Italian students regarding the values of liberal democracy. We seek answers to the questions whether there are any significant differences between the proportion of Hungarian students and Italian students who identify themselves with the values of liberal democracy and which of these values of liberal democracy they consider to be protected values. Based on our results, we claim that students from both countries are more likely to support liberal democratic values than to support either right-wing or left-wing populist values, even if the distributions of the two groups differ significantly. We found that Italian students adhere more strongly to liberal democratic values, while Hungarians are more open to left-wing and right-wing populism. Our results confirm that in Hungary, because of the values that many people hold, conditions are conducive for establishing a sustainable autocracy, while in Italy, the demand for such a system is much weaker.
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Kiwior-Filo, Małgorzata. "„La bataglia per la libertà” — antyfaszystowska opozycja braci Carlo i Nello Rossellich w latach 1926–1937". Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 39, n.º 1 (8 de septiembre de 2017): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.39.1.6.
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LA BATTAGLIA PER LA LIBERTÀ — THE ANTI-FASCIST OPPOSITION OF THE BROTHERS CARLO AND NELLO ROSSELLI IN 1926–1937 The opposition activities of the Rosselli brothers, brutally killed on 9 June 1937 in Bagnoles-de-l’Orne, France, by the French cagoualards, were rooted in their deep conviction concerning the necessity of fighting for freedom in fascist Italy, fighting that brought together Italian, Jewish and French anti-fascist circles. This was manifested in numerous initiatives and various kinds of opposition activities undertaken by Carlo Rosselli b. 1899 — a writer, economist and politician — and his younger brother Sabatino Enrico b. 1900, known as Nello — a historian and journalist. Their collaboration with the opposition periodicals Noi giovani and Non Mollare, their work in the “L’Italia Libera” society, and, above all, in the social-liberal movement “Giustizia e Libertà”, founded by the Rosellis in August 1929, the political programme of which was based on ideas included in Socialismo liberale published by Carlo, were an attempt to unite all non-communist forces that would be willing to fight together to put an end to the fascist regime. “Giustizia e Libertà” played an important role in sensitising the public, especially outside Italy, to and informing it about the true fascist reality, the image of which was usually distorted by the regime’s propaganda or simply created by it. In Carlo Rosselli’s interpretation, fascism appeared as an anti-freedom and anti-liberal movement, “the most passive product of Italian history”, a manifestation of reaction and not revolution. In an article entitled La lotta per la libertà C. Rosselli concluded that fascism was, in a way, an “autobiography of the nation”. It took root in Italy thanks to some favourable circumstances, among which C. Rosselli listed a lack of moral formation of Italian society and conviction of the masses that they should become involved in political life, but also bias, romantic tastes, petit bourgeois idealism, nationalistic rhetoric, sentimental post-war reaction, and restless desire for “novelty” regardless of what was behind it. Carlo Rosselli saw one of the causes of the “triumph of fascism” in a degeneration of parliamentarism” and “inability to rally society around a constructive programme and create a uniform force” that would be capable of standing up to Mussolini. The contribution of the Rosselli brothers to the fight for freedom — encouragements to become involved, attempts to make people aware of the real problems exposed by fascism in Italian society — is unquestionable. Their intellectual legacy, political engagement and commitment, and anti-fascist opposition certainly deserve to be reflected upon by generations for whom the idea of freedom still remains invaluable.
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Martin, James. "Italian liberal socialism: Anti-fascism and the third way". Journal of Political Ideologies 7, n.º 3 (octubre de 2002): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1356931022000010601.
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Zurita, Rafael. "La política en la Italia liberal a través de la reciente historiografía". Pasado y memoria, n.º 2 (2003): 287–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/pasado2003.2.13.
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Petrizzo, Alessio. "La legittimazione contesa. L'avvento dei parlamenti nell'Italia del 1848". PASSATO E PRESENTE, n.º 86 (julio de 2012): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2012-086004.
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Legitimation contested. The rise of Italian parliaments in 1848. The article examines the language and strategies adopted by different political actors during the institutional transition after the Italian states were granted constitutions in 1848. In particular, it focuses on the attempts of Liberals to obtain legitimacy for the parliaments of Turin, Florence, Rome and Naples, within the context of a weak tradition of constitutional thinking, the ill-concealed hostility of the rulers, and the exclusive voting procedures, and the background of the Italian war of independence.
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Elia, Domenico Francesco Antonio. "L’educazione sportiva dell’élites nell’Italia liberale: il ruolo dell’Istituto nazionale per l’incremento dell’educazione fisica (1906-1923)". Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 8, n.º 1 (10 de junio de 2021): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.279.
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The current research focuses on the development of urban elites in Italy at the beginning of the 20th century. Between 1906 and 1923 the National Institute for the Increase of Physical Education aimed at involving the leading groups of Italian cities in the promotion of physical activities by setting up local Committees. Thus, the goal of this study is to evaluate to what extent the Institute founded by jurist Luigi Lucchini contributed to integrate local élites with the system of sport and gymnastics values promoted at national level by State institutions such as school and army. The research extends to the topic of elites’ education the methodology outlined by Camurri (2009). The author argues that researchers should focus on all those processes that contributed to link central and local political institutions in order to point out bilateral influences existing between the 19th and 20th centuries. According to Camurri, a full understanding of Italian political and social history must analyse a variety of central-local relations. This article investigates the role of the National Institute for the Increase of Physical Education as it emerges from the correspondence between its central offices and local Committees and the magazine of the Institute. The letters analysed have been collected in local Archives, whereas the magazine was published between 1907 and 1912. As a provisional conclusion, the article provides evidence of how important further research on the education processes of Italian elites could be, as stated by Gaudio (2018, p. 9).
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Choate, Mark I. "From territorial to ethnographic colonies and back again: the politics of Italian expansion, 1890–1912". Modern Italy 8, n.º 1 (mayo de 2003): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353294032000074089.
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SummaryFor Italy, unprecedented mass migration in the late nineteenth century overshadowed the European Scramble for Africa. To secure Italy's place in the new imperial order, Francesco Crispi proposed to harness emigration for colonial expansion, by settling Italy's East African colonies with the surplus Italian population. Defeat at Adwa in 1896 shattered Crispi's project, and turned attention to colonial possibilities elsewhere. Luigi Einaudi and other Liberals trumpeted the value of Italian collectivities or colonie across the Atlantic, where Italy exerted only indirect influence. In theory, these ‘spontaneous colonies’ would boost the Italian economy at little expense. Italian colonialist societies turned from Africa to the Americas, working to make Italian migration more prestigious, successful and profitable. After 1908, however, Enrico Corradini and the Italian Nationalists mocked these initiatives, and called upon the Italian state to return to traditional imperialism in Africa.
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Soddu, Francesco. "The Italian parliamentary bureaucracy during the liberal age (nineteenth century)". Parliaments, Estates and Representation 31, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2011): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2011.613171.
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Warwick, Jon, Martin Bush y Sylvia Jennings. "Analysis and Evaluation of Liberal (Free-Choice) Multiple-Choice Tests". Innovation in Teaching and Learning in Information and Computer Sciences 9, n.º 2 (noviembre de 2010): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.11120/ital.2010.09020008.
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Klockars, Alan J. y Gregory R. Hancock. "Scheffé’s More Powerful F-Protected Post Hoc Procedure". Journal of Educational and Behavioral Statistics 25, n.º 1 (marzo de 2000): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/10769986025001013.
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<italic>In 1970 Henry Scheffé proposed a more powerful version of his well known post hoc multiple comparison procedure, only to fail to recommend it by the paper's end. The point of the current paper is to bring this simple modification to a wider audience, complete with an original derivation, in hopes that the method will be embraced by researchers despite its creator's hesitations. Specifically, whereas Scheffé's original (1953) procedure advocates testing any exploratory post hoc contrast or comparison using a critical value assuming </italic>k - <italic>1 between-group degrees of freedom, Scheffé's later modification (1970) will be demonstrated here showing that a more liberal critical value assuming </italic>k - <italic>2 between-group degrees of freedom may be used if an omnibus null hypothesis across all means has been rejected. </italic>
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Pirani, Pietro. "‘The way we were’: the social construction of Italian security policy". Modern Italy 15, n.º 2 (mayo de 2010): 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903573639.
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Italian security policy literature reveals, usually implicitly rather than explicitly, two distinct strains of analysis. One set of explanations, rooted in realist theory, views Italian foreign policy behaviour by reference to its power position. A second set of arguments, rooted in liberalism, assumes that policy-makers are ultimately influenced by domestic institutional factors in deciding foreign policy issues. The purpose of this article is to offer a theoretical contribution to the ongoing debate on continuity and change in Italian foreign policy. While neorealist and liberal theories have been widely used to explain the development of Italian international behaviour, neither approach has yet provided a full explanation of Italian security policy since the end of the Cold War. In contrast to these theories, it is argued that Italy has built its foreign policy on the basis of cultural considerations involving conflicting strategies of action.
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Meriggi, Marco. "Legitimism, liberalism and nationalism: the nature of the relationship between North and South in Italian unification". Modern Italy 19, n.º 1 (febrero de 2014): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2013.871421.
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During the years following national unification, the Mezzogiorno became one of the greatest problems for the Italian government. On the one hand, because of its social and economic backwardness and the loyalty of some sections of the population to the previous illiberal government, it was devalued by the national political and military elite as a part of the large and undeveloped ‘South’ of the world, which was at that time affected by the criticism of ‘orientalistic’ Western discourse. On the other hand, it was also the place where the democratic and progressive opposition to the moderate liberal national rulers was stronger. A transnational and transregional perspective shows how the Mezzogiorno contained two different coexisting nations, a reactionary and a progressive one, which were in mutual conflict and, at the same time, on different grounds, in conflict with the central State. Building the state in the South meant, for the Italian liberal elites, discovering an ambiguous and dangerous periphery of the Nation.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem". Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, n.º 4 (18 de febrero de 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
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ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Parodi, Alessandra. "Imperium und Gesundheit". Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 101, n.º 1 (1 de noviembre de 2021): 496–532. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2021-0017.
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Abstract Libya was a special Italian colony. It was geographically close to Italy and had a similar climate; moreover, it had been part of the Roman Empire, a feature that was equally stressed in the colonial ideology of the liberal and Fascist eras. The aim of this study is to illustrate the role of Italian colonial medicine in Libya from 1911–1912 to the Fascist period. Continuities, resemblances and differences, and the meaning ascribed to the „health“ of the colonizers and the colonized, are investigated using publications by doctors and political writers.
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Milosavljevic, Boris. "Italy in the writings of Slobodan Jovanovic". Balcanica, n.º 53 (2022): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253141m.
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Slobodan Jovanovic made frequent stays in Italy since his earliest childhood, which contributed to his thorough and comprehensive understanding of Italian history, politics, science, culture and arts. His father, Vladimir Jovanovic, maintained close contact with Mazzini, whose liberal nationalism he embraced and followed. Some of their closest family members resided in Rome during the First World War, because Vladimir Jovanovic?s sonin-law, Mihailo Ristic, served as Serbia?s minister to Italy (1914-17). For about half a century Slobodan Jovanovic was an interpreter of Italian political history, of its influence on Serbian and Yugoslav history, and of the work of Italian statesmen and theorists, notably Machiavelli. In the 1930s he taught a doctoral course on Italian public law and corporate system. After the Second World War he lived in exile in London. Some of the works he published there showed that some solutions in the constitution of socialist Yugoslavia, presented as an original invention, had already existed in interwar Italian corporate law.
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Garfinkel, Paul. "A Wide, Invisible Net: Administrative Deportation in Italy, 1863–1871". European History Quarterly 48, n.º 1 (enero de 2018): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417741854.
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This article examines the legal history of domicilio coatto (forced residence), a system of summary police-administered deportation instituted by Italy’s Liberal government soon after national unification in 1861. Introduced in an emergency law in 1863, its limited purpose was to suppress a public-order crisis in the south. Within just eight years, however, forced residence had become a regular institution of Italian criminal justice. Not only did it remain as such until Mussolini’s seizure of power in 1922, but it also provided an important blueprint for confino di polizia, the Fascist variant of forced residence implemented in 1926. Focusing on the complex circumstances in which domicilio coatto emerged, the causes of its rapid transformation into a routine weapon of preventative policing, and the legal ideologies of its proponents, this article aims to explain why Italian legal experts crafted the highly repressive instrument and championed it as an essential, if not desirable, institution of ‘liberal’ criminal justice in the young constitutional monarchy. It argues that domicilio coatto was devised to be not simply an expedient for punishing political opponents, as scholars have long emphasized, but a regular instrument for thwarting what jurists and lawmakers considered to be the principal long-term threat to cementing Liberal rule: common crime. Such an interpretation sheds new light on the origins, objectives and historical significance of forced residence in Liberal Italy; at the same time, it offers a critical complement to the existing scholarship that has focused almost exclusively on the political uses of domicilio coatto.
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Ruiz Mas, José. "Poetry, Constitution and The Liberal Trienium: English, German, Italian, Portuguese and French literary texts on the Spanish Liberal Revolution (1820-1823)". Historia Constitucional, n.º 22 (4 de septiembre de 2021): 1077–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/hc.v0i22.696.
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Recensión de / Review of - Ingrid Cáceres Würsig and Remedios Solano, Kings and peoples German Poetry of the Liberal Triennium. Analysis and Bilingual Annotated Corpus. Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, Colección Aquilafuente nº 273, Salamanca, 2019, 334 pp. - Gabriela Gândara Terenas and Beatriz Peralta García, Tell the Spaniards: Portuguese Poetry of the Liberal Triennium. Analysis and Bilingual Annotated Corpus. Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, Colección Aquilafuente nº 274, Salamanca, 2019, 311 pp. - Cristina Clímaco and Lola Bermúdez Medina, Spain’s Tears: French Poetry of the Liberal Triennium. Analysis and Bilingual Annotated Corpus. Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, Colección Aquilafuente nº 275, Salamanca, 2019, 607 pp. - Vicente González Martín and Mercedes González de Sande, A desired Constitución: Italian Poetry of the Liberal Triennium. Analysis and Bilingual Annotated Corpus. Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, Colección Aquilafuente nº 276, Salamanca, 2019, 605 pp. - Agustín Coletes Blanco and Alicia Laspra Rodríguez, Romantic Land: English Poetry of the Liberal Triennium. Analysis and Bilingual Annotated Corpus. Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, Colección Aquilafuente nº 277, Salamanca, 2019, 476 pp Fecha de envío / Submission date: 23/10/2020 Fecha de aceptación / Acceptance date: 3/01/2021
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Maccaferri, Marzia. "Intellectuals, journals, and the legitimisation of political power: the case of the Italian intellectual group of Il Mulino (1950s and 1960s)". Modern Italy 21, n.º 2 (mayo de 2016): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.6.
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This article explores the intellectual discourse of Il Mulino’s intellectual group in relation to the transformation of Italian politics during the period leading up to the centre-left governments. First, it investigates Il Mulino’s cultural project of overcoming the hegemony of idealism by endorsing the empiricist approach favoured by Anglo-American social sciences, while establishing a new role for intellectuals. Then, it focuses on the group’s political agenda aimed at rationalising Italy’s ‘imperfect two-party system’. We argue that, within the Italian intellectual-political scenario, Il Mulino’s intellectual discourse sought to establish a new relationship between culture and politics. It tried to do so both by anchoring Italian political culture to the liberal- and social-democratic European tradition and by contributing to the stabilisation of Italian democracy, while proposing a reduction in the number of political parties.
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Vogel, G. "ITALIAN SCIENCE: Abstentions Scuttle Drive to Liberalize Italy's Embryo Laws". Science 308, n.º 5729 (17 de junio de 2005): 1722a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.308.5729.1722a.
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Scacchi, Luca, Angelo Benozzo, Domenico Carbone y Maria Grazia Monaci. "Neo-Liberalism in the Italian University: Encroachment and Resistance". Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 17, n.º 3 (23 de septiembre de 2016): 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708616669524.
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Neo-liberalism has spread throughout the world in tandem with globalization. This article attempts to address the way in which neo-liberalism has operated in the Italian university system, an academic context that has its own history, values, and traditions. A brief overview of the consequences of neo-liberalism in Italy is followed by a description of the stages in the neo-liberal university reforms that have characterized the Italian academic world since the end of the 1980s. Finally, three forms of resistance that hinder the process of neo-liberalization and make it non-linear are examined in depth.
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Bosworth, R. J. B. "Venice Between Fascism and International Tourism, 1911–45". Modern Italy 4, n.º 1 (mayo de 1999): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949908454815.
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SummaryThis article uses Venice as a case study of the ‘cultural revolution’ urged by some historians as a feature of the totalitarianizing ambition of the Fascist regime. But Bosworth finds a Venice which, though plainly affected by Fascism, nonetheless preserved much that was its own and much that expressed a continuity with the liberal era before 1922 and the liberal democratic one after 1945. He shows that many of the rhythms of Venetian life moved in ways which were different from those of political history, and argues that such differences ensured that Fascism scarcely instituted an all-controlling and completely alienating totalitarian society, at least in this Italian city.
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Bennetts, Stephen. "‘Undesirable Italians’: prolegomena for a history of the Calabrian ’Ndrangheta in Australia". Modern Italy 21, n.º 1 (febrero de 2016): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2015.5.
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Although Italian mafia scholars have recently been turning their attention to the Calabrian mafia (known as the ’Ndrangheta) diaspora in Australia, their efforts have been limited by conducting research remotely from Italy without the benefit of local knowledge. Australian journalists and crime writers have long played an important role in documenting ’Ndrangheta activities, but have in turn been limited by a lack of expertise in Italian language and culture, and knowledge of the Italian scholarly literature. As previously in the US, Australian scholarly discussion of the phenomenon has been inhibited, especially since the 1970s, by a ‘liberal progressive’ ‘negationist’ discourse, which has led to a virtual silence within the local scholarly literature. This paper seeks to break this silence by bringing the Italian scholarly and Australian journalistic and archival sources into dialogue, and summarising the clear evidence for the presence in Australia since the early 1920s of criminal actors associated with a well-organised criminal secret society structured along lines familiar from the literature on the ’Ndrangheta.
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Sierra Niño, Carlos Saul y László Vladimir Palotás Kelen. "El caso Cerruti (1884–1911): un antecedente de arbitraje internacional de inversión en la historia de Colombia". Acta Hispanica, n.º IV (1 de septiembre de 2022): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2022.0.75-87.
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El caso Cerruti (1885–1911) se origina en una guerra civil, cuando Colombia aún es una federación, pero la contienda confirma a los centralistas (liberales independientes y conservadores) en el poder, al sofocar una rebelión de los liberales radicales. El Estado Soberano del Cauca expropia los bienes del empresario italiano Ernesto Cerruti, acusado de financiar y abastecer a los rebeldes, y los de la sociedad E. Cerruti y Co. son embargados. El Gobierno central, en cambio, califica estas medidas como ilegales y - cediendo a la diplomacia de cañoneras, desplegada por Italia para proteger a Cerruti y lograr su indemnización - acepta dos arbitrajes internacionales. El laudo del presidente estadounidense Cleveland, emitido en 1897, perjudica a Colombia aún más que el dictamen del mediador español Moret, formulado un decenio antes. El sesgo de Cleveland se atribuye a la temprana oposición estadounidense a la Doctrina Calvo. Por largas décadas, el arbitraje internacional queda descartado en Colombia, debido al uso de este escudo jurídico-político de la soberanía económica.
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Falcucci, Beatrice. "Fossili viventi: Prehistoric Archaeology and Colonial Ethnographic Collections in Liberal Italy". ORGANON 54 (14 de diciembre de 2022): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/00786500.org.22.006.16956.
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This article offers a first survey investigating the practice of displaying objects belonging to ancient civilisations of the Italian peninsula alongside those of the peoples living in the African colonies – and beyond – during the end of 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. I will analyse the development of the discipline known in Italy as paletnologia in close connection with the European context and how it was presented in museums through its association with artefacts belonging to the so–called present–day primitives. Finally, the article will conclude by discussing the paradigm shift happening at the time of the Fascist Empire.
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Chiaramonte, Alessandro. "An italic obsession: electoral reforms". Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 83, n.º 1 (28 de julio de 2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9528.
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The history of Italy is plenty of reforms of the electoral system. Many are those implemented since the country’s unification: from the majority system to the limited vote, from proportional representation to the majority premium in the liberal era; and, again, in the Republican era, the return to proportional representation and then the use of mixed systems, combining PR with plurality or majority premium. And many other are the reforms which, discussed and sometimes even approved, as in the case of the italicum, have remained dead letter or never saw the light. What explains this Italic obsession with the electoral systems? Why have their reforms been on the parties’ and governments’ political agenda for so long? The goal of this article is to answer these questions. In the end, electoral reforms have played as instruments of coordination and adaptation in the political strategies pursued by the parties in specific time periods and also as substitute instruments of institutional engineering in the absence of broader agreements on major constitutional reforms.
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Kimlenka, Katsiaryna A. "Pius IX in 1846-1848 - the Liberal Pope?" Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 15, n.º 4 (20 de diciembre de 2021): 526–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2021-4-526-531.
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The paper discusses the first years of the pontificate of Pius IX (1846-1878), when the newly elected head of the Catholic Church was perceived as a “liberal Pope”. On the one hand, in 1846-1848 Pius IX was the Pope who carried out reforms and announced an amnesty. On the other hand, in the same period he criticized rationalism and created censorship commissions. The paper is another attempt to answer the question whether Pius IX was indeed a “liberal” Pope at the beginning of his pontificate. Special attention is given to the Pope’s policy during 1847. It was the time when the Papal States’ population expected the continuation of the reform process. The paper raises the question of Cardinals’ impact on the Pope, as well as on the pace of reform in the Papal States. Another key issue is the response of Pius IX to the revolutionary movement in Italy. The author concludes with the significance of the Pope’s refusal to struggle against Austria for the further development of the process of Italian Unification.
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Virgili, Tommaso. "‘Respect for Religious Feelings’: As the Italian Case Shows, Fresh Paint Can’t Fix the Crumbling Wall of Blasphemy". European Public Law 28, Issue 2 (1 de mayo de 2022): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2022015.
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This article examines the relation between free speech and blasphemy laws and assesses whether the latter may still have a place in secular, liberal democracies. After a theoretical introduction on free speech, its function in a liberal society and the possible grounds for restrictions, the analysis will focus on Italy – prototypical case of a country that has experimented with diverse ways of outlawing blasphemy. The article argues that blasphemy laws, even when wrapped in the new clothes of the ‘protection for religious feelings’, perpetuate a favour toward institutionalized religions that is hardly justifiable today from a constitutional or even logical perspective. The privilege enjoyed by stronger religious denominations, the discrimination between different expressions of individual conscience, the chilling effect on free speech in the name of dogmas – these are all issues of serious concern inextricably linked to blasphemy laws that are intolerable in secular, liberal democratic societies. blasphemy, free speech, freedom of expression, religious feelings, religious sensibilities, freedom of religion, Italy