Literatura académica sobre el tema "Iranian Actor"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Iranian Actor"
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Sharifzadeh, Maryam, Gholam Zamani, Ezatollah Hossein Karami, Davar Khalili y Arthur Tatnall. "The Iranian Wheat Growers’ Climate Information Use". International Journal of Actor-Network Theory and Technological Innovation 4, n.º 4 (octubre de 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jantti.2012100101.
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This research project employed an interdisciplinary attempt to study agricultural climate information use, linking sociology of translation (actor-network theory) and actor analysis premises in a qualitative research design. The research method used case study approaches and purposively selected a sample consisting of wheat growers of the Fars province of Iran, who are known as contact farmers. Concepts from actor-network theory (ANT) have been found to provide a useful perspective on the description and analysis of the cases. The data were analyzed using a combination of an actor-network theory (ANT) framework and the dynamic actor-network analysis (DANA) model. The findings revealed socio political (farmers’ awareness, motivation, and trust), and information processing factors (accuracy of information, access to information, and correspondence of information to farmers’ condition) as the key elements in facilitating climate information use in farming practices.
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Salami, Ali y Amir Ghajarieh. "The gendered discourse of ‘equal opportunities for men and women’ in Iranian EFL textbooks". Gender in Management: An International Journal 31, n.º 2 (11 de abril de 2016): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/gm-04-2015-0036.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the representations of male and female social actors within the subversive gendered discourse of “equal opportunities for men and women” in Iranian English as a foreign language (EFL) textbooks. Design/methodology/approach From the methodological perspective, this study fused van Leeuwen’s (2003) “Social Actor Network Model” and Sunderland’s (2004) “Gendered Discourses Model”. Findings Data obtained from this study showed the subversive gendered discourse of “equal opportunities” was supported through such representations within a narrow perspective in line with dominant gender ideologies in Iran. The findings suggest the resistance against such subversive gendered discourse in Iranian EFL textbooks underpins gender norms and religious ideologies existing in Iran. Originality/value Such representations of male and female social actors in school textbooks show inclusive education and the discourse of “equal opportunities” have yet to be realised in education system of many countries, including Iran.
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Kobialka, Michal. "Tadeusz Kantor and Hamed Taheri: Of Political Theatre/Performance". TDR/The Drama Review 53, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2009): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2009.53.4.78.
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Is political performance still viable? Kobialka shows how Iranian theatre director Hamed Taheri—influenced by Polish avantgarde artist Tadeusz Kantor—develops a new kind of radical theatre/performance using actor-immigrants from African nations, Chile, Afghanistan, and Iran.
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Aquino, Rowena Santos. "Necessary Fictions: From Cinéma vérité to Ciné, ma vérité(s)". CINEJ Cinema Journal 1, n.º 2 (20 de abril de 2012): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2012.42.
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Despite critical reconceptualisations of reenactment in theory and practice beginning in the 1980s, such scholarship has confined reenactment to a process that rests solely on substitution, actors, and actor reenactment. This article examines reenactment in which actual persons reenact their own pasts and memories in the context of contemporary Iranian cinema to bring about an embodied historiography. This collaboration between social actors and filmmakers shifts the focus from questions of substitution to questions of presence and proximity in representations of the past and personal memory. This article explores these questions of presence, proximity, and reenactment as a distinct mode of audiovisual autobiography through a reading of Mohsen Makhmalbaf’s film Bread and Flower (1996) as a case study.
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Khalid, Muhammad Munib, Uzma Naz y Sajida Begum. "‘EMPOWERED IRAN’ IN A COMPLEX REGION (MIDDLE EAST): TEHRAN’S FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES AND DIMENSIONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY". Global Political Review V, n.º I (30 de marzo de 2020): 234–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).26.
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Foreign policy is a serious module in the lives, behaviour, of all nation-states. Recently foreign policy study has acquired new dimensions as a result of a paradigm shift in Iranian foreign policy. Iran has moved away from began camp follower of the United States to an independent political actor with its independent foreign policy. Tehran, from a loyal U.S. collaborator, turned out to be a stalwart opponent. In this backdrop, the study investigates the geo-strategic importance of Iran in the Middle East and Asia as a whole. In fact, because of Tehran’s natural resources like natural gas and oil, etc., this region has always been the centre of attraction for major actors. But since Iran has changed her foreign policy roles, from western to Islamic, the region has confronted numerous security issues because of its strong Islamic history. Besides, the data for the study has incorporated from primary source taken from the official website of the foreign office of Iran, and Overall, the study examines why this alteration of the conceptual, political framework in Iran, from nationalism to Islam, has led to assume Iranian foreign policy conferring to Islamic vision.
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Melamed-Visbal, Janiel David, César Niño y María Eugenia Gómez-Arias. "Hezbollah as an Iranian proxy and its progressive expansion in Latin America". Revista Científica General José María Córdova 22, n.º 45 (30 de marzo de 2024): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21830/19006586.1277.
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Este artículo analiza el papel de Hezbolá como actor proxy en la guerra hibrida iraní y sus implicaciones para la seguridad en América Latina, a partir de antecedentes históricos relevantes. Primero se explica el vínculo entre Irán y Hezbolá desde sus orígenes en la Guerra Civil libanesa, para luego abordar la presencia de esta organización en América Latina. Aunque esta región no es un área de operaciones armadas para Hezbolá, sí se revela como un escenario clave para su financiación, expansión y proyección estratégica. Ha habido presencia en la Triple Frontera entre Argentina, Brasil y Paraguay desde tiempo atrás, que ha influido en ataques terroristas dirigidos a objetivos judíos e israelíes. Ahora ha ganado importancia estratégica la triple frontera entre Colombia, Panamá y Venezuela, por la asociación y cooperación criminal con diversas estructuras armadas locales.
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Ali, Othman y Zhirwan A. Ismail. "Impacts of Syrian Crisis on Turkish-Iranian Relations: (Rojava Factor)". Journal of University of Human Development 3, n.º 3 (31 de agosto de 2017): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v3n3y2017.pp570-577.
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The Syrian crisis in general and the Northern Syria (Rojava) cantons have a profound impact on Turkish-Iranian relations. We have a paradox here where the Kurdish factor seems to have initially driven Iran and Turkey a part and complicated the bilateral relations between the two countries. However, the Rojava factor has recently forced the two countries to some form of regional cooperation and in the future the desire of Turkey and Iran to prevent the emergence of a Kurdish entity in Northern Syria will be a strengthening factor for the bilateral relations. It is anticipated that Syrian and Iraqi regimes which share the same concern will join Turkey and Iran in this regional effort to contain or even destroy the Rojava experience. Nevertheless, the success of this regional effort will be dependent on the future of Russian and American stand towards Rojava.
In this paper, the factor of non-state actors in the current situation of the Middle East has been explained. The reasons of changing the traditional political map of the Middle East have been mentioned. Then specifically while talking about the Syrian crisis, Turkey and Iran have been focused on while they have been working for implementing their own political agendas in Syria. The impact of Syrian crisis in general on Turkish-Iranian relations has been explained. We then have particularly mentioned the rise of Rojava (the North Western part of Syria) as the main reason that affected the regional policies of Turkey and Iran. In the rise of Rojava, we have answered questions like who is supporting Rojava and why? Then we have proceed to explain and analyze the different views with which Iran and Turkey initially had about the emergence of Rojava Regime. Here in this stage, we have tried to give four main groups that have an effective role in the crisis. When we understand the nature of these groups, their antagonists and their supporters, we will almost understand the goals and interests of each main actor that supporting them including Iran and Turkey. Finally, we will reflect upon the Iranian ambitions and strategic goals in the region, taking Syria as an example, and why Turkey is trying to limit the hegemony of Ira
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Rafatpanah, Houshang, Masoud Amin, Mohsen Ghasemshirazi, Mohammad Kazemiarababadi, Hossein Khorramdelazad, Hamid Abousaidi, Ziba Shabani, Ahmadreza Sayadi, Gholamhossein Hassanshahi y Jamile Samadi. "The SDF-1α3′A Genetic Variation Is Correlated with Susceptibility of Asthma in Iranian Patients". BioMed Research International 2013 (2013): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/759361.
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Background and Aim.Chemokine/receptor axis is a predominant actor of clinical disorders. They are key factors of pathogenesis of almost all clinical situations including asthma. Correspondingly, CXCL12 is involved in the immune responses. Therefore, this study was designed to explore the association between gene polymorphism at position +801 of CXCL12, known asSDF-1α3′A, and susceptibility to asthma in Iranian patients.Material and Methods.In this experimental study, samples were taken from 162 asthma patients and 189 healthy controls on EDTA. DNA was extracted and analyzed for CXCL12 polymorphisms using PCR-RLFP. The demographic information was also collected in parallel with the experimental part of the study by a questionnaire which was designed specifically for this study.Findings.Our results indicated a significant difference (P<0.0001) between theA/A,A/G, andG/Ggenotypes andAandGalleles of polymorphisms at position +801 of CXCL12. We also showed an elevated level of CXCL12 circulating level in Iranian asthma patients.Conclusion.Our findings suggest thatSDF-1α3′A(CXCL12) polymorphism plays a role in pathogenesis of asthma. It can also be concluded that circulatory level of CXCL12 presumably can be used as one of the pivotal biological markers in diagnosis of asthma.
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Rakel, Eva. "IX. Paradigms of Iranian Policy in Central Eurasia and Beyond". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, n.º 3 (2003): 549–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986398.
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AbstractIran and CEA have historically close links going back as far as the sixth century BC when the Persian Achaemenid Empire conquered the region. For a long time, Persian was the main language of the elite in CEA. Since the disintegration of the USSR, Iran has been determined to re-strengthen its position in CEA, particularly in economic and security terms. Iran is an active player in the Economic Co-operation Organization (ECO). It also promotes the construction of southern pipelines from CEA to export the region's oil and gas resources as it hopes to profit from it for its own oil and gas export. However, it has to be noted that Iran in no way is a dominant player in the region. The rivalry between the various political factions of the Iranian political elite - the Conservative Traditional Right (Rast-e Sonati), Traditionalist left (Chap-e Sonati), Revolutionary or New Left or Hizbollah, Conservative Modern Right Rast-e Modern - leads to incoherence in Iran's foreign policy and makes Iran an unreliable actor to cooperate with not only the countries of CEA but also for other countries interested in the region (i.e., the United States, European Union, Turkey, Russia, China, Saudi Arabia). Additionally, the great national economic problems in Iran are an obstacle for Iran to become more active economically in CEA.
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Volkov, Denis. "Peculiarities of the USSR’s Foreign Policy Decision Making towards the Islamic Republic of Iran". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n.º 5 (2022): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017099-5.
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This paper examines the earliest stage of the formation of Soviet foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. The study offers a critical analysis of the state of the international scholarly field on the Islamic Re-public of Iran in its initial form, allowing for the diversity of expert perspec-tives that emerged in the early years after the Islamic Revolution, and trac-ing their reflection in the practical domain. The paper also examines the decision-making mechanism on Iran in the period 1979–1983 and the in-fluence of the views of different groups of Soviet experts on the process. In the context of realpolitik, the USSR tried its best to preserve the unexpected gift of fortune in the form of the new Islamic regime's rabid anti-Americanism, but at the same time it concentrated its efforts on trying to implant local leftist forces into Iranian power structures, following ideolog-ical dogma and being confident in the imminent leftist transformation of the Iranian revolution. The debacle of the Iranian Tudeh Party in 1983 forced the USSR to largely reconsider its policy towards the Islamic Republic and to definitively change its ideological approaches to purely practical ones. This paper draws on English-, French- and Russian-language studies car-ried out in recent decades, as well as ego-documents authored by partici-pants in the events from the main actor countries: diplomats, intelligence officers and scholars of Iran. The author situates the analysis of these ego-documents in the context of a thematically broader critical synthesis of con-temporary work from different countries.
Tesis sobre el tema "Iranian Actor"
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Plumer, Andrew G. "Iranian Sanctions An Actor-Centric Analysis". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/6852.
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Economic sanctions concerning Irans nuclear program are not having their intended political effect. Uranium enrichment continues despite sanctions. This thesis argues that international economic smart sanctions are failing because they are not altering the relative positions of power between the factional actors in the Iranian political economy, and because the actors who desire to continue enrichment remain in control of the economy and state institutions. The Iranian political economy is a clientelistic state, with differing rival autonomous patron-actors and associated client bases all competing for a larger slice of economic rents. Economic sanctions have failed because the more conservative actors and their clients have entrenched themselves in the economy and control of these rents, thereby diverting the costs of sanctions to their political competitors while simultaneously using sanctions to strengthen their own client base. Research indicates that while stronger economic sanctions could be designed, their chances of success remain unknown. Only a complete and thoroughly enforced embargo on Iranian petrochemical sales, with a simultaneous economic strengthening of reformist actors in the political economy, who are open to a nuclear enrichment policy change, will result in the political goals sanctions are designed to achieve.
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Sarsangi, Majid. "A sacred house for creation : a study of theatrical environment & actor-audience relationship in religious drama : the case study of Iran". Thesis, Birmingham City University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289474.
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Momeni, Mohammad. "A study of actor-audience relationship & theatrical environment in Western and Iranian dramatic activity". Thesis, Birmingham City University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404061.
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Pessuto, Kelen. "O 'espelho mágico ' do cinema iraniano = uma análise das performances dos "não" atores nos filmes de arte". [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/284435.
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Orientador: Francirosy Campos Barbosa FerreiraDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T05:09:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pessuto_Kelen_M.pdf: 3175741 bytes, checksum: 12122eeb3b192b833dfc0faebb26d576 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa as performances dos "não" atores no cinema de arte iraniano, a partir das obras Close-up (Nema-ye Nazdik, 1990, Abbas Kiarostami), Salve o cinema (Salam cinema, 1995, Mohsen Makhmalbaf), Tartarugas podem voar (Lakposhtha parvaz mikonand, 2004, Bahman Ghobadi) e O espelho (Ayneh, 1997, Jafar Panahi). Com base na antropologia da performance, busca-se responder às seguintes perguntas: Quem são os "não" atores? Por que são usados esse tipo de ator em vez de atores profissionais? Quais os métodos empregados em sua direção? Qual a relação que se estabelece entre o ator e o personagem? Para tanto, utiliza-se além da bibliografia pertinente a essa disciplina, ao teatro e ao cinema, o método comparativo, com filmes do mesmo diretor, assim como de outras cinematografias. Conclui-se que não há necessidade do ator ter uma técnica préestabelecida, sendo que a direção proposta por esses cineastas requer o mínimo de atuação. O ator-performer vivencia as situações que lhes são impostas e, a partir disso, cria personagens, algumas vezes baseados em sua própria experiência de vida, como em uma grande brincadeira de faz de conta
Abstract: This thesis analyzes the performance of the "non" actors in the Iranian art cinema, in movies Close-up (Nema-ye Nazdik, 1990, Abbas Kiarostami), Salam cinema (1995, Mohsen Makhmalbaf), Turtles can fly (Lakposhtha parvaz mikonand, 2004, Bahman Ghobadi) and The Mirror (Ayneh, 1997, Jafar Panahi). Based on the anthropology of performance, we seek to answer the following questions: Who are these "non" actors? Why they used that kind of actor instead of professional actors? What are the methods employed in its direction? and What is the relationship established between the actor and character? For this, we use the comparative method, with films from these directors, as well movies by other cinematographies. The conclusion reached is that there is no need for the actor to have a pre-established technique, because the direction proposed by these filmmakers requires minimal action. The actor-performer experience situations that are imposed for them and they create characters, sometimes based on their own experience of life, as in a grand game of make-believe
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Libros sobre el tema "Iranian Actor"
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Momeni, Mohammad. A study of actor-audience relationship & theatrical environment inWestern and Iranian dramatic activity. Birmingham: University of Central England in Birmingham, 2004.
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Serasinghe, Irangani. Irangani: As told to Kumardesilva. Colombo: EWS Samaranayake Publishers, 2013.
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Khaṭībī, Parvīz. Khāṭirātī az hunarmandān. Lus Ānjilis: Bunyād-i Farhangī-i Parvīz Khaṭībī, 1994.
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Khaṭībī, Parvīz. Khāṭirātī az hunarmandān. Lus Ānjilis: Bunyād-i Farhangī-i Parvīz Khaṭībī, 1994.
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Sayrī dar tārīkh-i tiyātr-i Īrān qabl az Islām tā sāl-i 1357 shamsī: Survey in the history of Iranian theatre before advent Islam till 1939. Tihrān: Āvardgāh-i Hunar va Andīshah, 2010.
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Khaṭībī, Parvīz. Khāṭirātī az hunarmandān. 8a ed. Los Angeles, CA: Ketab Corp., 2007.
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Khaṭībī, Parvīz. Khāṭirātī az hunarmandān. 8a ed. Tihrān: Intishārāt-i Muʻīn, 2001.
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Javad Nazari (Shekarchi): جواد نظری. Iran Film, 2023.
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Hunter, Shireen T. Iran’s Foreign Policy in the Post-Soviet Era. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400672514.
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A comprehensive exploration of postrevolution Iranian foreign policy analyzes the country's relations with key nations and regions and the impact of both Iran's domestic situation and the developing global system. Iran's Foreign Policy in the Post-Soviet Era: Resisting the New International Order provides the first truly comprehensive, in-depth survey of Iranian foreign policy, issue by issue and country by country, since the Islamic Revolution. To help readers understand both the what and the why of Iran's role in the world and formulate useful responses to that role, the author provides a detailed analysis of Iranian foreign policy in all its dimensions. The first part of the book places Iranian actions, particularly its relations with the United States and other key players, within the context of the emerging international system, while also showing how domestic developments impact foreign policy. The second part surveys Iranian relations with specific actors, notably the United States and Russia, and with key regions, including Europe, Central Asia, the Arab world, Latin America, and Africa. Providing an antidote to existing preconceptions, this incisive analysis lays an analytically sound basis for shaping policies toward Iran—policies with potentially high payoff in terms of regional security and stability.
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I'm not a terrorist, but I've played one on TV: Memoirs of a Middle Eastern funny man. 2015.
Buscar texto completoCapítulos de libros sobre el tema "Iranian Actor"
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Labafi, Somayeh. "Iranian Data Protection Policy in Social Media; An Actor-Network Theory Approach". En Contemporary Applications of Actor Network Theory, 121–39. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7066-7_7.
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Freilich, Charles D., Matthew S. Cohen y Gabi Siboni. "The Iranian Cyber Threat". En Israel and the Cyber Threat, 107–38. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197677711.003.0006.
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Abstract Iran is an emerging actor in the cyber realm and a growing threat. Iran is also of particular importance to Israel’s security, in both the physical and cyber realms. This chapter, therefore, offers the most comprehensive discussion to date of Iran’s cyber strategy, institutions, capabilities, and actions. It further explores why Iran chose to focus on developing its cyber capabilities, including the major role played by Israel and the United States in those considerations. The chapter describes in detail Iranian cyberattacks aimed at both Israel and other countries around the world. It concludes by discussing the impact of Iran’s cyberattacks and notes that the ramifications are not entirely clear.
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Partovi, Pedram. "Filmfarsi as Counter-Memory". En Counter-Memories in Iranian Cinema, editado por Matthias Wittmann y Ute Holl, 189–215. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474479752.003.0011.
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In his contribution »Filmfarsi as Counter-Memory,« Pedram Partovi also deals with the return, or rather the hidden afterlife and survival, of a supposedly disappeared cultural heritage: the passing of actor Nasir Malik Muti’i in May 2018 spurred a debate among Iranians about filmfarsi (ʿPersian-filmʾ), the often-derogatory term that critics, industry people, and even fans have used in reference to the Pahlavi-era popular commercial cinema, and its place in ʿnational culture.ʾ The passing in the year 2000 of another banned filmfarsi legend, Muhammad ʿAli Fardin, had invited similar public reactions and similar criticisms of the state media and judiciary for their shameful treatment of a national ʿicon.ʾ Partovi’s contribution sheds new light on Iranians’ ʿfaulty,ʾ yet shifting, memories of the offcially demonized filmfarsi since the Islamic Revolution. He argues in his chapter that filmfarsi has functioned as a counter-memory, an absent presence in the minds of millions, that decades of imposed forgetting (or imposed memories) did not manage to extinguish, and as a counter-archive of images, sounds, icons, and motives »that has problematized official ideas of Iranian cinema and national culture both before and after the Islamic Revolution of 1978-9« (p. 189).
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Kamrava, Mehran. "Iran in the World". En Triumph and Despair, 199–224. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197678411.003.0007.
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Abstract Assumptions to the contrary, Iran has been a consistently realist actor in the international arena. This realism is rooted in the experiences of the hostage crisis and the Iran–Iran war and their continued legacy today on foreign policymaking, and in the country's evolving strategic environment. In Iran, deciphering the country's strategic objectives is at times harder because of the multiplicity of actors who claim to speak on the country's behalf, and the rhetorical maneuvering they engage in to strengthen their policy hands. That ideology and identity are readily deployed to strengthen strategic objectives when the two overlap only further masks the essential pragmatism that informs Iranian foreign policy.
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Harvey, Katherine. "Saudi Arabia Shuns Iraq". En A Self-Fulfilling Prophecy, 143–76. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197631324.003.0005.
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Constructivists argue that enmity often becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy: when one actor casts another into the role of an enemy, the second actor, feeling threatened by the first, is forced to mirror back this representation, creating a relationship riven by conflict. In 2007 and 2008, King Abdullah categorically refused to engage with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki or his government – Abdullah thereby rejected continual outreach by the Iraqis, as well as the counsel of the Bush administration, his own senior foreign policy advisers, and other Arab leaders who themselves began to engage with Iraq at this time. In shunning Maliki so absolutely, Abdullah cast the Iraqi prime minister into the role of an enemy. This chapter explores Maliki’s perception of having been cast into this role, examining the sense of threat he perceived from the Saudis. Furthermore, the chapter demonstrates that Maliki took a significant action during this period, which contradicted Abdullah’s image of him as an Iranian agent. In spring 2008, he initiated a confrontation with Iranian-backed Shia militias in Basra and Baghdad, and the success of this campaign was seen as a setback for Iran.
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Koláček, Jakub. "The Khomeinists: Between Sedentarisation and Perpetual Revolution". En Revolutionaries and Global Politics, editado por Ondrej Ditrych, Jan Daniel y Jakub Záhora, 145–62. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399505550.003.0009.
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Drawing on the conceptual framework of hybrid revolutionary actors, the chapter examines the case of the Iranian Revolution and the group of revolutionaries around Ruhollah Khomeini, who, after 1979, gained control over the Iranian state. Problematizing the prevailing narrative of the revolution as primarily a domestic affair with only indirect international repercussions, it points out that the contestation of international boundaries and the conventional view of statehood constituted one of the backbones of the revolutionary vision of the “Khomeinists”. On this basis, the chapter focuses on dilemmas faced by the revolutionary actor after it seized state power in both the domestic and international arenas. It shows that despite the general tendency of normalization and “sedentarization” within the Westphalian boundaries over the long run, the original aspiration to upend the established order was never entirely abandoned by the post-revolutionary elite as it co-shaped some of its important policies and decisions. These include those which successfully disrupted statehoods in the region and have led to lasting instances of heteronomy in the regional system. As such, the Khomeinists are presented as one of the primal examples of the hybrid revolutionary agency in the Middle East and a precedent for their successors, not least ISIS.
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Hemmasi, Farzaneh. "Googoosh’s Voice". En Vamping the Stage. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824869861.003.0011.
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Born in 1950, Googoosh began her career as a child actor on stage, television and film; by her twenties, she was the country’s primary female interpreter of musiqi-yi pap (Western-influenced “pop music”). Following the Iranian revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1980, Googoosh’s fame became a liability. The revolutionary project involved purifying Iran of its “colonized” culture; moral corruption and unveiled “lust-inciting” women. Then, in 2000 Googoosh left Iran to restart her career in exile, landing first in Toronto and then settling in Los Angeles. She embarked on a new phase of her career singing her prerevolutionary romantic repertoire but also with a declaration of her intention to “give voice” to herself, to Iran and Iranians around the world. This chapter argues that the metaphorical “voicing” Googoosh performed on behalf of “those inside Iran” was an extension of an already-established pattern in which she blurred the line between celebrity as exceptional individual and celebrity as medium for collective expression.
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Kile, Shannon N. "Final thoughts on Iran, the EU and the limits of conditionality". En Europe and Iran, 122–35. Oxford University PressOxford, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199290871.003.0007.
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Abstract For the European Union, the Iranian nuclear issue poses an early and important test for the implementation of its Strategy against Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction. Some European leaders have emphasized the importance of resolving the issue, through EU-led diplomacy, for the credibility of a distinctive European approach to addressing WMD proliferation challenges and for demonstrating that Europe is foreign policy actor to be reckoned with on the international scene. For countries such as Iran, non-proliferation has become the main prism through which the wider spectrum of their political, economic and trade relations with the EU is refracted.
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Finkelstein, Claire. "Fighting State Actors with the Tools of Hybridized Warfare". En Between Crime and War, 153—C6.N46. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197638798.003.0007.
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Abstract With the killing by the United States of Iranian general Qassim Soleimani, the war on terror crossed a new frontier in the use of extra-judicial lethal operations outside of armed conflict. As a state actor, Soleimani would once have been entirely off-limits as a target outside the context of a formal armed conflict between the U.S. and Iran, despite his leadership of the Quds force, an organization that lends support to violent nonstate actor groups across the Middle East. Nevertheless, the fact that the Trump Administration felt entitled to conduct a one-off strike on a state military leader using drone technology underscores the degree to which conflicts among state adversaries are increasingly fought using the hybridized tools of the war on terror. This chapter will argue that the rise in the use of such techniques, and the perceived relaxation of the constraints of international law in conflicts among states, is a regrettable, but foreseeable, result of a certain way of conceiving of violent nonstate actors that started immediately after the attacks on 9/11. Greater clarity about the legal boundaries governing the use of Bush-era interrogation methods as well as Obama’s dramatic increase in the use of extrajudicial killing against nonstate actors might have forestalled this development and ensured that the techniques of the war on terror were constrained to their original context. This chapter first addresses the legal ambiguity of targeted killing as it devolved from the Bush and Obama Administrations in the aftermath of 9/11 with respect to nonstate actors, particularly the decision to predicate the legality of targeted killings on the status of terror groups as “unlawful combatants.” This framework meant that the detainees captured in the war on terror lacked the traditional protections of the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC), at the same time that they were deprived of the protections ordinarily extended to criminal defendants. Leaving detainees between two legal regimes provided license for their abuse as well as an uncertain legal basis for those who were targeted rather than captured in the next phase of the war. This chapter will argue that greater clarity would have resulted from considering violent non-state actors as civilians rather than combatants, an approach that is wholly in appropriate for state actors like Soleimani, whose status as a state actor should leave little doubt as to his legal status outside the context of armed conflict..
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Hollyfield, Jerod Ra'Del. "Epic Multitudes: Postcolonial Genre Politics in Shekhar Kapur’s The Four Feathers". En Framing Empire, 91–114. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474429948.003.0006.
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Despite its pedigree as a 2002 awards contender, Shekhar Kapur’s The Four Feathers became one of the biggest critical and box-office failures in Hollywood history. In choosing an adaptation of A. E. W. Mason’s 1902 novel to probe the legacy of colonialism, Kapur situates his political concerns within the tradition of the late-Victorian adventure fiction that was vital to maintaining the colonial project’s fundamental role in the British imagination. Yet, the novel’s six previous film adaptations also provide Kapur the opportunity to expose the pervasiveness of imperial ideologies in the wake of World War I through his critique of the Empire Cinema genre for which Zoltan Korda’s 1939 version of Mason’s novel serves as a touchstone. Kapur extends the imperial politics of Mason’s novel beyond its setting in the Sudan and into other postcolonial national contexts through subverting genre conventions and working on a Hollywood project with other diasporic artists, including Iranian screenwriter Hossein Amini, Beninian actor Djimon Hounsou, and Australian actor Heath Ledger. As a result, the adaptation interrogates the shared mechanisms of imperial discourse while comparing the totality of British rule to the global reach of Hollywood from a variety of national perspectives.