Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "International Balzan Foundation"

مصادر المعرفة في الفلسفة الإسلامية المعاصرة، ضياء حبيب توفيق، عمان: دار دجلة، 2010م، 304 صفحة. المفارقات المعرفية والقيمية في فكر ابن خلدون الفلسفي، أبو يعرب المرزوقي، بيروت: دار الكتب العلمية، 2009م، 104 صفحة. أصول المعرفة والمنهج العقلي، أيمن المصري، بيروت: المركز الثقافي العربي، 2010م، 180صفحة. الاستشراف في النص: دراسة نقدية في استشراف المستقبل، عبد الرحمن العكيمي، بيروت: الانتشار العربي، 2010م، 236 صفحة. The Consequences of Ideas: Understanding the Concepts that Shaped Our World, C. Sproul, Crossway Books (June 30, 2009), 224 pages. How Do We Know?: Understanding in Science and Theology (Issues in Science and Theology), Dirk Evers, Antje Jackelen, and Taede Smedes, The Continuum International Publishing Group, (July 9, 2010), 240 Pages. Consequences of Hermeneutics: Fifty Years After Gadamer's Truth and Method, Jeff Malpas and Santiago Zabala, Northwestern University Press (15 May 2010), 428 pages. Ibn Khaldun: Life and Times, Allen Fromherz, Edinburgh University Press (March 1, 2010), 224 pages. Ibn Khaldun, Frederic P. Miller, Agnes F. Vandome, John McBrewster, Alphascript Publishing (November 10, 2009), 96 pages. Malthus, Darwin, Durkheim, Marx, Weber, and Ibn Khaldun: On Human Species Survival, Walter L. Wallace, Gordian Knot (January 1, 2009), 320 pages. Ibn Khaldun's Philosophy of History: a study in the philosophic foundation of the science of culture, Muhsin Mahdi, Islamic Book Trust, (July 1, 2009), 325 pages. Ideas that Matter: The Concepts that Shape the 21st Century, A. C. Grayling, Basic Books (March 30, 2010), 448 pages. Truth in Science, the Humanities and Religion, Balzan Symposium 2008, International Balzan Foundation, Springer; 1st Edition. edition (March 1, 2010, 200 pages. Beyond God: Evolution and the Future of Religion, Kenneth V. Kardong, Humanity Books (March 16, 2010), 294 pages. The Future of the Ancient World: Essays on the History of Consciousness, Jeremy Naydler, Inner Traditions (July 24, 2009), 320 pages. The Empathic Civilization: The Race to Global Consciousness in a World in Crisis, Jeremy Rifkin, Policy Press, (February, 2010), 688 pages. Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905, Mary Furner, Transaction Publishers (May 1, 2010), 392 pages. Origins of Objectivity, Tyler Burge, Oxford University Press, USA (April 28, 2010), 656 pages. Science and the Quest for Meaning, Alfred I. Tauber, Baylor University Press (September 1, 2009), 256 pages. The Promise of Salvation: A Theory of Religion, Martin Riesebrodt, University Of Chicago Press (March 1, 2010), 248 pages. Words and the Mind: How words capture human experience, Barbara Malt (Editor), Phillip Wolff (Editor), Oxford University Press, USA; 1 edition (March 1, 2010), 360 pages. للحصول على كامل المقالة مجانا يرجى النّقر على ملف ال PDF في اعلى يمين الصفحة.

Abstract This paper analyses trends in three key aspects of economic globalization: international trade, foreign investment and global product chains. The paper points to downward tendencies of the world economic integration in all three segments. The paper finds that causes of these trends are not cyclical, but structural, that is, the process of deglobalization of the international market and transformation of the very foundations of the international economic system is underway. The paper also includes an empirical analysis of the potential effects of these changes on six economies of the Western Balkan. The multiple regression models reveal very strong statistic connection between these economies and the world economy trends. There are direct relations with global foreign trade and production, but inverse relation with FDI share in the world economy. That indicates significant challenges such as declining income and job losses, but also certain opportunities to reduce trade deficits and increase domestic production.

The development of a common foreign policy course and the creation of joint defence have become the main tasks of the European Community from the very beginning of its foundation, and the practical implementation of cooperation in these areas turns out to be rather difficult and runs into certain problems. Being part of the European Community, the member countries are aware of the necessity to pursue such a course in order to obtain the status of a full-fledged subject of international politics, but this does not deprive them of their fears about the loss of their national sovereignty and some foreign policy priorities. The purpose of the study is to study the process of formation and development of cooperation between Western European countries in the field of foreign policy, security and defence, as well as using the experience of the countries of the former Republic of Yugoslavia to resolve the situation on the territory of Ukraine. The comparative approach of peripheral areas emphasises the unsettled situation, which in some cases may seem better than internationally structured and is on the path of consolidation, while in other cases destabilization still strongly affects the development prospects of states.

<p>Today David Mitrany is best known for his work on international functionalism, which influenced the development of European integration and the organisation of United Nations specialised agencies. What is often ignored in the West is his work on South-East Europe. During the inter-war period Mitrany studied both the operation of war government and the subsequent peasant revolution in the Balkans. War government demonstrated that political organisation could bridge the gap between social action and private property, while the peasant social revolution showed that the abstract economics associated with both capitalist and Marxist economics was not applicable outside of urban industrial production. It was through his studies of South-East Europe that Mitrany drew many of the lessons and concepts that were to form the foundations of his international theory.</p>

During the 22nd Congress of the Carpathian-Balkan Geological Association (CBGA) held in Plovdiv, Bulgaria (September 7-11, 2022), the 100th anniversary of the foundation of the CBGA was marked. A resolution for establishing the "Carpathian Geological Association" was adopted during the 13th session of the International Geological Congress in Brussels (August 9, 1922). It was a result of the efforts and initiative of R. Kettner (Czechoslovakia), J. Nowak (Poland), G. Munteanu Murgoci (Romania), and V. Petkovic (Yugoslavia). Later, after the Second World War, the association changed its name to the Carpathian-Balkan Geological Association (CBGA). During the last hundred years, the CBGA has passed several phases of its existence and organization regarding European geopolitical changes. The main goal of the CBGA remained the same as at the beginning: to promote and encourage joint fundamental and applied geological research in the Carpathian-Balkan region and surrounding area. Today, many geoscientists from the 16 member states collaborate in the frame of official working groups of CBGA, EU professional projects, business meetings and joint topics, education programs, etc. CBGA is affiliated with the International Union of Geological Science (IUGS) as one of the oldest regional organizations. Based on increasing industrial and environmental demands and needs and an interest in the region?s vast scientific and professional community, we believe the CBGA can improve its activity and give additional benefits to the scientific community, industry, and the environment.

Abstract The Balkan Cities Association of Nephrology, Dialysis, Transplantation and Artificial Organs (BANTAO) was established in Ohrid, Republic of Macedonia on October 9, 1993 during the First Congress of the Macedonian Society of Nephrology, Dialysis, Transplantation and Artificial Organs (MSNDTAO). The idea of the founders was that such Society would have a clear impact on several aspects of practice and research in nephrology and artificial organs in the Balkans, firstly, by increasing its international visibility and potential collaborative work, and recognition by international organizations. Secondly, such a society would facilitate the exchange of experience and knowledge between experts in our area. In addition, it would be a very positive symbolic act showing that collaborative work for the betterment of life is possible and desirable in our area and that coming together will bear better fruits at the human and cultural levels. It will also send a very clear signal to the outside world that the Balkans can be a place of collaboration and mutual understanding. Several international bodies such as the International Society of Artificial Organs and the International Faculty of Artificial Organs have signaled their interest in and support for the creation of such a society. Despite the turbulent times in the Balkan Peninsula, the First BANTAO Congress was held in Varna from September 22 to 24, 1995, which was an impressive event. F. Valderrabano, Chairman of the EDTA–ERA registry reported on that event with a lot of sympathy in the paper entitled “Nephrologists of the Balkan countries meet across political frontiers and war fronts – an example to politicians. The foundation of and the Second Congress of BANTAO were also well accepted by the colleagues nephrologists from Russia. The Second Congress was held on September 6-10, 1997 in Struga, the Third BANTAO Congress was held on September 18-20, 1998 in Belgrade, the Fourth Congress of BANTAO was held in Izmir on November 14-16, 1999, the Fifth Congress of BANTAO was held in Thessaloniki on September 30 – October 3, 2001, the 6th BANTAO Congress was held in Varna, on October 6-9, 2003, the 7th BANTAO Congress was held in Ohrid, on September 8-11, 2005, the 8th BANTAO Congress was held in Belgrade, on September 16-19, 2007, the 9th BANTAO Congress was held in Antalya, November 18-22, 2009, the 10th BANTAO Congress was held in Chalkidiki, October 13-15, 2011, the 11th BANTAO Congress was held from 26 to 29 September 2013 in Timisoara on the 20th Anniversary of the foundation of BANTAO, the 12th BANTAO Congress was held on October 15-18, 2015 in Opatija, the 13th BANTAO Congress was held on 4-8 October, 2017 in Sarajevo, the 14th BANTAO Congress was held on September 20-23, 2018, in Budva and the 15th BANTAO Congress was held in Skopje, 26-29 September 2019. Another milestone in the life of BANTAO was the appearance of the BANTAO journal in 2003, which has been published biannually since then. In the past 17 years there have been 33 editions of the journal and seven supplements reporting BANTAO congresses. The editors of the journal past and present are: 2003–2005 (Dimitar Nenov); 2005–2009 (Ali Basci); 2009–(Goce Spasovski). Up to date, more than 400 papers have been published. The BANTAO journal is registered on EBSCO, DOAJ, SCOPUS, and has become a strong ‘glue’ among nephrologists from the Balkan cities. The BANTAO congresses and the BANTAO journal have succeeded in elevating nephrology knowledge and thus increased the standards of nephrology patient care throughout the Balkans. Standing above the divisive forces of politics, language and war, BANTAO gives a living example that collaboration and humility are feasible in times of maddening destruction, and are transformative.

The article is an attempt to present the views of the Russian thinker on the political situation in the post-Soviet region. In his conception Aleksandr Dugin focuses on geopolitics, international relations and the position ofRussiain the new globalised world. Dugin attempts to undermine the principles of the new world order. He creates ideological foundations which may serve as a justification for regaining the imperial position ofRussia. The foundation of Dugin’s views is Eurasianism combined with the elements of geopolitics. The philosopher creates a blueprint for the Great Eurasian Empire which would compriseEast-Central Europe. According to Dugin, significant political and territorial changes will be conducted in this region on the basis of the religious faith of its inhabitants. The protestant countries will be federalized. Both the Protestant and Catholic countries will become theGermany’s sphere of influence. The Balkan states will have a somewhat different status as they will be federalized into one political subject connected withEurasia.GermanyandRussia, whose position is dominant in this region ofEurope, will become a part of the Great Eurasian Empire. There will be no room left for independentPolandandUkrainein the structure of the Eurasian Empire. Dugin does not take into account economic factors which would convince European states to integrate withEurasia. As for the present day, it is impossible to put the Eurasian project into realization.

Astronomy in the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia has a century-long history. This history is presented in the essay, begining with M. Trpkovic’s suggestions to reform the orthodox calendar in 1900s, through the foundation of the first faculty of Macedonian language in Skopje in 1946, until today’s situation in astronomy.In second half of the twentieth century, the development of astronomy in the Republic of Macedonia is divided in two different periods: before and after the big earthquake in Skopje in 1963. The first period is characterized by hope and enthusiasm, and a little observatory was started to be built, but it was destroyed in the earthquake. The last ten years a new upsurge is seen in Astronomy in the Republic of Macedonia, which is founded on Balkan and international collaboration.

The article deals with the course and results of the International scientific conference «Art and Culture of the Middle Ages: Heritage and Perspectives of Comprehension» (https://actual-art.spbu.ru/o-konferentsii/arkhiv/2020/iskusstvo-i-kul-tura-srednevekov-ya.html), as part of the international symposium «Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art», held by St. Petersburg State University together with Lomonosov Moscow State University and the leading museums of Russia in the mode of the Biennale. The event was organized with the support of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (project No. 20-012-22040) and took place in St. Petersburg on October 26–31, 2020.

The article attempts to explain the reasons of the Yugoslav tragedy, which claimed about 300,000 lives and led to the displacement of more than 2 million people. The author boils the answer down to the simplified and biased Western interpretation of the in-fluence of Balkan history on the situation after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), systemic uncertain-ty in European and transatlantic relations after the end of the Cold War, adventurous and irresponsible behaviour of the leaders of several independent countries established on the ruins of the former SFRY, inadequate reaction of the United States of America (US) and NATO to the crisis, Europeans’ false initial belief that they will be able to address security challenges in the ‘new’ Europe by their own efforts. The author emphasizes that the settlement of the Yugoslav crisis should have immediately become NATO’s priority. In such a case, Americans and Europeans could have started working together as mediators among different conflicting parties to ensure a peaceful ‘divorce’ of the republics. However, Washington did not want to see this. The US attitude to the Yugoslav crisis in 1990–1992 undermined the foundations of the declared policy of NATO’s central role in Europe after the Cold War, which envisaged the responsibility of the Alliance for resolving the Balkan conflict. The author argues that if the deployment of an international peacekeeping contingent in the Russian-occupied parts of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions takes an expressive form, Kyiv will need to carefully examine the factual background of the events in the former SFRY. This should help avoid many of the complications that arose during the peace enforcement operation in the Balkans in the first half of the 1990s. Keywords: NATO, Balkans, SFRY, Yugoslav tragedy, USA.

The article focuses on the main trends in the development of state-religion relations in the era of post-postmodernism as represented at the International Conference “Balkan and Baltic States in United Europe – History, Religion, and Culture IV: Religiosity and Spirituality in the Baltic and Balkan Cultural Space: History and Nowadays” (November 11–13, 2020). The article aims to define and analyse postsecular conflicts that are manifested in the construction of new nationalisms in the countries of the Baltic – Black Sea – Adriatic Triangle. The main problem is the ascertainment of the primary trend in transforming religion-state relations in the transitionto post-postmodernity. The research methodology is the differentiation and systematisation of conflicts as markers that characterise the sociocultural crisis that erupted in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The concept of conflict is understood as a discrepancy, contradiction, and clash of positions that not only form new foundations of sociocultural and political discourse about the norm of religion-state relations but also influence the establishment of new trends in the formation of the legal basis for the statuses of religious organisations. As an empirical basis for the research, some countries’ regulatory legal acts in the region under study are used, along with data and maps of well-known research centres.

that ushered in the ‘New Cold War’ of the 21st century. And it was an event that clearly impressed the international community on the geopolitical and geostrategic importance of Kosovo in the international dynamics. In terms of the history of international relations, there are two main implications of the ‘Kosovo War’. First, it was the first attempt to convert NATO's traditional concept of ‘defensive strategy’ into the concept of ‘offensive strategy’. The Kosovo War was the first war involving NATO in a country outside the region. And through this, NATO can be said to have laid the foundation for pursuing its own influence in the Interest Sphere of United States in the 21st century. The second can be said to be the ‘resurrection of the Russian Empire’ and the ‘emergence of Putin’. As a result of the 1999 Kosovo War, Russia chose Putin in 2000, and he promised to revive Russia in the 21st century as an empire similar to that of the Cold War era. And this led to the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 and the outbreak of war in Ukraine in 2022. As Kosovo’s geopolitical importance has been confirmed, the United States and Europe agree on the need to establish permanent peace in Kosovo for peace in Europe. However, it is also true that there are still many obstacles to the possibility of peace and coexistence between the Serbian and Kosovo governments surrounding Kosovo today. Therefore, in this study, based on theoretical discussions on the origins of national conflicts in Balkan Europe, I will introduce the various aspects and characteristics of national conflicts in Kosovo in the 21st century, and consider the possibility of their coexistence.

The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.

The scientific aim of this paper is to analyse and evaluate actions taken by Turkey’s leading politicians with regard to the Western Balkan states (i.e. Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia) during the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the Justice and Development Party came to power in 2002, Turkey has attempted to increase its international influence through diplomatic, economic and cultural measures. Western Balkans region, with which Turks have historical and ethnic ties, is one of the key areas in AKP’s doctrine. Adopting image theory in international relations as the theoretical foundation, this research examines implementation of Turkish foreign policy in the Western Balkans in times of SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus pandemic. By employing available original Turkish sources (academic publications, public reports, press releases), the main objectives of Turkey’s political strategy towards the region have been determined. Detailed analysis of official statements and speeches of Turkish policy-makers was also fundamental for this study. In this context, the values and symbols to which the AKP government refers in its activities in the Western Balkans have been identified. Based on content analysis, comparative analysis and political discourse analysis, this research seeks to explain the rationale of Turkish actions in recent months. As a conclusion, future prospects for Turkey’s involvement in the Western Balkans have been presented and discussed.

The article analyzes in comparison the chairmanship of the Visegrad Group of Slovakia and the Czech Republic, taking place against the background of Special Military Operation. They are also compared with the positions of Hungary and Poland on the «Ukrainian issue». The author draws attention to the fact that initially the Czech presidency was developed as if in continuation of the tasks of the Slovak. This fact further emphasizes the special nature of relations between the two countries, which exactly thirty years ago chose a sovereign path of development instead of a common federation of Czechs and Slovaks. Both programs, being worked out during different periods of escalation of the conflict in the east, place the security and military cooperation of the Quartet countries as one of the main priorities and at the same time take into account other priorities of the European Union related to economic and energy policy. Among other international priorities the countries of the Balkan region and the countries that are still open to cooperation within the framework of the Eastern Partnership stand out (in addition to Ukraine, these are primarily Moldova and Georgia). Both programs emphasize the special role of the Visegrad Foundation as a generator of ideas of Central European unity.

Abstract This article investigates how the idea of European solidarity and the vision of Europe changed over time amongst Italian groups and individuals engaged in solidarity actions in support of Internally Displaced Persons (idp s) and refugees in the Western Balkans in the 1990s and 2020s. By means of document analysis and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article shows that individuals partaking in solidarity initiatives framed their action as European grassroots solidarity, enacted to replace the institutional solidarity that the EU failed to offer. While solidarity groups in the 1990s saw the EU-in-the-making as alternative to the power politics of member states worsening the conflicts in the region, those mobilising in the 2020s expressed a more critical and disenchanted vision characterised by rage, disillusionment, and disappointment towards an EU perceived as having betrayed its ideal foundations while dealing with migration along the Balkan route.

AbstractNATO has made important contributions to regional security in post-Cold War Southeastern Europe. Engagement with the alliance's security assistance programs provides opportunities for security sector reform and professional development, helps to reorient national defense and security policies toward contemporary challenges, and places the responsibility of territorial defense in a collective security framework that allows for a more efficient utilization of limited resources and reduces the likelihood of interstate conflict. All the countries of the Western Balkans are committed to cooperation with the alliance, and to varying degrees are moving toward (or have already achieved) closer or full association, a process that this article seeks to document. NATO membership is also often perceived, rightly or wrongly, as a necessary step along the road toward membership in the European Union, the most important strategic goal for the majority of Western Balkan states. Association with the alliance is not, however, a sufficient foundation for regional stability and cooperative security. This will require a more complex process of development, including economic, political, social and cultural dimensions. Inclusive policies, including more effective cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation in pursuit of mutual interests, would be of particular value.

The paper examines the preconditions for the conclusion, significance and consequences of the implementation of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also known as the Dayton Agreement between the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Four plans for peace achievement are considered, in which the International Community had consistently sought to resolve the Bosnian conflict in 1992-1995. The process of concluding a unique international document that not only put an end to the bloody interethnic confrontation and established new foundations for relations between the three Balkan countries, but defined the principles of the constitutional order of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined. The authors analyze the ambiguous scientific and political assessments of the Dayton Agreement, ranging from unequivocal approval to sharp criticism, and the reasons for the success of the Dayton Process, including joining the U.S. negotiation process and ensuring compliance with NATO’s commitment to violators. The risks inherent in the Dayton Agreement in the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina are also identified. The problem of the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton Agreement is vital for the post-Yugoslav space. Despite the declared principle of equality of citizens, in fact, political human rights in the country directly depend on ethnicity, and public authorities are based on the principle of national representation. The sovereignty and independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina raise a number of issues, given their control by International bodies. An analysis of historical experience convincingly shows that the Dayton Accords can only be seen as a temporary mechanism for resolving the crisis and easing tensions, which has made it possible to achieve peace, end ethnic discord and lay the foundations for a democratic system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Recognizing the effectiveness of the Dayton Agreement, the authors argue that some of its provisions do not comply with generally accepted principles of International Law, in particular, in terms of the territorial organization of the state and the formation of public authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This approach does not comply with the principle of equality of human rights, regardless of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other beliefs, national or social origin, property status, birth or other circumstances. It is also undeniable that the Dayton Accords did not resolve the interethnic conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also seeks to identify ways to address the Bosnian crisis in the current situation in Ukraine, given the annexation of Crimea and the protracted military conflict in Donbas, and to determine the admissibility and potential limits of external intervention in military conflicts.

It has been long and widely forecast that the security situation in the Balkans — indeed, in South-Eastern Europe generally — would become delicate, and would fracture, during the final stages of the Albanian quest for independence for the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. The Kosovo region is now a lawless area. It has been ethnically-cleansed of Serbs, and re-populated by Albanians who have progressively and illegally, over the past decades, migrated into the area. Years of so-called peacekeeping by the international community count for nothing. Kosovo’s presence as a nominally independent state, without any of the essential foundations to meet the true criteria for sovereignty, can in no way further the stability of the region, or of Europe. Neither can it serve US strategic interests, unless US interests can be defined as a breakdown of viability of Eastern and southern Europe. Not only Kosovo, but all of Albania and other Balkan communities have become captive of the criminal-political movements which owe their power to their alliance with Al-Qaida, Iran, and the Saudi-funded Wahhabist movements. Therefore, new warfare will be supported by many elements of the international Јihadist movements which work closely with Albanian groups such as the KLA along the so-called Green Transversal line (or Zelena Transverzala) — really a clandestine highway or network — which not only carries jihadists but also narcotics and weapons along international supply lines crossing from Turkey and the Adriatic into the Balkans and on into Western Europe. So, the broader battle is now being joined in South-East Europe, in Kosovo, Rashka, the Preshevo Valley, in FYROM, Montenegro, and Epirus being in large part proxy warfare which is symptomatic of the emergence of a new Cold War on a global scale. One can only imagine the negative consequences for Balkan stability if, for example, Turkey’s status changes and Ankara no longer feels obliged to temper its activities, or its use of Islamist surrogate or proxy groups to further pan-Turkish ambitions. On the other hand, we have not yet seen the completion of the break-up of Yugoslavia, and even the wrenching of Kosovo may not complete it. We will then see the dismemberment of some of the Yugoslav parts already independent, perhaps even the dismemberment of FYROM and Bosnia. Perhaps those State Department officials will be surprised, too, to see — a decade or two hence — the claims of autonomy emerging for parts of Arizona, Southern California, or Texas, citing the same pretext of “self-determination” now being claimed by those who moved across the borders to occupy Serbia’s Kosovo province. The Balkans region and the Eastern Mediterranean generally are entering a further period of crisis, insurrection, and possibly open conflict. None of the regional states, but particularly Serbia, are doing enough to address the security ramifications of the coming de facto independence of Kosovo. Finally, conflict issues in the Middle East, and specifically in Iraq, and relating to Iran, will continue to have a profound impact on the stability of the Balkans, and vice-versa

The Delhi Sultanate is a historical region representing Muslim rule between the 13th and 16th centuries. This sultanate was located in the territory of South Asia and became important due to the reasons of its establishment, influence and decline. The reason for its establishment and expansion was the invasion of Islamic sultans in northern India, who came here to propagate their power and religion. The Delhi Sultanate was established in 1206 AD by an invader named Muhammad Ghori. After him, his descendants established various sultanates to maintain their power. The most prominent of these sultanates were the Balban, Khilji and Tughlaq dynasties. These sultanates became centers of propagation of Islamic culture, trade and governance practices in northern India. Apart from this, these sultanates also made significant contributions in the fields of art, literature and science during their reign. These sultanates also brought significant changes in organization and administrative practices, which later laid the foundation of the Mughal Empire. The first major aspect of Delhi Sultanate's influence was religious. Before its arrival, India has been a land of diversities and diversities, in which Hinduism and Jainism were particularly important. With the advent of the Islamic Sultanate, the propagation and spread of Islam began with the destruction of shrines and the construction of temples. The Sultanate rulers saw themselves as promoters of religion and culture, and they introduced new laws and regulations to give priority to religious cities. The decline of the Delhi Sultanate also happened due to various reasons. One of the main reasons was conflict and strategic conflict. The Sultanate was impermanent due to the struggle for power between Dal and his descendants. Also, the invasion of Mongol armies threatened the security of the Delhi Sultanate. Various Mongol invasions led to the dissolution of the Sultanate and the rise of the Mughal Empire. The Delhi Sultanate spread Islamic culture and religion in northern India, as well as bringing about changes in art, literature and administrative practices. The main reason for its decline was internal conflict and Mongol invasion. The history of the Delhi Sultanate is an important chapter in Indian history and laid the foundation for an imperial tradition in northern India that was crucial to the advent and expansion of the Mughal Empire. Abstract in Hindi Language: दिल्ली सल्तनत, 13वीं और 16वीं सदी के बीच मुस्लिम शासनकाल को दर्शाने वाला एक ऐतिहासिक क्षेत्र है। यह सल्तानत दक्षिण एशिया के भूभाग में स्थित थी और अपनी स्थापना, प्रभाव और पतन के कारणों से महत्वपूर्ण हो गई। इसकी स्थापना और विस्तार का कारण उत्तरी भारत में इस्लामिक सुल्तानों के आक्रमण थे, जो अपनी सत्ता और धर्म के प्रचार के लिए यहां आए थे। दिल्ली सल्तनत की स्थापना 1206 ईस्वी में मुहम्मद गोरी नामक आक्रमणकारी द्वारा हुई। उनके बाद उनके वंशज ने अपनी सत्ता को बनाए रखने के लिए विभिन्न सल्तानतें स्थापित कीं। इन सल्तानतों में सबसे प्रमुख थीं बलबन, खिलजी और तुगलक वंश। ये सल्तानतें उत्तरी भारत में इस्लामी संस्कृति, व्यापार और शासन प्रथाओं के प्रचार का केंद्र बन गईं। इसके अलावा, ये सल्तानतें अपने शासनकाल में कला, साहित्य और विज्ञान के क्षेत्र में महत्वपूर्ण योगदान भी कर गईं। ये सल्तानतें संगठन और प्रशासनिक प्रथाओं में भी महत्वपूर्ण परिवर्तन लाईं, जिसने आगे चलकर मुगल साम्राज्य की नींव रखी। दिल्ली सल्तनत के प्रभाव का पहला बड़ा पक्ष धर्मिक था। इसके आगमन से पहले भारत विविधताओं और अनेकताओं का भूमि रहा है, जिसमें हिंदू और जैन धर्म विशेष महत्वपूर्ण थे। इस्लामी सल्तानत के आगमन के साथ, धार्मिक स्थलों के नष्ट होने और मंदिरों के निर्माण के साथ ही इस्लाम धर्म का प्रचार और प्रसार शुरू हुआ। सल्तानती शासकों ने अपने आपको धार्म और संस्कृति के प्रचारक बताया और वे धर्मिक नगरों को प्राथमिकता देने के लिए नए कानून और नियम लागू किए। दिल्ली सल्तनत का पतन भी विभिन्न कारणों के कारण हुआ। एक मुख्य कारण था संघर्ष और सामरिक द्वंद्व। दल और उसके वंशजों के बीच सत्ता के लिए संघर्ष के कारण सल्तानत में अस्थायीता थी। साथ ही, मंगोल सेनाओं के आक्रमण ने दिल्ली सल्तनत की सुरक्षा को खतरे में डाल दिया। विभिन्न मंगोल आक्रमणों ने सल्तानत के पश्चात सत्ता को भंग किया और मुगल साम्राज्य की उत्पत्ति हुई। दिल्ली सल्तनत ने उत्तरी भारत में इस्लामिक संस्कृति और धर्म को प्रचारित किया, साथ ही कला, साहित्य और प्रशासनिक प्रथाओं में भी परिवर्तन लाए। इसके पतन का मुख्य कारण आंतरिक संघर्ष और मंगोल आक्रमण था। दिल्ली सल्तानत का इतिहास भारतीय इतिहास का महत्वपूर्ण अध्याय है और इसने उत्तरी भारत की साम्राज्यवादी परंपरा की नींव रखी, जो मुगल साम्राज्य के आगमन और विस्तार के लिए महत्वपूर्ण थी। Keywords: मुस्लिम शासनकाल, आक्रमण, आक्रमणकारी, संघर्ष और सामरिक, प्रशासनिक, और साम्राज्यवादी

History is a social science, which is concurrently humanistic since it offers not only knowledge about the past, but through the study of historical processes and phenomena influences the creation of a representation of today's concepts and social processes. History is the foundation on which the personality of each individual is built and formed, particularly in education where history models the mankind about their knowledge of themselves and others. Unfortunately, in more or less all Balkan historiographies there is a certain extent of history mythologizing, reinterpretation of facts depending on the needs of usually the government or certain structures and centers of power, and the imposition of truth that should not be discussed, or what is written in textbooks. That is why the mentioned structures create purposeful crises, and then they manage them and, if necessary, resolve them. Socio-political relations are changing and most frequently, apart from a small circle of people who have an interest, ordinary people and society as a whole suffer from long-term harmful consequences that can often get out of control. That is why history has become a powerful weapon that is very often used to manipulate and achieve various, mostly political goals. That is why it is difficult to be a historian in the Balkans! It is quite normal and logical for historians to argue and disagree about certain historical processes and phenomena, but the problem is that because of the above mentioned, historians become an instrument for achieving a certain goal and ideology. One such example is North Macedonia, which suffers consequences in its development, position in the world and realization of its strategic goals precisely because of the (mis)use of history and historical revisionism. This is particularly pronounced by the blocking of North Macedonia to start the negotiations for EU membership by Bulgaria due to the history and processes in the past that are not in line with the so-called Bulgarian historical narrative. Using an argument of force, not facts, using its better international position, Bulgaria creates and imposes a narrative on the Bulgarian identity of the Macedonian people, and the Macedonian language for the Bulgarian dialect, with the relativization of the then Bulgarian participation in the fascist coalition, and the negation of the occupying regime. This is utterly inappropriate for one state to intervene in this way on the history and historical facts of another state. Bilateral disputes are not new to Europe, but the way and pressure that Bulgaria is exerting on North Macedonia is morally and legally unjustified, in which a large part of historians are co-sponsors, becoming an instrument of certain structures. In addition to the analysis of controversial attitudes and positions as a result of historical revisionism of Bulgarian institutions and „historians“, the paper shows that the development of relations between the two countries is directly correlated with changes in government and governing structures, i.e, their ideologies and needs. The resolution of disputes related to the past is possible only with the application of modern approaches and depoliticization of history and its role in modern society.

Published in June 2021 by La Route de la Soie – Éditions, ‘Une géopolitique de la Slovénie’ (A Geopolitics of Slovenia) by Laurent Hassid PhD is a monograph in French on the geopolitics of Slovenia. The author is an associated researcher at the Université Sorbonne Paris Nord in France, specializing in geography and borders. The foreword by Barthélémy Courmont PhD, Assistant Professor at the Catholic University in Lille, France, introduces the book as an opportunity for the reader to expand their knowledge about Slovenia by obtaining an insight into its geography, history and identity. Indeed, the 223-page monograph is structured in three parts following the destiny of Slovenia from a community of a language to an independent nation (1: Unity of a nation; 2: Diversity of a nation; and 3: From unity during independence to the division of an European state). From introduction to conclusion the author looks at the geographical, historical, and political factors that led to the emergence of Slovenia as a sovereign state, which can at the same time be seen as belonging to Central Europe, the Balkans, and the Mediterranean region. The conclusion points only briefly to some challenges which could put into question the European commitments of the country and its ability to face the current and upcoming effects of globalization. The storyline develops gradually from parts one to three, which are broken down into two to three chapters each. The multiple headings within the chapters, and the various maps, pictures and tables which underpin the argumentation, render the book reader-friendly. The article “une” (in English “a”) in the book’s title seems to suggest that this monograph touches upon one of several possible ways of looking at the geopolitics of Slovenia. In particular, the introduction outlines the geographical features of the Slovene territory and refers to several historic facts which explain the state building process of a nation with its own language and territory, but without any particular statehood history. The first part portrays the emergence and evolution of the Slovene nation. This is closely associated with the Slovene literature of the 16th century and onwards, which laid the foundations of a national awakening. The author refers to the history of Carantania and the Counts (Dukes) of Celje as myths that played a significant part in the nation and state-building process of the 19th and 20th centuries. The second part of the book focuses on the differences and challenges within the young country. It describes the historical regions and their dialects, and touches upon the composition of minorities, the Slovene diaspora, and the various ex-Yugoslav nationalities living in Slovenia and their relationships with the native Slovenes. The third part talks about the political developments of the late 1980s and of the post-independence period. The author describes the late 1980s up to 1992 as a time of national unity, which was followed by 20 years of political stability (from 1992 to 2011). Since 2011, he considers that Slovenia has been confronted by an emerging political instability. He offers a snapshot of the contemporary political system, and the main political personalities and events. The book ends with a short reflection of the potential challenges ahead for Slovenia. The book is a welcome addition to monographs written in French. The scarce literature dedicated to Slovenia and its geopolitics is most likely due to the fact that Slovene territory had not been independent historically before 1991. If ever mentioned, it was within the Austrian, Italian, or Yugoslav (Balkan) geopolitical context. In his preface to the book, Barthélémy Courmont indicates this when mentioning that he crossed Slovenia a few times in the early 1990s without even realizing it. This observation is very similar to the one made by Robert Kaplan in his geopolitical bestseller, Balkan Ghosts , where he explains how he crossed the Yugoslav-Austrian border and came to Zagreb (Croatia) in the late 1980s, without noticing any territory or (geo)political entity in between. Timewise, its publication coincides with the anniversaries of two key geopolitical moments in Slovene history. June 2021 marks 30 years since Slovenia became a sovereign and independent state and a full member of the international community. It is also the anniversary of the “Vidovdan” constitution of June 1921 which consecrated the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes; it put an end to the very first independent appearance of Slovenes on the geopolitical chessboard, which had begun in October 1918. This monograph assembles an important amount of geographic, linguistic, cultural and (mostly contemporary) political data and events, which together help to understand the geo(political) landscape of Slovenia. These also explain, in the view of the author of the monograph, the birth of the Slovene nation and its development into an independent country. As more than a quarter of the book is focused on contemporary Slovene politics and related actual (geo)political events , the reader can get a sound insight of the first three decades since Slovenia’s independence. What the book does not provide to the reader, and in particular to the French-speaking audience, is a geostrategic analysis. The author refers briefly to the Napoleonian Illyrian provinces and the Illyrian movement, but he falls short of offering any assessment of the strategic impact of France or other main powers with regard to this territory. One might have expected a closer look at France’s strategic reasons for establishing the Illyrian provinces (1809-13), and at its role in the formation of the Versailles Yugoslavia in 1918-19. The involvement of France in the drawing of the Slovene borders with Austria and Italy , and its current and future strategic stance with regard to Slovenia and the region it belongs to, would have also deserved further consideration. All in all, Une géopolitique de la Slovénie has the merit of offering to the reader, especially to the francophone one, an insight into the geography, identity, and history of Slovenia. It could be a reference for future writing on this young country. It offers a starting point to those who wish to learn more about Slovenia, be it for professional or personal reasons. To Slovene academia, the book provides an insight into how the overall Slovene geopolitical context is perceived through the lens of a foreign (French) author, and it may generate an interest in future writing on this topic accessible to foreign readers.

Public diplomacy is a new diplomatic field that emerges as states influence each other socially, culturally and politically by using soft power tools. Russia and Türkiye have used this new tool of diplomacy intensively, especially since the end of the cold war. Both countries have used and continue to use public diplomacy, a new field of diplomacy, by acting with common identity tools in the Balkans, which is an important region of the security corridor in geopolitical terms. In the theories of International Relations, public diplomacy has been evaluated from a realist, liberal and constructivist perspective. In the article, how Russia and Türkiye use public diplomacy tools is analyzed with a comparison through the Russkiyy Mir Foundation and Yunus Emre Institute, which were established at the same time for similar purposes. The states where the Russian World Foundation is most influential are Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece, and their relations with Russia have been studied in more detail. General information was given about the activities of the Russian World Foundation in other Balkan countries. When the content analysis of the fields of activity of Russia was made, it was concluded that Russia applied to public diplomacy with a realistic perspective to restore its global and regional image and obtain strategic area. Türkiye has used public diplomacy in order to act jointly with regional elements in order to preserve and strengthen its historical and cultural unity. Yunus Emre Institute activities as Türkiye's Balkans public diplomacy tool have been examined. Activities through Bosnia-Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Kosovo, which are the regions where Yunus Emre Institute is most influential, were examined in more detail and general activity information about other Balkan countries was given. When the content analysis of Türkiye's fields of activity is done, Türkiye has realized its public diplomacy on a constructivist basis, with a more inclusive purpose, establishing its communication with the region on unity, and prioritizing the construction of a common identity and culture that sees the region as a part of itself.

Background:Whilst timely clinical characterisation of infections caused by novel SARS-CoV-2 variants is necessary for evidence-based policy response, individual-level data on infecting variants are typically only available for a minority of patients and settings.Methods:Here, we propose an innovative approach to study changes in COVID-19 hospital presentation and outcomes after the Omicron variant emergence using publicly available population-level data on variant relative frequency to infer SARS-CoV-2 variants likely responsible for clinical cases. We apply this method to data collected by a large international clinical consortium before and after the emergence of the Omicron variant in different countries.Results:Our analysis, that includes more than 100,000 patients from 28 countries, suggests that in many settings patients hospitalised with Omicron variant infection less often presented with commonly reported symptoms compared to patients infected with pre-Omicron variants. Patients with COVID-19 admitted to hospital after Omicron variant emergence had lower mortality compared to patients admitted during the period when Omicron variant was responsible for only a minority of infections (odds ratio in a mixed-effects logistic regression adjusted for likely confounders, 0.67 [95% confidence interval 0.61–0.75]). Qualitatively similar findings were observed in sensitivity analyses with different assumptions on population-level Omicron variant relative frequencies, and in analyses using available individual-level data on infecting variant for a subset of the study population.Conclusions:Although clinical studies with matching viral genomic information should remain a priority, our approach combining publicly available data on variant frequency and a multi-country clinical characterisation dataset with more than 100,000 records allowed analysis of data from a wide range of settings and novel insights on real-world heterogeneity of COVID-19 presentation and clinical outcome.Funding:Bronner P. Gonçalves, Peter Horby, Gail Carson, Piero L. Olliaro, Valeria Balan, Barbara Wanjiru Citarella, and research costs were supported by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) and Wellcome [215091/Z/18/Z, 222410/Z/21/Z, 225288/Z/22/Z]; and Janice Caoili and Madiha Hashmi were supported by the UK FCDO and Wellcome [222048/Z/20/Z]. Peter Horby, Gail Carson, Piero L. Olliaro, Kalynn Kennon and Joaquin Baruch were supported by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation [OPP1209135]; Laura Merson was supported by University of Oxford’s COVID-19 Research Response Fund - with thanks to its donors for their philanthropic support. Matthew Hall was supported by a Li Ka Shing Foundation award to Christophe Fraser. Moritz U.G. Kraemer was supported by the Branco Weiss Fellowship, Google.org, the Oxford Martin School, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the European Union Horizon 2020 project MOOD (#874850). The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Commission. Contributions from Srinivas Murthy, Asgar Rishu, Rob Fowler, James Joshua Douglas, François Martin Carrier were supported by CIHR Coronavirus Rapid Research Funding Opportunity OV2170359 and coordinated out of Sunnybrook Research Institute. Contributions from Evert-Jan Wils and David S.Y. Ong were supported by a grant from foundation Bevordering Onderzoek Franciscus; and Andrea Angheben by the Italian Ministry of Health “Fondi Ricerca corrente–L1P6” to IRCCS Ospedale Sacro Cuore–Don Calabria. The data contributions of J.Kenneth Baillie, Malcolm G. Semple, and Ewen M. Harrison were supported by grants from the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR; award CO-CIN-01), the Medical Research Council (MRC; grant MC_PC_19059), and by the NIHR Health Protection Research Unit (HPRU) in Emerging and Zoonotic Infections at University of Liverpool in partnership with Public Health England (PHE) (award 200907), NIHR HPRU in Respiratory Infections at Imperial College London with PHE (award 200927), Liverpool Experimental Cancer Medicine Centre (grant C18616/A25153), NIHR Biomedical Research Centre at Imperial College London (award IS-BRC-1215-20013), and NIHR Clinical Research Network providing infrastructure support. All funders of the ISARIC Clinical Characterisation Group are listed in the appendix.

Today, the incidence of type 2 diabetes mellitus is increasing rapidly on global. This disease is shown with many complications that significantly affect public health. One of them is kidney complications, which have a high incidence among diabetic patients in Vietnam (25.6-33.1%). Age, history of hypertension, and dyslipidemia are considered to be the main risk factors for diabetic nephropathy. Thus, early detection of these factors for kidney damage is significant for diagnosing, monitoring, treatment, and prognosis of diabetic patients. Our descriptive, cross-sectional study conducting on 120 diabetic patients at E Hospital has observed that blood cholesterol levels, HbA1c levels were independently related to eGFR decline below 60 mL/min/1.73m2. From those data, an equation to predict the risk of diabetic kidney disease was estimated as p = with k = Keyword: Type 2 diabetes, Diabetic nephropathy, Risk factor Today, the incidence of type 2 diabetes mellitus is increasing rapidly on global. This disease is shown with many complications that significantly affect public health. One of them is kidney complications, which have a high incidence among diabetic patients in Vietnam (25.6-33.1%). Age, history of hypertension, and dyslipidemia are considered to be the main risk factors for diabetic nephropathy. Thus, early detection of these factors for kidney damage is significant for diagnosing, monitoring, treatment, and prognosis of diabetic patients. Our descriptive, cross-sectional study conducting on 120 diabetic patients at E Hospital has observed that blood cholesterol levels, HbA1c levels were independently related to eGFR decline below 60 mL/min/1.73m2. 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This single and critical case study evaluated a faith-based natural family planning program's salient features using a framework on implementation fidelity. Multiple focus group discussions were conducted, with three groups of stakeholders (n=100), to gather qualitative data on their knowledge and experience of the program. Overall, the findings showed that the program primarily adhered to the essential elements of implementation fidelity, such as content, frequency, duration, and coverage prescribed by its designers. Three lessons were drawn to address some issues that have influenced the degree of fidelity in which the program was implemented. The first is the need to secure adequate and sustained human and financial resources. The second is the need to strengthen its partnership with government and non-government organizations that have provided them with much-needed assistance. Finally, there is also the need to provide extensive training, materials, and support to its service providers to preserve their morale and interest. Other faith-based organizations may hold this case as an indicator of how and why an NFP program works and the extent to which the need for family planning can be met adapted to their local conditions and needs. References Arbuckle, Gerald A. Refounding the Church: Dissent for Leadership. Quezon City: Claretian Publications. 1993. Arevalo, Marcos. "Expanding the Availability and improving the delivery of natural family planning services and fertility awareness education: providers' perspectives. Adv Contracept. Jun-Sep 1997; 13(2-3):275-81. Arévalo, Marcos, Victoria Jennings, and Irit Sinai. "Efficacy of a new method of family planning: the Standard Days Method." Contraception 65, no. 5 (2002): 333-338.Arévalo, Marcos, Irit Sinai, and Victoria Jennings. 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