Tesis sobre el tema "Indonesia – Social conditions"

Economists and policymakers have long believed that access to electricity is essential for industrial development, and ultimately growth. Despite this consensus, there is limited evidence of this relationship. In this thesis, I ask whether electrification causes industrial development. I study the effect of the extensive margin of electrification (grid expansion) on the extensive margin of industrial development (firm entry and exit). I combine newly digitized data from the Indonesian state electricity company with rich manufacturing census data. To deal with endogenous grid placement, I build a hypothetical transmission grid based on colonial incumbent infrastructure and geography. The main instrumental variable is the distance to this hypothetical grid. I examine the effect of electrification on local industrial development. To understand when and how electrification can cause industrial development, I shed light on an important economic mechanism - firm turnover. I find that electrification causes industrial development, represented by an increase in the number of manufacturing firms, manufacturing workers, and output. Electrification increases firm entry rates, but also exit rates. Overall, electrification creates new industrial activity, as opposed to reorganizing it across space. I then evaluate the impact of electrification on firm-level performance. I find that connected firms are larger, more likely to exit, and younger. This is consistent with higher turnover at the market level. I look at the implications of the previous results on industry productivity. Higher turnover rates lead to higher average productivity and induce reallocation towards more productive firms. This is consistent with electrification lowering entry costs, increasing competition and forcing unproductive firms to exit more often. Without the possibility of entry or competitive effects of entry, the effects of electrification are likely to be smaller. I use detailed product-level production data to structurally estimate a quantity-based production function, which when combined with price data, allows me to estimate marginal cost. Electrification substantially reduces the cost of production of existing products and their prices. While mark-ups don’t change for incumbent firm-product pairs, the average markup increases in the market. This is due to a selection effect where products produced post access have higher mark-ups. These products are "new" and are more likely to be differentiated.

<abstract>Most literature on state-society relations in Indonesia assumes an overbearing and oppressive state. In this thesis, I argue that local communities can exert far more influence over state officials, and can be far more resistant to state control, than has previously been acknowledged. I critically analyse the idea of a state with extensive control by focusing on killings alleged sorcerers in a rural area in which I undertook fieldwork. Killings of 'sorcerers' occur when neighbours, family members, and friends believe that one among them is a sorcerer. They group together and, assisted by other local residents, kill the 'sorcerer'. Such killings have been occurring intermittently for at least the past half-century. These usually sporadic killings turned into an outbreak in 1998. The outbreak was precipitated by three factors, in particular: 1. An attempt by the district government to stop killings, which was seen to confirm the identity of sorcerers; 2. Local residents' understanding of the Indonesian reform movement (Reformasi) to incorporate violent attacks on 'sorcerers'; and, 3. The perceived slowness of the police and army response which was understood as tacitly permitting the killings. Local residents interpreted these factors as providing an 'opportunity' to attack 'sorcerers', accounting for around 100 deaths. Although the outbreak was triggered by national- and district-level events, the killings remained local; neighbours, family, and acquaintances of the victims undertook the killings. At this time, the New Order regime of President Soeharto?which scholars have tended to characterise as a state which exerted far-reaching control over society?had just collapsed. Nevertheless, violent actions against 'sorcerers' had occurred during the New Order period, even though they stood in contrast to the order and rule of law and the controlled use of violence that this regime promoted. In order to explain the persistence of anti-'sorcerer' actions, my original findings identify a significant weakness in central state control. Local state officials cannot, and, in many cases, do not want to, stop killings. These officials are connected by ties of locality and kinship to the overwhelming majority of local people, and believe that the 'sorcerer' is guilty. Instead of following demands of law and order from superiors, they are influenced by local communities. Local communities thus exert control over local state representatives, accounting for a breakdown of state control at the local level. This finding of strong community ties and limited state control calls for a reexamination of violence in Indonesia. Violence is usually portrayed as being perpetrated by an aggressive, culpable state on an innocent and passive society. In Banyuwangi, violence emanated from within communities and local state representatives were either unwilling or unable to control it. Eventually, a crackdown by non-local police and army forces brought the outbreak of killings to a halt. However, after these forces left, actions against 'sorcerers' resumed. By demonstrating that ties of locality and kinship undermine state attempts to control local community, I contribute to a revision of the image of an overbearing and violently repressive state in Indonesia.

This study focuses on the implementation of national intervention programs for street children in the province of Yogyakarta, Indonesia. A two-fold research methodology was employed, a combination of analyzing the pertinent documentation relating to policy and intervention programs along with interviews of key informants from government offices and non-governmental institutions. The current programs fail to address the root causes of the economic, political, and social barriers encountered by street children. National policies and programs are not intertwined with efforts of empowerment at the provincial and regional levels. To compound these deficiencies, adaptive strategies incorporating local culture, conditions, and needs are also absent in the planning and implementation of official programs. Alternative efforts are required to rectify the inadequacies endemic to current approaches for assisting street children. A number of recommendations are presented in this study, which take into consideration the complex problems presented by existing programs and suggest a rethinking and a redesign of contemporary methodologies in Indonesia.

[Truncated abstract] The May 1998 anti-Chinese riots brought to the fore the highly problematic position of the ethnic Chinese in the Indonesian nation. The ethnic Chinese were traumatised by the event, and experienced an identity crisis. They were confronted with the reality that many Indonesians still viewed and treated them as outsiders or foreigners, despite the fact that they had lived in Indonesia for many generations. During Suharto's New Order (1966-1998), the ethnic Chinese had been given the privilege to expand the nation's economy (and their own wealth), but, paradoxically, were marginalised and discriminated against in all social spheres: culture, language, politics, entrance to state-owned universities, public service and public employment. This intentional official discrimination against the Chinese continuously reproduced their

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 444-460). A study based on a case study with integrated macro and micro approaches to investigate some effects of the development and industrialisation processes in Indonesia.

The ulama in Madura are an inseparable part of the local social structure. Their strategic position has given them an excellent opportunity to exercise a leadership role in the local context. The ulama's niche in the social order of the village and the forces that participate in the process of change can be seen through a study of village religion in a historical context. More specifically, this study examines village religion in a contemporary setting, and focuses on the internal structure of the villages and their relations to the outside world. The ulama play an important role in a number of domains, and thus occupy a central position in society. Indeed, their religious leadership has nurtured the emergence of complex networks of followers and colleagues which have, over time, sustained the stability of the ulama's leadership role in the face of social and political vicissitudes.

Bibliography: leaves 146-153. This thesis analyses factors influencing farmers use of groundwater pump irrigation in Lombok, Indonesia. It aims to identify the determinants of the speed of technology adoption, to identify factors affecting the levels of water use and to estimate the state of water use by comparing the actual water use to the estimated optimal water use.

x, 84 p. : ill.<br>Modernization theory posits that economic growth and democratization are mutually constitutive processes. I extend a recent literature that finds this relationship to be spurious due to the existence of a number of international factors, specifically the role of foreign capital. Through two-stage least square (2SLS) regressions for as wide a sample as the data allow and two case studies (Indonesia and the Philippines), I find that the presence of US capital significantly influences domestic political institutions. This relationship, however, is non-linear and interrelated with exogenous shocks.<br>Committee in charge: Tuong Vu, Chairperson; Craig Parsons, Member; Karrie Koesel, Member; Will Terry, Member

[Truncated abstract] The aims of the study were twofold; firstly, to describe the inequality in infant mortality in Indonesia namely, to look at the extent and magnitude of the problem in terms of the estimated number of infant deaths, the differentials in infant mortality rates, the probability of infant deaths across provinces, urban and rural areas, and across regions of Indonesia. Secondly, to examine the effect of family welfare status and maternal educational levels on the probability of infant deaths. The study design was that of a population-based multistage stratified survey of the 1997 Indonesian Demographic and Health Survey. Results of the study were obtained from a sample of 28,810 reproductive women aged 15 to 49 years who belonged to 34,255 households. A binary outcome variable was selected, namely, whether or not each of the live born infant(s) from the interviewed women was alive or dead prior to reaching one year of age. Of interest were the variables related to socio-economic status, measured by Family Welfare Status Index and maternal educational levels. The following risk factors were also investigated: current contraceptive methods; birth intervals; maternal age at first birth; marital duration; infants’ size perceived by the mothers; infants’ birth weight; marital status; prenatal care by health personnel; antenatal TT immunization; place of delivery; and religion. Geographical strata (province) and residence (urban and rural areas) were also considered. Both descriptive and multivariate analyses were undertaken. Descriptive analysis was aimed at obtaining non-biased estimates of the infant mortality rates at the appropriate levels of aggregation. Multivariate analysis involved a logistic regression model using the Generalized Estimating Equations (GEE) model-fitting technique. The procedure, a multilog-cumlogit , uses the Taylor Series Linearization methods to compute modelbased variance, and which adjusts for the complex sampling design. Results of descriptive analysis indicate that, indeed, there are inequalities in infant mortality across administrative divisions of the country, represented by provinces and regions, as well as across residential areas, namely urban and rural areas. Also, the results suggested that there is socio-economic inequality in infant mortality, as indicated by a dose-response effect across strata of family welfare and maternal educational levels, both individually and interactively. These inequalities varied by residence (urban and rural), provinces and regions (Java Bali, Outer Java Bali I and Outer Java Bali II). Furthermore, the probability of infant mortality was significantly greater among highrisk mothers, characterized by a number of risk factors used in the study

The majority of children in the developing world are suffering from hardship and poverty, and are not able to reach their full potential. This thesis focuses on the relationship between parental resources and children’s outcomes in the areas of nutrition, cognition and physical health in Indonesia. The life-stages early childhood to young adulthood are crucial for human capital formation. Nutrition, cognition and physical health are key human capitals that are important both as a means to achieve wellbeing and as an end in their own right. They have been identified as some of the main routes for changes in well-being over the life-course and as significant pathways for breaking intergenerational poverty cycles. Disadvantages in these domains are especially salient in developing countries. Yet, evidence is still limited due to lack of appropriate data. Here, data from the Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFLS) is used, a rich panel data set consisting of four waves of data spanning a period of 14 years. I study a cohort of children who are less than three years old in the first wave of the IFLS and for whom relevant outcomes can be observed. While the availability of longitudinal data from IFLS is very important, the setup and design of the data presented an enormous challenge: unlike with longitudinal datasets from developed countries, such as the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) or the cohort studies, the IFLS data is presented more or less in raw form. In order to facilitate a critical and careful approach to working with this kind of complicated raw data, I completed two self-organized research stays with the IFLS team in which I witnessed the data collection and interviewed IFLS team members. This helped me to understand the questionnaire and measures better and to identify the strongest parts of the IFLS: the self-collected measures for children – namely the physical health measures height and lung capacity (collected by specially trained nurses) as well as a cognitive measure – the Raven’s coloured progressive matrices. These are unique features for a general household survey in a developing country context and constitute important child outcomes. As a starting point from which to ask more specific research questions concerning the three types of children's outcomes, I synthesized research from relevant domains such as neuroscience, social science, childhood studies and economics. Chapter 1, 2 and 3 constitute the setup of the research by detailing the motivation and background for the research, the conceptual frameworks, literature reviews, data and methodology as well as the research questions. Chapter 4, 5 and 6 are the empirical chapters investigating the aforementioned child outcomes in detail. Chapter 4 entitled: “Children’s nutritional status in early life and dynamics into adolescence” investigates firstly, to what extent parental resources are associated with children experiencing stunting in early childhood and in adolescence. Results for parental resources for stunting in early childhood reveal protective factors which include mother’s height and direct measures of living standards. For stunting in adolescence the importance of parental resources as protective factors increases (mother’s height is stronger related and father’s height is now significant as is household consumption as a measure of financial resources). The association with direct living standards decreases. Secondly, I investigate if there are stunting dynamics – that is, movement in and out of stunting between early childhood and adolescence. For dynamics of stunting I use transition matrices to show that entries and exits from stunting occur over children’s entire life-course (not just in early childhood). Movements into stunted growth decrease the older children get but are still around 6% between middle childhood (7-10 years old) and adolescence (14-17 years old). Movements out of stunted growth occur over the whole life-course of children with the highest exit rates of around 19% between ages 7-10 years and 14-17 years. My results support Adair’s study for the Philippines (1999) and Schott and Crookston’s recent research for Peru (2013). In Chapter 5, I investigate children’s cognitive outcomes – i.e. Raven’s coloured progressive matrices and math scores. Firstly, I examine to what extent children’s growth status in early childhood and change in growth is associated with cognitive test results in adolescence. Secondly, to what extent parental resources are associated with children’s cognitive test results. One key result indicates a significant positive association between initial/early height-for-age (HAZ) and cognitive test scores. This could support the hypothesis on early sensitive periods for cognitive development and the important role of pre– and post natal influences up to the early childhood measure. However, I also find evidence that changes in growth into middle childhood (i.e. the residual HAZ between early and later childhood) is significant positive associated with children’s cognitive test scores. This supports the hypothesis of the plasticity of the brain beyond early years. Chapter 6 is about children’s physical health measure of lung capacity. I investigate to what extent children’s growth status in early life and growth dynamics into adolescence are associated with children’s lung capacity. Further, I examine to what extent parental resources are associated with children’s lung capacity. A key result is that in terms of parental resources there is a strong positive association between father’s and mother’s lung capacity and their children in adolescence. Also maternal years of schooling is significantly associated. I do not find a significant positive association between initial/early height-for-age (HAZ) and lung capacity. This would work against the hypothesis on early sensitive periods and rather point to the importance of changes in growth after early childhood for children’s lung capacity development. The change in growth into middle childhood (residual HAZ) is significant positively associated with children’s lung capacity. These result differ from what I find for cognitive outcomes where early growth status and changes in growth are both relevant. Chapter 7 discusses recommendations for future research; for example, how new data collection efforts in Indonesia could contribute to closing evidence gaps on children’s life chances identified in this thesis by collecting birth cohort data or extending the IFLS. I also address implications for policy covering recommendations for more holistic childhood interventions, the kind of support provided and targeting of vulnerable children. Evidence on children’s life chances from Indonesia is very limited. I set out to make a contribution in providing evidence on child outcomes that are uniquely featured in the Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFLS). My key concern is to study the intergenerational determinants of child outcomes – that is, asking to what extent parental resources are linked to the level of children’s nutrition, cognition, and health but also the intra-generational link – that is to what extent nutritional status is linked to later growth dynamics and other child outcomes such as cognitive and health outcomes. To the best of my knowledge, there are very few previous studies for Indonesia that investigate these important child outcomes, especially with the focus on the intergenerational and life-course determinants.

Given that conditional cash transfers (CCTs) can be a very effective social welfare program to reduce poverty and improve education and health outcomes, but may exacerbate conflict, this thesis addresses strategies for conflict-sensitive formulation and implementation of CCTs in Indonesia. This thesis raises the immediate need to address poverty in Indonesia and seeks to learn from the successes and challenges of other CCTs, such as those enacted in Mexico, Brazil, Turkey, and the Philippines. This thesis also looks into existing literature comparing the effectiveness of CCTs to other social protection programs (SPPs) and finds that CCT is one of the most effective (SPPs). Moreover, this thesis also explores the reasoning and conditioning factors as to how CCTs may reduce or exacerbate conflict, and finds that it can reduce conflict through the education channel (e.g. positive peer effect, reduction of time to spend doing other activities), employment channel (e.g. education leading to higher chances of getting employed), and the income substitution channel (cash benefits received would reduce incentives to engage in financially-motivated crimes). Nonetheless, this thesis also seeks to enhance the targeting mechanisms of CCTs to ensure that it does not exacerbate conflict. More specifically, this thesis concludes that Program Keluarga Harapan (PKH), the CCT program in Indonesia, should employ a more centralized targeting to reduce opportunities for local elite capture in its 7,000 districts. Furthermore, this thesis proposes the creation of a more competitive system in electing which districts it works with by asking district heads to submit proposals outlining why and how PKH will work in their respective areas, which will hopefully motivate them to be more accountable and to reduce administrative costs.

Le bilan de l action de l etat indonesien a travers son intervention dans vie economique pour realiser les objectifs definis par les plans quinquennaux est globalement positif. Les indicateurs macro-economiques, des rapports sociaux meme jusqu a l evolution de la part d industries manufactirieres sont impressionants, bien que le probleme de l inegalite socio-economique soit toujours preoccupant. De plus, la tendance de la concentration et de la domination economique par certains groupes sociaux est de plus en plus solide apres l ere de dereglementation, sans une solution geniale, en outre, on se pose egalement le probleme de la sous-utilisation de main d oeuvre et de sous-emploi dans la quasi-totalite des secteurs economique. Quoique l etat omnipresent soit toujours en continu malgre un processus de dereglementation dans une derniere decennie. Grace a cette dereglementations, le secteur prive augmente sa contribution dans le developpement economique et l efficacite s est amelioree. Neanmoins, des signes de l existence de l"etat mou" (myrdal) n ont pas totalement disparus, car par exemple le probleme de la corruption est loin d etre resolu. De toute facon, le gouvernement de l ordre nouveau de soeharto, le plus long dans l histoire du pays , a maintenu la stabilite politique et economique avec certes une repression politique. Mais depuis les dernieres annees, on constate des indicateurs d un processus de democratisation<br>The balance sheet of the action of the indonesian state through its intervention in the economy is globally positive. The macro-economic and the social indicators until the growth of the manufacturing industries are impressive, where as the socio-economic inequality is still a very important problem. In addition, the tendency of concentration of capital and the domination of economic activities by certain social groups is more and more strong, particularly after the "era of the deregulation", with out brillinant solution. Moreover, there arises the problem of the underutilization of labour force in almost all economic sectors. Despite a process of deregulation in the last decade, the omnipresence of the state has been important. With this deregulation, the private sector incresed its contribution in the economic development and its efficiency has increased. Neverthless, some indicators of the existence of the "soft state" (myrdal) have not yet disappeared, for example the problem of corruption is far from being resolved. Any way, the government of the new oreder - the longest in the history of the country - maintained the political and economic stability with indeed a political repression. But since the last few years, we can see some indicators of the process of democratization

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the historical and cultural dimensions of contemporary settlement patterns in the southern central highlands of West Timor. The Atoin meto people of this region are subsistent agriculturalists who live out their lives in the restricted world of household and hamlet. Social networks within and between hamlets are organised on the basis of dispersed clan group affiliations and marriage alliance. Knowledge of the past is recorded and expressed through an oral narrative tradition which provides a legitimating discourse for establishing claims in the present. In this thesis I draw on one exemplary oral narrative from the prominent clan group Nabuasa. This provides a basis for reconstructing the former political order in the study area of southern Amanuban. The analysis of the narrative reveals that the Nabuasa clan came to occupy the central position of an autonomous political system founded on an expansionary cult of warfare and headhunting. The history of twentieth century southern Amanuban has been one of diverse change. I argue, however, that Atoin meto communities maintain an orientation to the political order of the past and the central Nabuasa position within it. The legacy of this orientation may be observed in the patterns of land tenure, marriage alliance, and the system of localised political authority. These practical concerns are symbolised and represented through an inherited corpus of metaphorical idioms expressed in a pervasive dyadic form. These recurrent metaphors of life, such as gate and path, trunk and tip, female and male, and inside and outside, express cultural notions of relative precedence and social continuity. In these and other ways the present is constituted in terms of the past. Social reproduction is ordered by a system of asymmetrically structured social relations, articulated by a complex of gift exchange and legitimated and framed by recourse to historical precedent.

This thesis centers upon the maintenance of the social structures through the norms and values forming the ethos of a Balinese village. It is focused primarily upon the husband and wife pair during the active period of their life, because the conjugal unit is the agency who contributes to the preservation of the normative status quo through its actions in the social, economic and ritual domains. The welfare of the village community rests upon the ability and willingness of this unit to discharge its social duties and fulfil its social roles in a manner which is both appropriate to the situation of the moment and in accordance with the existing norms. The status of the conjugal unit within the village illustrates fundamental Balinese ideas about the purpose of human existence and the nature of human action. Human life is conceived as a transitional period when the ancestral soul incarnates "to fetch food" (ngalih nasi), and a distinction is made between two dimensions of the person. One dimension is intimately linked with consciousness and social interactions, and is the prerogative of human existence from birth to death. The second dimension is identified with the continuity of the descent line and is associated with ancestry, from the time of death until reincarnation. Together, they constitute two complementary aspects of the ancestral group which moves as a single body managed by the living in the name of the dead. All human actions entail an alteration of the social and/or material environment and have a similar bearing upon the visible and invisible worlds. In order to be effective, human activities must have a ritual as well as an instrumental aspect. The legitimacy of an action depends as much upon the efficacy of its ends as on its conformity to the established norms. The village ethos rests entirely upon the interplay between the fundamental unity of purpose of the Balinese ancestral group and the perceived impact of human action upon the world. As such the social structures must be flexible enough to adapt to the changing requirements of the moment without losing their relevance for the community.

This study analyses the character and trajectory of Indonesia's welfare regime in which government welfare provisions trigger social conflict and are used for the practice of clientelism. The study focuses on four issues: the administrative arrangements of government social protection programs; the implication of the administrative arrangements for social conflict; the threat of conflict to social capital; and political manipulation of the arrangements for clientelism. This study selects subsidised rice (Raskin) and unconditional cash transfer (BLT) programs as the cases to understand these issues. The study employs mixed methods, with a qualitative approach as the main method. Prior to qualitative data analysis, this research looks at Governance and Decentralisation Survey and Indonesia Family Life Survey using descriptive statistical analysis. After the quantitative analysis, this study examines qualitative data, which covers newspapers, television news footages, previous related studies, government documents, and primary data. The primary data were collected through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The fieldwork data collection was conducted at national, district, and community levels. This study involved 117 key persons consisting of the former vice president, parliament members, government officers, districts mayors, non-government organisation activists, village heads, and social leaders. The analysis of the data shows that since 1998, Indonesia's welfare regime has been undergoing a transformation from a productivist welfare regime to a liberal-informal one. The transformation is shown by a growing role of the state in providing social protection for the poor and at the same time, the role of community in providing livelihood for people is still thriving. The growing role of the state was triggered under pressure by the International Monetary Fund and World Bank through establishing conditionality to provide social safety net to support structural adjustment programs. The welfare-regime transformation suffers from complicated social conflict. Both quantitative and qualitative data show that the BLT program stimulated social conflicts, protests, and destructive demonstrations. The conflict, which was a result of recurring discord triggered by the Raskin program, occurred because of poor administrative arrangements of the BLT program which led to a problematic mis-targeted distribution. The conflict eroded trust and weakened social networks threatening social capital. Besides generating social conflict, the Raskin and BLT programs also provoked clientelism, which emerge at national, district, and community levels. At the national level, the ruling party used BLT program for vote buying in the 2009 presidential elections. The party manipulated the administrative arrangement of BLT programs, eliminated widespread political refusal of the program, distributed BLT during political campaign period, and claimed it as the ruling party's benevolence to mobilise voters to obtain their votes. At district level, BLT program was used by district mayors to show their political loyalties and to bargain with political-party leaders to secure their office. At community level, village heads utilised both Raskin and BLT programs to reward people who voted for the village heads in the village-head elections and to keep their political loyalties for the next village-head elections. Keywords: welfare-regime transformation, social conflict, social capital, clientelism, vote buying

This study identifies the Indonesian policies that established large scale, export oriented and externally controlled (LEE)industrialization from the perspective of local people in the industrializing area, the planning that implemented these policies in Central Java and the ways in which the local people's lives are being affected. It identifies the links between the policy and the planning, and between the planning and the impacts. This study is based on data gathered from provincial, municipal and local planners, affected people, factory owners, and workers. LEE industrial development has often been successful in terms of its contribution to Regional Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and to the creation of low wage employment opportunities. However, this success has been accompanied by significant economic, social and environmental impacts on local people. The economic impacts include loss of livelihood and jobs, and decrease of family income. The social impacts comprise the weakening of community cohesion and the disruption of the people's daily lives. The environmental impacts include floods, lack of clean water, water pollution, and air pollution. The impacts of LEE industrialization have been documented by various studies including this one. What has not been adequately analyzed and documented is the process that produces the impacts. This study helps to fill the gap. It concludes that the impacts stem from the following factors. The national development emphasizes large scale and export oriented industrialization. The top-down development planning ensures that this policy is supported at the provincial level regardless of local conditions, needs and priorities. The arbitrary nature of provincial decision-making provides for no popular input. Impact assessment studies fail to provide the information necessary for planners, decision-makers and ideally the local leaders about the likely impacts of industrialization. The way the responsible government agencies solve environmental problems tends to protect factory interests. The impacts are exacerbated by a lack of adequate monitoring and enforcement of environmental regulations. The thesis concludes that substantive policy reform and process restructuring are required to achieve sound planning for industrial development. If quality of life is to be protected and enhanced, industrial policies should be reoriented to strengthening existing local economic activities; and planning restructured to enable local planners and affected people to be fully involved at all stages including impact management.

The study addresses the determinants of adverse pregnancy outcomes, especially neonatal deaths and stillbirths, in developing countries. The study is conducted in the Indramayu Regency of West Java Province, Indonesia. A wide range of quantitative and qualitative methods was employed to study this important public health issue. Using community-based longitudinal data derived from the Indramayu Health and Family Planning Prospective Study and the MotherCare Study (1990 to 1993), a series of bivariate and multivariate analyses was conducted. It was found that the level of neonatal deaths and stillbirths in the study area was higher than the national average. Socio-demographic as well as bio-medical factors were significantly related to the high level of neonatal deaths and stillbirths. While school attendance had the direct effect of reducing the risk of stillbirth, teenage pregnancy increased the risk of neonatal death through the indirect effects of short pregnancy intervals and low birth weight. Neither the maternal nutritional depletion theory, nor the excess of preterm deliveries in the short pregnancy interval group explained the mechanism through which a short pregnancy interval increased the risk of neonatal death. It is likely that an intrafamilial mortality effect was the causal mechanism. The findings suggest that efforts to alleviate the level of neonatal deaths and stillbirths should not only focus on medical initiatives but also on specific social interventions. Although extensive public health campaigns and the provision of adequate maternal and child health care are necessary, they alone are not sufficient. Social interventions designed to promote late marriage and delay of first birth through improving women's education are required to enhance medical efforts to reduce the high level of neonatal deaths and stillbirths in the study area or areas with similar conditions.

The Bugis of South Sulawesi have long been renowned for their exploits in trading and settling throughout the Indonesian archipelago. This thesis examines the movement of Bugis settlers to the upland plain surrounding Lake Lindu in Central Sulawesi and the nature of the community they have established in this region. In trying to explain the conceptions and behaviour of Bugis encountered both within and outside their homeland, Western observers have constructed a number of images of this group that contain contradictory elements. These contradictions arise largely from the conflict of notions of ascribed and achieved status and the divergent modes of behaviour of those with different places in the status system. Migration outside the homeland is in part a response to these contradictions impelling people into the periphery, but it is also conditioned by changing historical circumstances — internal wars, Dutch colonial impositions, climatic changes, varying demands and patterns of regional and world trade -- that regulate the volume of migration and its destinations, as well as the economic pursuits and social organization of the emigrant communities. In addition to overseas locations throughout the archipelago, areas of Sulawesi outside the Bugis homeland have provided a frontier for Bugis expansion. Bugis have been colonizing the coasts of the Kaili region of western Central Sulawesi for centuries, and in the period of Dutch rule acted as the primary intermediaries (i.e. cultural brokers) through whom the colonial overlords exercised their authority. Bugis penetration into Lindu in the Kaili hinterland began with the movement of refugees during the civil war (1950-1965) that racked the homeland after independence. However, this migration has been neither homogeneous nor continuous. Four contingents of migrants, each distinguished by its own network of kin ties, recognition of common origins within the homeland, and by allegiance to different pioneers, have settled as fishermen and farmers on the shores of Lake Lindu. Contemporary residential patterns preserve the disparate origins of these migrants at the subethnic level, as do the marketing networks established by competing fish entrepreneurs. Status in this nascent community depends largely on local economic achievement, but members of the different contingents recognize a variety of divergent status criteria. Economic enterprises retain aspects of traditional patronclient relations, but also are increasingly reliant on debt as a mechanism to maintain subordinates loyal to particular entrepreneurs. The Bugis have attained a position of economic control at Lindu by setting up enterprises to exploit the previously untapped resources of the lake. In addition, through assuming leadership in rituals orientated to the local spirit world and conceptually recasting this spiritual landscape, the Bugis have been able to exercise cultural hegemony as well as economic dominance. The situation at Lindu thus exemplifies Bugis settlement throughout the archipelago as a process involving economic, social, political and cultural mechanisms of penetration and domination.

This thesis documents the complex process by which a conservative village, Brassika, in South Bali, has been absorbed into the nation-state of Indonesia. National-level political events such as the Land Reform Act of 1960 and the Gestapu coup and its violent aftermath have led to a significant redistribution of agricultural land in Brassika. The Puri, the traditional ruling house of the village and major landowner, has transferred significant amounts of land to new owners. Government policies and development programmes have enmeshed the villagers in the Indonesian macroeconomy. Green Revolution technology, the Family Planning programme and a wide range of other development programmes have been widely adopted. Government legislation has also caused the introduction of new bureaucratic structures in the village, leading to a loss of local autonomy. The political role of the Puri in the village has also being transformed. One important 'New Order' policy has been to expand the national school system and thus to "equalize" access to the fruits of economic development. Access to schooling has consequently expanded rapidly in the New Order period, but in Brassika, boys, especially high-caste boys, have enjoyed far greater access to schools than girls. Schooling thus reproduces traditional elite positions and cannot be regarded as an agent for equal opportunity. Further, schools have a curriculum which emphasizes citizenship and the power of the state. Schooling is thus a form of political control. 'New Order' ideology stresses the value of progress, order and stability. The 'New Order' period has been characterized by comparative social order, prosperity and stability. Traditional political theory in Bali also emphasizes the importance of order and legitimate rule signified by the possession of sakti. The prosperous, stable reign of the traditional village head, the Cokorda, was partly a creation of the New Order government and partly the product of an inherited tradition of legitimate rule. His recent move into the Indonesian bureaucracy reflects modern elite interests in the supra-village sphere of the government. It also signals the separation of the political tie between Puri and village.

This thesis draws on ethnographic research that focuses on the cultural practice of female initiated marriage payment, ampa co’i ndai, among semi-urban Bimanese Muslims of Eastern Indonesia. The practice takes place when the bride, with the help of her parents and female relatives, pays her own marriage payment (co’i). It is normally used only when the prospective groom is a government employee. However, during the declaration of marriage, the payment is announced to have come from the groom. This thesis uses the practice as a site to examine women’s agency and a lens to understand social change in a modernizing Muslim society that has a heritage of bilateral kinship. The interplay of the kinship system, modernization, women’s agency and marriage payment demonstrates the value of “structuration theory” developed by Anthony Giddens (1984), showing that social structure and agency continuously shape and are shaped by each other. This thesis argues that ampa co’i ndai serves as a means of taking advantage of new opportunities opened up by modernization; this local variant of Islamic marriage payments allows women to appropriate what was traditionally considered a male prerogative and use it to equalize gender imbalance. The practice also sheds light on what I identify as the ‘collective solidarity’ that maybe involved in exercising agency, demonstrating agency of power and agency of projects amalgamated, as conceptualised by Sherry B. Ortner (2006). The bilateral kinship system of the Bimanese, which involves both reciprocity and complementarity (angi) between husbands and wives, was challenged with the arrival of modernization in the late 1960s. Subsistence agriculture, previously practiced by most Bimanese, in which women played a major role, started to be displaced under the Indonesian New Order (1966–1998) economic development programs. These developments program involved, among other things, increasing number of prestigious government bureaucratic positions, which went to men rather than women. The previously parallel and complementary positions of women and men, in marriage, both of whom were farmers, came to be less common, including in semi-urban areas, as the conception of men as sole economic providers and women as housewives came to be more prevalent. The introduction of this distinction between workplace and home, distanced the two domains, with the status of the former raised in social and economic terms, and the latter correspondingly devalued. However, the normative centrality of women in the household (matrifocality) and sense of solidarity of local communities (communality) has still provided a cultural place for ampa co’i ndai. Matrifocality continues to lend strength to the bond between mothers and daughters and promote solidarity among female relatives, enabling women to initiate and execute this unusual practice, and enjoy its benefits. Communality continues to provide a basis for public funding (pamaco) for female-initiated marriage payments, and so serves as an alternative economic resource for a wedding. This has made it possible for women of lower economic status to also participate in the practice. Ampa co’i ndai thus demonstrates that agency can be collectively constructed, and involves the shared responsibility of relatives and the community-what I have called ‘collective solidarity.’ The narratives of nineteen Muslim women who have been involved in ampa co’i ndai reveal how deep-seated collective solidarity underpins the ways women pursue their goals when using this practice. They use it not just for themselves as individuals, but also for the status of women as wives, mothers, and daughters. Ampa co’i ndai is a testament to the complexities of gender power relations, which too often are understood in terms of essentialized women’s roles concerned wholly with the welfare of their families. However, ampa co’i ndai also shows women’s interdependence and the considerable lengths to which they will go using that mutual dependence to gain power and prestige for themselves and their relatives.

The main purpose of this study is to determine the classification, distribution and social functions of metal objects from sarcophagus burials in Bali. Questions of chronology and the sources of raw materials for early metallurgy in Bali are also examined. The metal artifacts which have been analysed in this study are preserved in the Central Museum, Jak arta; in the Museum Bali, Denpasar; in the collection of the Directorate of History and National Heritage, Gianyar; and in the collection of Archaeological Research in Denpasar. Most of the metal objects from sarcophagus burials in Bali can be classified as ornament. These include bracelets, finger rings, finger protectors, arm protectors, wire necklace units, waist belts, ear rings, chains and pentagonal plates. Several a rtifacts can also be classified as tools or implements, including axes of crescentbladed and heart-bladed types. These bracelets, pentagonal plates and axes of crescent-bladed and heart-bladed types have been found not only in the sarcophagus burial sites but also in the necropolis and settlement sites at Gilimanuk. Based on the distributions of those artifacts it seems th a t exchange between the inhabitants of the inland and people of the coastal sites may have occurred during the Early Metal period in Bali. The appearance of metal working in Bali, which lacked raw materials both of tin and copper, also indicates long distance trade. Both raw materials may have been derived from islands west of Bali; tin may have been obtained from Bangka, Belitung and adjacent areas, and copper exists in Sumatra and Java. A comparative study with other island Southeast Asian sites which have been dated indicates th a t early metallurgy in Bali may have developed at the first half of the first millennium AD. Metal objects from sarcophagus burials in Bali might have had high statu s value as social symbols. Those who had access to metal objects might thus have held high rank in the society. The occurrence of early metal working in Bali may also relate to an economic surplus dependent on wet rice cultivation. The condition of Balinese society during the Early Metal period was a crucial factor behind subsequent state formation in Bali.

Violent conflict, which has significantly marked Indonesia’s democratic transition since late 1990s, may threaten the development of viable democracy. The key research objective, as well as the moral appeal of this thesis is to discover what developments may mitigate the tendency for various types of conflict and violence to emerge in contemporary Indonesia, and make the country’s transition to democracy safe for its constituents. This thesis is the first coherent study of social conflict in Indonesia that empirically evaluates the grievance, greed and social contract theories of conflict. It provides a historical overview of conflict and development since Indonesia’s independence and simultaneously undertakes empirical analyses of four types of conflict – separatist, ethnic, routine-everyday and electoral – in contemporary Indonesia. It also extensively surveys the theoretical and empirical literature on the economics of conflict to locate the present research within a broader context. The thesis utilizes a variety of research methodologies in its data collection and empirical exercises. The data section of this study has specifically constructed an electoral hostility index across 282 of Indonesian districts, based on a database on electoral conflict compiled mainly from newspaper reports. The empirical sections employ several different regression techniques, including Poisson, Negative Binomial, Logistic, Ordered Logistic, Ordinary Least Square (OLS) and Two-Stage Least Square (2SLS). Grievance is found to be the most powerful explanation of the origin of social conflict in Indonesia. Ironically, both centre–region (separatist) conflict and ethnic conflict are rooted in the socio-economic convergences (of regions and of ethnic groups) achieved during the three decades of development under the autocratic regime of President Suharto. In contrast to the prediction of grievance theory, convergence rather than divergence fuelled a sense of relative deprivation among richer regions and previously privileged ethnic groups. Although this may appear as a reflection of ‘greedy’ behaviour, the grievances were mainly due to imposed convergence, where groups had no say in the development strategy of the centrist state, which was dominated by Javanese elites. This conclusion seems logical as the country's democratic consolidation and decentralization have been able to transform the previously non-cooperative behaviour of regions and ethnic groups into cooperation. The vertical nature of the social contract under Suharto was not sustainable, and has been replaced by a horizontal one under a democratic and decentralized setting of polity and governance. Routine violence can be explained by the relative deprivation of the community at large in terms of unfulfilled expectations commensurate with their level of education or other human capital attributes. This study finds empirical evidence of a neo-Malthusian conflict scenario, where population pressure-induced resource scarcity may cause conflict. The effect becomes worse when higher population density coincides with higher population growth. However, the neo-Malthusian outcome is not inevitable; it can be mitigated by improvements in socioeconomic condition, or inclusive growth. Although the role of vertical inequality in conflict has been largely discounted in empirical cross-country studies, this study finds empirical evidence for a violence inducing effect of vertical inequality in the case of routine violence. This finding is based on the apparent presence of an inverted-U relationship between inequality and income al la Kuznets. This finding helps explain the inverted-U relationship between income and routine violence. The effect of income on violence is channelled through inequality. Electoral violence reflects the lack of democratic maturity in socio-economically poorer regions, giving some validity to the modernization theory in the context of a within-country analysis. Two results are particularly important, namely the negative effect of income and the positive effect of poverty, on electoral hostility. This leads to a general implication that the country needs to achieve nationally consistent improvements in terms of people prosperity and overall quality of life while consolidating its democracy. The need becomes more urgent from the perspective of local democracy, especially considering that local democratic events tend to be more hostile than national ones. Therefore, while consolidating democracy as a key element of institution building requires huge national energy and resources, it must not be achieved at the expense of improvement of people’s welfare. The masses, who are the ordinary participants in as well as the main beneficiaries of democracy will be quick to recognize the democratic dividends if they are linked to improved life. This will deepen their faith in democracy, lowering any risks of democracy drawback. The findings of this study have a number of key policy messages. First, the overall process of Indonesia’s democratization and decentralization serves as a means to construct a new horizontal social contract, replacing the previous vertical social contract that operated under Suharto. To maintain this, Indonesia’s democracy needs to be further consolidated. Secondly, a key element that should be achieved while moving forward with democracy is across-the-board improvement in the socioeconomic life of average citizens. However, there is a danger that Indonesia could allocate most of its limited energy and talent to the democracy project, leaving only a little for improvements in socio-economic life of its citizens. With the right balance, democratic consolidation and socio-economic development will reinforce each other. Thirdly, inequality and demographic change are two factors that require a good deal of attention in the process of development, especially in densely populated areas. Inequality, for example, can be seen as an unintended outcome of the development progress that has the potential to spoil the development itself. It becomes more delicate if it coincides with population pressure. Such understanding should be taken into consideration when designing development policies for particular regions. Finally, Indonesia should be aware of a resource curse that may one day be faced by its resource-rich regions. Three channelling mechanisms leading to the curse can be listed: bad governance, internal conflict and ‘Dutch disease’. In particular, highly competitive electoral processes lacking in checks and balances in resource-rich regions may result in local politicians behaving as ‘roving bandits’ under the shadow of democracy and thereby inviting the resource curse.

In the light of the interest in transnationalism and other relevant anthropological theories, this thesis reflects on the study of China and contributes to the theoretical discussion and ethnography of China, from the perspectives of qiaoxiang and transnationlism.<br>Nevertheless, the local peoples' experience with the Chinese Overseas has great impact on shaping their attitudes. There is the spirit of continuing to better their livelihood, and this has encouraged many people in qiaoxiang to continue to emigrate to other countries, establishing a new transnational network in the context of globalization and global market economy, beyond the traditional network of the Chinese Overseas.<br>Qiaoxiang refers to the ancestral hometown of the Chinese Overseas. Since a century ago, the coastal regions in Fujian and Guangdong have become well-known qiaoxiang. In the beginning, migrants went abroad to make a living, sojourning between the places of residence overseas and hometowns in China. Thus, a transnational network of family ties gradually came into being. People in qiaoxiang usually relied much on their clansmen abroad in aspects ranging from financial support to decisions in local affairs. Due to the influence of the Chinese Overseas, social changes took place in qiaoxiang, and these promoted development in the surrounding areas too.<br>There are two major foci in this research. One involves vertical analysis of history, explaining how qiaoxiang came into being and how it developed. The other focus is on transnationalism of space, demonstrating the transformation of the transnational network from both the point of view of the Chinese Overseas and the local villagers in China. In this way, I studied the transformation of family structure in Shudou Village, the contributions of the Chinese Overseas to education, public health and medical treatment in qiaoxiang, the dynamics of local organization and local politics, and the economic development of qiaoxiang. The study shows that nowadays people in qiaoxiang no longer rely on financial support from their clansmen abroad. In village affairs, decisions are generally made by the local organizations independent of the Chinese Overseas. Thus qiaoxiang has become increasingly independent.<br>With the passage of time and changes in national politics, the national identification of Chinese Overseas has changed too. What has happened to the traditional network among the Chinese Overseas? What effect does it have on qiaoxiang? Taking Shudou, a village in Fujian, as an example, this dissertation discusses the transformation of transnational network among Chinese overseas as well as the roles of qiaoxiang in this network, by investigating the relations between the local villagers and their clansmen in Indonesia.<br>丁毓玲.<br>Adviser: Chee Beng Tan.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-09, Section: A, page: .<br>Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong,2004.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 198-207).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>School code: 1307.<br>Ding Yuling.

The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity. In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory. Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children; and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase. While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology.<br>Sociology<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

This thesis examines warga or 'origin groups' in contemporary Bali and considers the negotiations over hierarchy and equality in which they are socially engaged. The study focuses on Warga Pasek Sapta Rsi and its formal organisation, the Maha Gotra Pasek Sanak Sapta Rsi (MGPSSR). This warga is the largest origin group and one of the most progressive in the struggle for equality. The study was carried out throughout Bali, since there is no 'average village' which can represent 'Balinese society'; variation in socio-cultural practices in Bali is unbelievably wide ranging according to village or region. Moreover, the nature of the warga, which crosscuts administrative boundaries, compelled me to wander from one village to another, from one kabupaten to the next. I even followed members of this warga to Solo (Central Java), as this warga has discovered one of its presumed ancestors there and has constructed a petilasan (tomb-shrine), where annual celebrations are conducted. To start with, I describe the 'multiple identities' of the Balinese, since all Balinese are inevitably members of more than one organisation, ie. desa adat (customary village) and banjar (customary hamlet), desa dinas (administrative village), subak (organisations for irrigation farmers), subak abian (organisations for upland farmers), pamaksan (temple congregations), seka (functional groups), and warga (kin-based origin networks). All of these organisations are egalitarian in nature, in the sense that all members are more or less equal, regardless of their other social roles, and no member holds special privileges. Once they enter the sphere of these organisations, they are 'one,' as 'brothers' (semeton). The theory of four-castes provides an inappropriate concept to understand Balinese society because it oversimplifies the complexity of Balinese social relations and daily interactions. As an alternative, I suggest that the concept of origin group or warga is more useful, since the warga has more religious and sociological significance than caste. Nonetheless, I maintain the terms Triwangsa and Jaba, the first being those who bear honorific initial names and the latter those who do not. Despite the honorific initial name they bear, the Triwangsa people have no special privilege in present-day Bali. The establishment of modern-style organisations for warga has been inspired by an ideology of equality that challenges the hierarchical ordering of these warga. The sense of being different from others with a distinct identity is clear in the emergence of warga organisations. They emphasise the concept of 'difference,' as opposed to 'hierarchy.' According to the concept of difference, no warga is higher or lower, and the various symbols used by different warga are merely differences. This search for difference is obvious in warga of the Jaba, notably Warga Pande, Bhujangga Waisnawa, and Pasek Sapta Rsi. The search for difference, in practice, means a search for enhanced status. However, the search for status here is not carried out by claiming honorific initial names (as is frequently reported), but by each warga's attempt to enhance its status as a whole while ignoring the hierarchical order of the warga. The search for difference also means a search for identity. To establish their difference and, at the same time, assert a prestigious self-identity, a warga invariably chooses a certain figure as its originator. The chosen originator must be popular, extraordinary in some way, and prestigious. In order to maintain its distinctiveness, this originator must not have been claimed by another warga. The role of babad (a traditional chronicle) is important in the (re )construction of the warga. Babad, particularly the part called the bisama (ancestral instruction), has been very effective in establishing the attitude of warga in general, particularly toward the maintenance of origin temples (pura kawitan), the conduct of ritual ceremonies in such temples, and reinvention of a symbolic identity for the warga. Babad and bisama thus become a charter, the neglect of which is an offence against the ancestors, which will result in punishment. Leadership patterns of most warga organisations, including the MGPSSR, have shifted from traditional leaders, who are leaders of dadya or dadya agung, to new-elite leaders, ie. those who hold power in the government bureaucracy, intellectuals, or businessmen, who are not necessarily influential in their own warga temples. This has produced a psychological divide between these leaders and their grassroots supporters, ie. members of dadya throughout Bali. Some problems faced by the MGPSSR in implementing its programs have been associated with this psychological divide. The temple system of the warga is clearly an arena where the warga try to consolidate their strength. Temples are the building blocks of warga organisations. The success or failure of the MGPSSR is clearly determined by its ability in controlling its temple system. The formal acknowledgment by Parisada (the Indonesian Hindu Council), that all twice-born priests (sulinggih) are equal in status, has been effectively used by some warga in Bali to channel their struggle for status. At present, the priesthood is a battle field between the ideology of homo-hierarchicus and homo-aequalis. In order to be able to use their priests to spread their ideology, the MGPSSR tries to produce priests of high quality. This is partly achieved through the rules of a 'priesthood ladder,' according to which an ordinary member from Warga Pasek Sapta Rsi cannot directly perform a consecration ceremony (dwijati) without first becoming a pemangku and then a jero-gede (both are lower-level priests). Another means to ensure quality is through an oral examination (diksa pariksa) for the candidate, administered by a special team from the MGPSSR. Aside from the effort to achieve quality, several practices found in the consecration of a priest from Warga Pasek Sapta Rsi are also meant to mark their identity by marking 'differences.' Other factors of great help for the MGPSSR in the struggle for equality are the introduction of the Pancasila, the Indonesian state ideology, which acknowledges that human beings are equal; the better access to Hindu teachings from Vedic sources, not merely Balinese sources; the movement to purify Balinese Hindu religion or 'return to the Veda'; and the contemporary global concern with social justice and human rights. In legitimising its claim of equality, the MGPSSR has developed a discourse based on global issues, on the Indonesian nation-state ideology of equality, and on traditional sources.