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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Ibn al-Zubayr"

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Publicado: 25 de mayo de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Ibn al-Zubayr"

1

Yaumin Nahri, Delta. "Ta’wîl Ibn al-Zubayr terhadap Mutashâbih al-Lafz dalam al-Qur’an". MUTAWATIR 4, n.º 1 (10 de septiembre de 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/mutawatir.2014.4.1.1-33.

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The word is strung into the verses of the Koran is a divine sentence a similar level of fluency and beauty of literature between one verse with other verses. Although the Koran uses <em>mutashâbih al-lafz</em> and <em>tikrâr</em>, the choice of words is representative of the context is going on. This means that the choice of words shows the detail of information that occurred and the repetition of words not followed essentially the repetition of meaning, but brings new meaning different from the first words that are complementary and not interchangeable. This rule is brought to Ibn al-Zubayr al-Gharnâtî trough his creation, <em>Milâk al-Ta’wîl al-Qât</em><em>i’ bi Dhawi al-Ilhâd wa al-Ta’t}îl fî Tawjîh al-Mutashâbih al-Lafz min Ây al-Tanzîl</em>. This creation became a real reflection of insight cleric Granada, which uses the method applied research (<em>al-manhâj al-tatbîqî al-tahlîlî</em>) in every discussion. This article will explain the interpretation of Ibn Zubayr on the causes of differences in editorial verses of the Koran, known as <em>al-lafz</em><em> mutashâbih</em>.
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Wendry, Novizal, Abdul Majid y Susilawati Susilawati. "KUFAN HADITH TRANSMITTERS AND GEOPOLITICS IN EARLY PERIOD OF ISLAM". ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam 21, n.º 2 (29 de diciembre de 2020): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ua.v21i2.10430.

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This article discusses the hadith transmitters involvement in Kufa politic dynamic in the early time of Islam Period, which was experiencing a long range of social turmoils. These turmoils occurred from 40 H/661 AD until the end of the Umayyad dynasty in 125 H/743 AD. This article adopts a historical approach to conceive of the dynamic of politics among the hadith transmitters. This research revealed that the hadith transmitters built the city of Kufa. The behavior related to discrimination toward the opponents and the disappointments on the Umayah Dynasty triggered many rebellions such as al-Ḥusayn ibn ‘Alî ibn Abî Ṭâlib, Ibn al-Zubayr, Mukhtâr al-Thaqafî, al-tawwâbûn, and Zayd ibn ‘Alî. These turmoils involved Sa‘d ibn Abî Waqqâṣ and al-Mughîrah ibn Shu‘bah. We argue that the hadith transmitter influenced the hadiths they narrated. Based on the investigation of the two hadith contents that they narrated indicated that they took the side of the Mu‘âwiyah Dynasty and ‘Alî’s followers as the opponents.
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3

Omer, Spahic. "The Dome of the Rock: An Analysis of Its Origins Kubah Sakhrah: Satu Analisis Asal-usulnya". Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 12, n.º 1 (29 de mayo de 2015): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v12i1.466.

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AbstractThis paper challenges an old belief that the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem was built between 65/684 and 72/691 by the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik Ibn Marwān. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part briefly examines the significance of the Rock (Øakhrah). Therein we have shown that the Rock has no special religious significance whatsoever. The second part tries to answer who exactly built the Dome of the Rock and when. The paper concludes that the likely truth is that the caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān was able to commence building the edifice only after crushing the insurgence of ‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr in 73/692. Such were the socio-political conditions in the Muslim state during the insurgency that the caliph’s actions could not transcend the planning and basic preparatory stages, at most. Whether the caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān was capable of completing the structure during his lifetime or not, remained a debatable point as well. The task of building one of the first and at the same time greatest masterpieces in Islamic architecture might have been completed by his son and successor, al-WalÊd ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. What follows is shedding more light on these aspects of the topic.Keywords: The Dome of the Rock, al-AqÎÉ Mosque, the Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān, the Caliph al-WalÊd ibn ‘Abd al-Malik.AbstrakKajian ini mencabar kepercayaan lama bahawa Kubah Sakhrah di Yerusalem dibina antara 65/684 dan 72/691 oleh khalifah Umayyah 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan. Kajian ini dibahagikan kepada dua bahagian. Bahagian pertama menelitikan kepentingan Sakhrah. Dimana kami menunjukkan bahawa Sakhrah tidak mempunyai signifikan agama sekalipun. Bahagian kedua cuba menjawab dengan tepat siapa yang membina Kubah Sakhrah dan bila ia dibina. Kajian ini menyimpulkan bahawa kemungkinan besar khalifah 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan mampu bermula membina hanya selepas mengalahkan pemberontak daripada 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayr pada 73/692. Begitulah keadaan sosio-politik di negeri Islam semasa pemberontakan sehingga tindakan khalifah tidak dapat mengatasi perancangan dan peringkat persediaan asas. Sama ada Khalifah 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan mampu menyiapkan struktur semasa hayat beliau atau tidak, ia masih diperdebatkan. Tugas membina salah satu seni bina Islam yang pertama dan yang terunggul mungkin telah disiapkan oleh anak dan penggantinya, al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik. Berikutnya mencurahkan lebih banyak keterangan pada aspek topik ini.Kata Kunci: Kubah Sakhrah, Masjid al-Aqsa, khalifah ‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, khalifah al-Walid b. ‘Abd al-Malik.
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Alaa Tarif Gharaibeh, Alaa Tarif Gharaibeh. "Verbal Similarity in the Substitution of a Word instead of a word or a phrase instead of a phrase in the Holy Qur’an from Surat Al-Fateh to Surah Al-Waqi’ah". المجلة العربية للعلوم و نشر الأبحاث 4, n.º 1 (30 de marzo de 2018): 47–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.a121217.

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The purpose of this research is to study the Variable Similarities of the word place of a word or phrase in the Holy Quran, the collection of the Quranic signs in which the substitution of the word of the word of the word was signed, and the addition of another place from Al-Fath to Al-Waqiaa. The research reached eleven witnesses; The study was based on the extrapolation of the evidence on Ibn al-Zubayr. The Angel of the Crucial Interpretation of Those Who Have Atheism and Interpretation" as one of the most prominent imams of the linguistic guidance of the similarity in the Holy Qur'an. These Qur'anic evidences will be categorized according to similar types of verbal , Of the replacement Word or phrase by another.
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Rippin, Andrew. "Ideas, Images, and Methods of Portrayal". American Journal of Islam and Society 24, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2007): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i4.1522.

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This ambitious collection of sixteen essays (plus an introduction by the editor)ranges widely across Islamic history and scholarly disciplines. The unifyingtheme is reflected in the title: Muslim texts are examined for their conceptualframeworks as conveyers of a cultural ethos. While some essays aremore successful than others in enunciating this theme’s more theoreticalaspects, the range of topics covered means that most readers will find somethingof interest and relevance and will likely be stimulated to apply themethods of analysis to their own area of study.Sebastian Günther’s introduction does an admirable job of highlightingeach essay’s contribution to creating an overall picture of Muslim intellectualhistory and the “cultural specificity of Islam that facilitated theadvancement of intellectual life and the formation of ‘modern’ societies”(p. xiv) by paying attention to the ideas, forms, content, and impact of textualartefacts from the eighth through the fourteenth centuries.Stephan Dähne begins the volume by focusing on the Qur’an and itsuse in political speeches attributed to Abu Hamza al-Shari (d. 747),Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr (d. 692), Uthman ibn Hayyan al-Murri (d. after713), and Abdallah ibn Tahir (d. 844). Ute Pietruschka then deals with theChristian community’s literary activity under the Umayyads as it developedin Syriac (and emerged in Arabic), maintained the Byzantine tradition,and was impacted by Islam. Keeping with the Christian theme, SandraToenies Keating discusses the work of the Christian apologist Abu Ra’ita(d. ca 835) and his attempt to defend Biblical scripture from the Muslimcharge of falsification (tahrif) ...
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Shaddel, Mehdy. "ʿAbd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr and the Mahdī: Between propaganda and historical memory in the Second Civil War". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 80, n.º 1 (26 de enero de 2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x16001075.

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AbstractThe subject of the present paper is a prophetic tradition found in some compendia of eschatologicalaḥādīthwhich has received considerable scholarly attention since Wilferd Madelung dedicated an article to it in 1981. Whereas Madelung shares the opinion of earlier scholars that only some of the incidents “prophesied” by this tradition are historical, this study aims to show that it is a whollyex post factocomposition which, in its various strata, remarkably captures episodes from the Zubayrid war of propaganda against their rivals as well as their later attempts to redeem the memory of their lost cause as a just one. The discussion closes by producing a highly singular Syrian tradition most certainly put into circulation with the intent of countering these Zubayrid propaganda efforts.
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Rubin, Uri. "Meccan trade and Qur'ānic exegesis (Qur'ān 2: 198)". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53, n.º 3 (octubre de 1990): 421–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00151328.

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Qur'ān 2: 198 states that it is no fault in the Muslims that they should seek the faḍl of their lord: laysa ‘alaykum junāḥun an tabtaghū faḍlan min rabbikum. This verse occurs within a series of godly ordinances pertaining to the Muslim ḥajj, and it is therefore quite obvious why Muslim exegetes thought that the faḍl of Allāh in our verse ought to be sought by the believers during the ḥajj. In order to convey this view, the exegetes used a simple device, they added the following clause at the end of the verse: fī mawāsim al-ḥajj—during the rites of, or, in the stations of the ḥajj. Several traditions in al-Ṭabarī contain this addition. Most of the isnāds of these traditions are Meccan, which implies that the scholars of this place were particularly interested in encouraging the believers to come to the holy places of the Meccan ḥajj. Thus, tradition no. 18 in al-Ṭabarī which contains the addition fī mawāsim al-ḥajj is transmitted from the Meccan ‘Ubaydallāh b. Abī Yazīd (d. 126 A.H.), who quotes Ibn al-Zubayr. In fact, the clause fī mawāsim al-ḥajj gained the rank of a qirā'a. In some traditions it is transmitted as such from the Meccan ‘Aṭā’ b. Abī Rabāh (d. 114 A.H.) on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbās. ‘Aṭā’ is quoted through the Meccan Talḥa b. ‘Amr (d. 152 A.H.), as well as through Ḥajjāj b. Arṭāt (d. 145 A.H.). The Medinese ‘Ikrima (d. 105 A.H.) also spread the same qirā'a. In al-Ṭabarī he is quoted by the Basrian Ayyūb al-Sakhtiyānī (d. 131 A.H.).
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Havel, Boris. "Jeruzalem u ranoislamskoj tradiciji". Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 5, n.º 1 (7 de enero de 2019): 113–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/misc.2748.

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The article describes major early Islamic traditions in which Jerusalem has been designated as the third holiest city in Islam. Their content has been analyzed based on the historical context and religious, inter-religious and political circumstances in which they were forged. Particular attention has been paid to textual and material sources, their authenticity, dating and their interpretation by prominent orientalists and art historians. The article addresses specific themes, such as Jerusalem in Islamic canonical texts, Muhammad’s Night Journey to al-Aqṣā, the legends of Caliph ‘Umar’s conquest of Jerusalem, names for Jerusalem in Early Islamic chronicles, the influence of Jews and Jewish converts on early Islamic traditions, and the construction, symbolism, ornaments, and inscriptions of the Dome of the Rock. In the concluding remarks the author considers the question of to what degree attributing holiness to Jerusalem in Islam has been based on autochthonous early Islamic religious traditions, and to what degree on Muslim-Jewish interaction in Palestine, political processes, such as fitnah during early Umayyad rule, ‘Abd al-Malik’s struggle with Caliph Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hejaz, the Crusades, and the present-day Arab-Israeli conflict.
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Bouali, Hassan. "The “fitna of Ibn al-Zubayr”. Modalities of a Historiographical Construction in Narrative Sources«فتنة ابن الزبير». طرائق البناء التأريخي في المصادر السردية". Annales islamologiques, n.º 56 (20 de junio de 2022): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anisl.11049.

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ATIYA, Ali Hussein Hteem. "INTERPRETATION OF CULTURAL METHODS IN THE IRAQI FAMILIES AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE CULTURE OF THE CHILD (A SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL STUDY)". RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, n.º 04 (1 de julio de 2022): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.18.24.

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The pure spiritual experience affected by the spirit of Islam and its purity appeared in the poet Qurashi hermit, modernist, jurist, and preacher, and he was Urwa bin Uthaina. Madinah, he was in good contact with the Umayyads and the supporters of Abdullah bin Al-Zubayr, he chose not to play with politics or play with it, because he had a clear commitment to poetry, especially what was from it in spinning. He did not only say poetry, but he was making melodies and dissolving them for others to sing, and at the same time he was composing and arranging the sung poetry, as far as we know that the singer Ibn Aisha asked him for verses in jest. Where do you say? There are a number of singers who praised his poetry and sang a lot about it, and in the Book of Songs there are many voices of his poetry, and some hadith books devoted pages to him according to what is known from the science of wound and modification by Ibn Hatim and the great history of Imam al-Tabari and acceleration of benefit by Ibn Hajar alAsqalani and among the most famous who narrated from him Abd Allah bin Omar and Obaid Allah bin Omar (may God be pleased with them) as narrated by Imam Malik (may God have mercy on him). Here he presents us with a flirtatious text that is unique in its kind and pious in its performance, and begins with a clear mobilization, because it obeys the sea and the rhyme, and the poem starting is an equation of a true love experience that he embraced and tortured with, either he lived it, or from a figment of the imagination, or he was tormented with this love because there was no matter His heart is something, but he is on his piety and piety. He lived in a society that could not comprehend his position on this love, and for this he had to deal with what he calls (covering), but that his beloved herself fears for him, so she addresses him by doing the matter (hiding) that he loved in his own way. Our poet has loved a pure and chaste love, rather he has risen above the lover when he has not made himself known and who he loves. Love for him - as it is said - is a test and a test from God for people to take themselves with the obedience of those they love, and to be an entrance to a greater love that is the love of God Almighty, and perhaps this confirms it History is ours, and it does not stop us with the one who loves a name or attributes, for it is a state that was expressed as “seeing light for light in light.”
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Tesis sobre el tema "Ibn al-Zubayr"

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Bouali, Hassan. "De la révolte au califat zubayride : histoire d'une expérience politique dans les débuts de l'islam". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 10, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA100110.

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La fin du VIIe siècle est marquée par une longue guerre civile entre Ibn al-Zubayr et les Umayyades. Ibn al-Zubayr parvint à s’imposer durant une décennie sur une partie majeure de l’empire islamique. Cette expérience politique zubayride est le cœur de cette recherche doctorale. Loin des évidences et des simplifications, cette partie vise à montrer que la révolte d’Ibn al-Zubayr ne fut pas le fait d’un seul homme, il convient également de prendre en considération sa dimension collective et de l’inscrire dans le cadre plus large de la construction de l’empire islamique, de la genèse d’un État patrimonial umayyade, de la périphérisation de l’Arabie, et de l’affrontement entre différents groupes à l’intérieur de la communauté des croyants. Dans un second temps, notre recherche étudie la genèse et l’affirmation de l’autorité califale et impériale acquise par Ibn al-Zubayr à la fin du VIIe siècle. Bien que de nombreuses recherches aient en effet bien souligné certains éléments qui permettent de mieux cerner les référents à partir desquels Ibn al-Zubayr a promu son autorité califale, le sujet reste largement sous étudié. Notre recherche permet de jeter un nouveau regard sur la figure du calife mecquois et son statut nouveau d’imām de la communauté des croyants dans différentes sphères, qu’il s’agisse de l’idéologie et de la conception du califat, de la justice ou encore de la direction du pèlerinage musulman. Une troisième et dernière partie de cette thèse porte plus précisément sur le gouvernement des territoires. L’enjeu de cette partie vise avant tout à analyser la « construction impériale » zubayride. Notre réflexion consiste surtout à mettre en lumière la façon dont les territoires qui étaient précédemment sous domination umayyade furent gouvernés en contexte zubayride. Une large place est accordée à l’histoire sociale, aux pratiques militaires et à la construction d’un pouvoir patrimonial zubayride au cœur de la province d’Irak. Tout au long de cette partie, nous avons tenté de ne pas perdre de vue le contexte de la fin du VIIe siècle, lequel mit les Zubayrides devant la nécessité de gouverner les territoires de l’empire à l’épreuve des défis posés par la seconde fitna
The end of the 7th century is marked by a long civil war between Ibn al-Zubayr and the Umayyads. Ibn al-Zubayr managed to impose himself for a decade over a major part of the Islamic empire. This Zubayrid political experience is the main subject of this doctoral research. Far from obviousness and simplification, we aim to show that the rebellion of Ibn al-Zubayr was not the fact of a single man. It is also necessary to take into account its collective dimension and to include it in the framework larger part of the building of the Islamic empire, the peripherization of Arabia, and the struggle between different groups within the community of believers. Secondly, our research studies the genesis and the assertion of Ibn al-Zubayr’s caliphal and imperial authority. This part allows to understand his new status of imām of the community at the end of the 7th century. A third and final part of this thesis deals more specifically with the government of the Islamic empire. The aim of this part is above all to analyze the Zubayrid "imperial construction"
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2

Bellahcene, Yahia. "Le Pacte de Médine (VIIe siècle) : Une relecture critique". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCF028/document.

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La ṣaḥīfa de Médine, a suscité l’attention des érudits occidentaux depuis la deuxième moitié du dix-neuvième siècle,à un tel point que P.L. Rose la considère comme « une struc- ture squelettique » qui contrôle les rapports de la Sīra. Elle a été préservée grâce à deux historiographes du 3ème/9ème siècle : Ibn Hishām et Abū ‘Ubayd ; la recherche contemporaine la place, dans l’ensemble, dans les cinq premières années de l’hégire. Elle illustre clairement, à travers ses variantes présentes et dans le texte lui- même et dans sa chaîne de transmission, les aléas, forcément dommageable,du passage d’une culture de l’oralité à l’écrit. L’accès à l’écrit n’était pas si simple que nous avons toujours cru. Le tournant capital était,lorsque le Barmakide, Ja‘far Ibn Yaḥya (m. 187/803), introduit, vers la fin du 8e/ début du 9e siècle, l’usage du papier dans les bureaux officiels. Cette réforme est due au coût moins élevé de cette matière,et notamment à l’impossibilité de gratter ou laver le papier, à l’inverse du papyrus et du parchemin. Cette Ṣaḥīfa a été fondamentalement produite durant la période prophétique,mais elle a été sans doute modifiée postérieurement,en rajoutant des paragraphes, omettant d’autres, en rajoutant des paragraphes, omettant d’autres, et en particulier en réorgani-sant ces derniers d’une façon qui ne se conforme pas toujours à son classement initial. Ce Texte nous fournit également les connotations originales des grands termes islamiques, comme mu’min et kāfir
The Ṣaḥīfa of Medina, has drawn the attention of the Western scholars since the second half of the nineteenth century, to such an extent that P. L. Rose considers it as a “skeletal structure’’, which controls the veracity of Sīra-reports. It has been preserved thanks to two historiographers of the 3rd/9thcentury : Ibn Hishām and Abū ‘Ubayd ; the contemporary research situates it, on the whole, in the first five years of Hijra.It clearly illustrates, through its variants present in the text itself as well as in the chain of transmission, the vagaries, necessarily harmful, moving from an oral transmission, culture to a written one. The access to the writing was not so simple that we have always believed. The crucial turning point was when the Barmakid Ja‛far Ibn Yaḥya, (d. 187/803), introduced, by the end of the 8th/ beginning of the9th century, the usage of the paper in the government offices. This reform was due to the ower cost of this material and in parti- cular to the impossibility of scratching or washing paper, unlike papyrus and parchment.This Ṣaḥīfa wasfundamentally produced during the Prophet’s life time, however it was doubtless modified later, adding paragraphs,deleting others, and particularly organizing them in a way thatdoes not always comply with its initial ranking. This Text provides too original connota- tions of great Islamic words,like mu’min and kāfir
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Libros sobre el tema "Ibn al-Zubayr"

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Sālim, Muḥammad ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd. Shiʻr al-Muhadhdhab ibn al-Zubayr. al-Muhandisīn, Jīzah: Hajar, 1988.

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2

Sharīf, Hindī Muḥammad. al- Ruʾūs al-maqṭūʻah: Yaḥyá ibn Zakarīyā, al-Zubayr ibn al-ʻAwwām, al-Ḥusayn ibn ʻAlī. [Jordan]: H.M. al-Sharīf, 1989.

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3

Sharīf, Hindī Muḥammad. al- Ruʼūs al-maqṭūʻah: Yaḥyá ibn Zakarīyā, al-Zubayr ibn al-ʻAwwām, al-Ḥusayn ibn ʻAlī. [Jordan]: H.M. al-Sharīf, 1989.

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4

ʻAbd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr, al-ʻāʼidh bi-al-Ḥaram: Masraḥīyah. al-Shāriqah: Dāʼirat al-Thaqāfah wa-al-Iʻlām, Ḥukūmat al-Shāriqah, 2001.

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5

ʻAbd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr, al-ʻāʾidh bi-al-Ḥaram: Masraḥīyah. al-Shāriqah: Dāʾirat al-Thaqāfah wa-al-Iʻlām, Ḥukūmat al-Shāriqah, 2001.

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Muḥammad ibn Ḥabīb, d. 860, Naffākh Aḥmad Rātib, Thaʻlab, Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá, 815-904 y Āl Zuḥayfah, ʻAlī ibn Saʻd, eds. Diwān Ibn al-Dumaynah: Ṣinaʻat Abī al-ʻAbbās Thaʻlab, wa-Ibn Ḥabīb : riwāyat al-Zubayr ibn Bakkār. 2a ed. Makkah: ʻAlī ibn Saʻd Āl Zuḥayfah al-Shahrānī, 2009.

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7

Laḥḥām, Mājid. ʻAbd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr: Al-ʻāʾidh bi-Bayt Allāh al-Ḥarām. Dimashq: Dār al-Qalam, 1995.

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8

Ṣuwayyān, Aḥmad ʻAbd al-Raḥmān. al-Imām ʻAbd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr al-Ḥumaydī wa-kitābuhu al-Musnad. al-Riyāḍ: Dār al-Miʻrāj al-Dawlīyah lil-Nashr, 1996.

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9

Zubayrī, Muṣʻab ibn ʻAbd Allāh, 772 or 3-851., Baghawī, ʻAbd Allāh ibn Muḥammad, ca. 829-929 or 30. y Jazāʼirī Riḍā ibn Khālid, eds. Ḥadīth Muṣʻab ibn ʻAbd Allāh ibn Muṣʻab ibn Thābit ibn ʻAbd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr ibn al-ʻAwwām, t. 236 H. al-Riyāḍ: Maktabat wa-Dār Ibn Ḥazm lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2003.

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10

Ibrāhīm, Khālidī, ed. Dīwān Shāʻir al-Zubayr ʻAbd Allāh ibn Rabīʻah: Al-mutawaffī fī baldat al-Zubayr sanat 1273 H (1857 M). al-Kuwayt: al-Majmūʻah al-Iʻlāmīyah al-ʻĀlamīyah, 2005.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Ibn al-Zubayr"

1

"The Letters of ʿUrwah ibn al-Zubayr". En Muhammad and the Empires of Faith, 102–28. University of California Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvw1d5tc.10.

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"4. The Letters of ʿUrwah ibn al-Zubayr". En Muhammad and the Empires of Faith, 102–28. University of California Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520974524-008.

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3

Hawting, Gerald. "Ibn Al-Zubayr, The Kaʿba and the Dome of the Rock". En The Umayyad World, 374–92. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315691411-22.

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Hagemann, Hannah-Lena. "Khārijism from the Second Fitna until the Death of ʿAbd al-Malik". En The Kharijites in Early Islamic Historical Tradition, 217–54. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450881.003.0009.

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Chapter Six examines the material on the Khārijites for the period of the second civil war (fitna) and the caliphate of ʿAbd al-Malik. It returns to a thematic structure, identifying five main concerns: (1) the reputation of al-Muhallab b. Abī Ṣufra and his family as formidable warriors who save the early Islamic community from the most violent Khārijite faction, the Azāriqa; (2) the volatility of Khārijism as antithesis to the importance of communal togetherness; (3) criticism of the Umayyads and their agents, especially the governor of Iraq, al-Ḥajjāj b. Yūsuf; and (4) the interactions between the Khārijites and Ibn al-Zubayr, who challenged Umayyad rule during the second civil war. The fifth theme is peculiar to al-Ṭabarī, who utilises his accounts of Khārijite military prowess to fashion a military manual of sorts for the prudent field commander. This final chronological chapter follows the preceding ones in underlining the literary features of the examined accounts, putting into question the possibility of a straightforward positivist reconstruction of Khārijite history.
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Bessard, Fanny. "Money Supply and Currency". En Caliphs and Merchants, 179–96. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198855828.003.0009.

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In the Middle Ages, Arab-Muslims inherited the massive coin stocks struck by Byzantium and Iran to support their war efforts in the sixth and early seventh centuries. Up to the late seventh century, solidi and drachms continued to circulate, Arab-Muslims making use of the available stocks. The situation changed from the reign of ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) and the second fitna. With the rise of the ‘counter-caliph’ Ibn al-Zubayr, ‘Abd al-Malik felt the need to assert the Umayyad’s imperial authority to keep the unity of the umma. His famous reform of coinage was used to impose the Umayyads’ ideology through the use of new Islamic currencies. This chapter examines how Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik’s monetary reforms in the late seventh century played a fundamental role in triggering exchange and increasing the velocity of money circulation. It also explores how, in the late eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries, influxes of precious metal from the release of antique treasuries, the intensified exploitation of existing mines, and the discovery of ore veins and deposits in the Near East, Central Asia, and Africa, helped to sustain a developing culture of consumption.
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"Al-Zubayr Pasha and the Zariba Based Slave Trade in the Bahr al-Ghazal 1855–1879". En Slaves and Slavery in Africa, 114–34. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203988176-12.

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Koertner, Mareike. "Appendix: A Detailed Comparison between ʿUrwa b. al-Zubayr and Wahb b. Munabbih". En Proving Prophecy, <i>Dalāʾil al-Nubūwa</i> Literature as Part of the Scholarly Discourse on Prophecy in Islam, 211–14. BRILL, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004687349_010.

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"Foundations for a New Biography of Muhammad: The Production and Evaluation of the Corpus of Traditions according to ʿUrwah b. al-Zubayr". En Method and Theory in the Study of Islamic Origins, 21–28. BRILL, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047401575_006.

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