Siga este enlace para ver otros tipos de publicaciones sobre el tema: History of the international relations in the XVIIth century.
Tesis sobre el tema "History of the international relations in the XVIIth century"
Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros
Consulte los 50 mejores tesis para su investigación sobre el tema "History of the international relations in the XVIIth century".
Junto a cada fuente en la lista de referencias hay un botón "Agregar a la bibliografía". Pulsa este botón, y generaremos automáticamente la referencia bibliográfica para la obra elegida en el estilo de cita que necesites: APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
También puede descargar el texto completo de la publicación académica en formato pdf y leer en línea su resumen siempre que esté disponible en los metadatos.
Explore tesis sobre una amplia variedad de disciplinas y organice su bibliografía correctamente.
1
Lemée, Emmanuel. "Devenir prince : James Stuart, réseaux européens et ambitions britanniques (1660-1685)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021SORUL097.
Texto completoResumen
Cette thèse étudie le rôle politique et social de frère d’un roi européen de l’époque moderne à travers le cas de James Stuart, duc d’York et d’Albany, frère du roi d’Angleterre Charles II. Prince pluriel, amené à se réinventer et à évoluer au fil des crises en se fondant sur son expérience et ses prédilections personnelles, James Stuart demeura toujours le fidèle second du souverain. Les frères Stuart se partagèrent les tâches : à Charles le soin de gouverner l’Angleterre, cœur politique et économique des îles britanniques, à James celui d’entretenir la fidélité des marges sociales et géographiques du royaume. Il y parvint en s’imposant progressivement comme le principal patron des îles britanniques et la clé de voûte de la diplomatie anglaise. À la fin années 1670, il était ainsi devenu responsable de l’essentiel des échanges avec les puissances catholiques du continent européen, tout en contrôlant les nominations au sein de l’armée et de la Royal Navy. Son rôle informel, qui faisait de lui l’un des principaux acteurs de la guerre comme de la paix, lui permit non seulement de se maintenir à la cour d’Angleterre malgré les oppositions croissantes, mais de devenir de plus en plus puissant et irremplaçable. Ce faisant, il contribua peu à peu à l’intégration des marges britanniques, accélérant le rapprochement des Couronnes d’Angleterre, d’Écosse et d’Irlande. Ce rôle de prince, conçu pour projeter une image publique valorisante, conduisit cependant à faire naître la légende noire de James Stuart, perçu par les Anglais comme un prince belliqueux, corrompu et inquiétant<br>This thesis studies the political and social function of the brother to an early modern European King through the case study of James Stuart, Duke of York and Albany, brother to Charles II of England. A multifaceted prince, he had to reinvent himself and evolve to overcome multiple crises while staying the king’s loyal second. He did so using his own experience and personal preferences, gradually shaping the function of brother to the King to mirror his identity. The Stuart brothers shared the Crown’s burden: Charles ruled England, the political and economic heart of the British Isles, while James managed the geographical and social fringes of the realm, ensuring their fidelity to the Crown. He did so by becoming gradually the main patron in the British Isles and the cornerstone of English diplomacy. By the end of the 1670’s, he was overseeing the essential part of the negotiations with the Catholic powers in Europe, while managing most of the appointments in the King’s army and the Royal Navy. His function, while informal, made him one of the main promoters of war and peace alike. This enabled him not only to keep his position at court, despite growing oppositions, but also to become increasingly powerful and irreplaceable. In doing so, he helped gradually integrate the British fringes, speeding up the unification of England, Scotland, and Ireland. This princely role, which was meant to broadcast an attractive public image, instead made James Stuart appear to the English population as a warlike, corrupted, and ominous prince, thus creating the black legend attached to him
2
Fontvieille, Damien. "La galaxie Bochetel : un clan de pouvoir au service de la couronne de France de Louis XII à Louis XIII." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL144.
Texto completoResumen
Cette thèse étudie un groupe de familles alliées au XVIe siècle, formant un clan de pouvoir aux vastes dimensions. Guillaume Bochetel, secrétaire d’État de 1547 à sa mort en 1558, est l’architecte de ce clan. Par les alliances nouées pour ses enfants, il a rassemblé autour de lui plusieurs familles de robins en ascension par le service du roi, les L’Aubespine, les Bourdin, les Morvillier notamment qui, à leur tour, ont apporté leurs propres alliés, comme les Neufville ou les Brulart. L’étude est menée du XVe siècle, moment où plusieurs familles se mettent au service des princes dans le Val de Loire, et le début du XVIIe siècle lorsque le clan se délite progressivement, laissant pour héritier politique Villeroy, secrétaire d’État de Charles IX à Louis XIII. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence un groupe de pouvoir particulier, marqué par une forte solidarité, et l’importance des liens du sang, dont les membres exercent les plus hautes charges sous les Valois. Ils détiennent la plupart des secrétariats d’État entre 1547 et 1588 et occupent régulièrement des charges diplomatiques en Europe. Le fonctionnement d’un tel clan, avec ses rivalités, les rôles dévolus à chacun, et ses différentes figures est mis en avant. Le clan, par son ancrage en Berry, où il dispose de nombreux alliés, permet également d’examiner la manière dont se noue le dialogue entre la cour de France et les provinces. Les hommes et les femmes du clan ont en partage une identité sociale particulière, entre haute robe cultivée et noblesse. Ce clan offre ainsi un miroir des transformations de la monarchie française à l’époque moderne, entre État domestique et naissance progressif d’une administration expérimentée<br>This thesis study a familial group which composes a clan of power whose extension is very large. Guillaume Bochetel, secretary of State between 1547 and his death in 1558, is the architect of this clan. Through the alliances forged for his children he has reunited around him several families of “robins” who move up the social ladder thanks the service of the king, such as the L’Aubespine, the Bourdin or the Morvillier who in turn have brought their own allies, such as the Neufville or the Brulart. The study covers a period between the 15th century, when several families start serving the princes of the Val de Loire and the beginning of the 17th century when the clan is progressively fading away leaving Villeroy as the political heir, secretary of State between Charles IX and Louis XIII. The purpose is to underline a particular group of power marked by a strong solidarity and the importance of blood links, whose members hold the highest offices under the Valois. They possess the majority of the secretaries of State between 1547 and 1588 and are regularly sent as diplomates in Europe. The functioning of this clan with its rivalries, the roles given to each member and its different figures is outlined. The clan, through his allies in Berry, allows to study the dialog between the French court and the provinces. The men and women of this clan share a particular social identity, between the “haute robe” and the nobility. This clan offers also a mirror of the transformations of the French monarchy in the modern era, between a domestic state and the progressive birth of an experimented administration
3
Harris, Steven M. "Between Law and Diplomacy| International Dispute Resolution in the Long Nineteenth Century." Thesis, University of California, Davis, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3723630.
Texto completoResumen
<p> From late in the eighteenth century through World War I, states increasingly resolved their differences through arbitration; entering into over 1000 agreements to address past controversies and provide for future disputes. Rather than relying entirely on traditional diplomatic methods, states responded to the practical needs of an increasingly complex, commercial, and bureaucratic world. They used mechanisms with some legalistic components; although these procedures remained under political control. Arbitration never prevented a war; the efforts of the Anglo-American peace movement, later augmented by continental activities and the rise of the international legal community, had but small and indirect effects. While appearing responsive to the new influence of public opinion, states only made agreements to arbitrate that were highly controlled and which typically encompassed only relationships and parties for whom war was already quite unlikely. Western powers also extensively used arbitral agreements to resolve and protect their imperial interests, both formal and informal. </p><p> The traditional historiography of this field has been skewed by its emergence out of that peace movement, with its millennial, liberal, Eurocentric, and juridical biases. As a result, the significance of the Vienna settlements in launching the modern arbitral process has been overlooked, the Jay Treaty and the "Alabama Claims" case have been mythologized, the distinctive role of Latin American states has been sidelined, and the meaning of the Hague Conferences has been misunderstood. </p><p> States are political animals and their "states' system" was effective in using arbitration as a shared tool while preserving their essential political discretion and managing their domestic and international publics.</p>
4
Dumitrescu, Theodor. "The early Tudor court and international musical relations /." Aldershot [u.a.] : Ashgate, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016142806&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Texto completoResumen
Revised Thesis (doctoral)--University of Oxford, 2004.<br>Foreign cultural models at the English royal court -- International events and musical exchanges -- Building a foreign musical establishment at the early Tudor court -- Anglo-continental relations in music manuscripts -- English music theory and the international traditions. Includes bibliographical references (p. [297]-315) and index.
5
Encinas-Valenzuela, Jesus Ernesto. "Mexican foreign policy and UN peacekeeping operation s in the 21st century." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2502.
Texto completoResumen
On December 1, 2000 a new administration took over the presidency of MeÌ xico. This event was especially anticipated because the new president, Vicente Fox, was coming from a different party than the PRI, the old official party. The arrival of President Fox brought important changes in the way of governing; with the moral obligation to be different, since the beginning of his administration one of the main goals was incline to pursue a more dynamic participation by Mexico in the political issues of the world. This was to be accomplished by taking up several measures that included enhancing economic trade with the United States and other nations, world summits in Mexico, improvement of human rights and others. Among those plans one attracted special attention when Mexico asked for a seat as a non-permanent member in the UN Security Council for the period 2002-2003 the third time in Mexican history. There were divided opinions on the subject because Mexico would be directly involved in UN decisions concerning internal situations of other countries, something that goes against the foreign policy principles of MeÌ xico. Eventually this discussion opened doors for other topics; one of them was the possibility of Mexico participating actively in peacekeeping operations by sending troops overseas; this initiated a biter debate in the political sphere. This study analyzes Mexican Foreign Policy and the historical perspective of the foreign principles stated in the Mexican Constitution[alpha]s article 89, followed by a discussion of their influence and interpretation in the politicalmilitary environment before and during the administration of President Fox. The study includes the analysis includes the new social and political scenario that MeÌ xico is facing in order to determine the odds and obstacles when dealing with military participation overseas. As MeÌ xico takes its place in the community of nations, the country[alpha]s leadership needs to search for possible options and test whether the new Mexican political apparatus has the flexibility to address current threats and requirements for international security. An analysis on the capabilities of the Mexican Armed Forces is also necessary in order to determine their capacity to execute multinational operations. Finally bring out the real benefits and/or risks from getting Mexico involved in these kinds of operations are identified.
6
Widmaier, Wesley William. "A constructivist theory of international monetary relations monetary understandings, state interests in cooperation, and the construction of crises (1929-2001) /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3036613.
Texto completo
7
Bruneau, Quentin. "Knowing sovereigns : forms of knowledge and the changing practice of sovereign lending." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:127b0026-030f-417d-9cb8-f871936d6227.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines how sovereign lending, i.e. the practice of lending capital to sovereigns, has changed since the early nineteenth century. It tackles this question by investigating how lenders have thought about sovereigns for the past two centuries, focusing on the tools they have used to know and represent them. I argue that there was a critical shift in the early twentieth century in terms of the kinds of knowledge lenders deployed to know sovereigns. This shift differentiates the old sovereign lending from the new. In the old sovereign lending, merchant banking families such as the Rothschilds knew sovereigns through intensely personal relations based on gentility, whereas in the new sovereign lending, joint stock banks, credit rating agencies and international institutions largely came to know sovereigns through statistics. Though difficult to imagine nowadays, the description of sovereigns through quantifiable facts (the original definition of 'statistics') was revolutionary for early twentieth century lenders. Despite constituting the origins of sovereign credit ratings, this key shift has been overlooked in all major studies about sovereign debt. The new sovereign lending rose to prominence from the interwar period to the 1970s and now defines our world. The identification of this crucial shift is based on the development and application of the concept of forms of knowledge. Forms of knowledge refer to enduring ways of knowing and representing the constituent units of the international system used by international practitioners (e.g. diplomats, military strategists, financiers, and international lawyers). Examples of forms of knowledge include, but are not limited to, modern cartography, international treaties, statistics, gentility, and heraldry. The use of this concept is that it leads to a better understanding of how international practitioners and their practices undergo radical changes. In so doing, it provides a firmer empirical grasp on the question of how fundamental discontinuities arise in international relations.
8
Schulz, Carsten-Andreas. "On the standing of states : Latin America in nineteenth-century international society." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:05459d05-0dfa-4220-bbdc-42e3df63d71a.
Texto completoResumen
The present dissertation offers a critical examination of the place accorded to Latin American states in the English School account of the expansion of international society. It pursues two aims. First, the study contributes to understanding the nature and scope of international order, and its historical transformation over the course of the 'long nineteenth century'. Because of the profound impact that European colonization had on the region, the English School has conventionally treated the entry of Latin American states into international society as an unproblematic historical fact achieved with diplomatic recognition in the 1820s. The crucial cases of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, however, indicate that more attention needs to the paid to the hierarchical nature of the international order. The central argument of this historical-comparative study posits that the three Latin American states were recognized diplomatically, but they were not regarded as fully-fledged members of the community of 'civilized' states. Second, the dissertation examines the implications of hierarchy in international politics. Building on a critique of the legal-formalist conception of 'standing' in English School theorizing, three ideal-typical dimensions of international stratification are identified: the distribution of material capabilities (stature), the function states perform in international society (role), and estimations of honour and prestige (status) among states. The interpretative framework sheds light on how agents understand international society, and the way in which they deal with its hierarchical nature. The study analyzes how Latin American elites perceived the standing of their state, and how these perceptions shaped politics through their corresponding 'logics of social action'. The study finds that nineteenth-century elites in Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil conceived of the standing of their states predominantly in terms of status, and demonstrates how these perceptions informed politics.
9
Johnston, Seth Allen. "How NATO endures : an institutional analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711650.
Texto completo
10
Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.
Texto completoResumen
"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
11
Lin, Lidan. "The Rhetoric of Posthumanism in Four Twentieth-Century International Novels." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278990/.
Texto completoResumen
The dissertation traces the trope of the incomplete character in four twentieth-century cosmopolitan novels that reflect European colonialism in a global context. I argue that, by creating characters sharply aware of the insufficiency of the Self and thus constantly seeking the constitutive participation of the Other, the four authors E. M. Forster, Samuel Beckett, J. M. Coetzee, and Congwen Shen all dramatize the incomplete character as an agent of postcolonial resistance to Western humanism that, tending to enforce the divide between the Self and the Other, provided the epistemological basis for the emergence of European colonialism. For example, Fielding's good-willed aspiration to forge cross-cultural friendship in A Passage to India; Murphy's dogged search for recognition of his Irish identity in Murphy; Susan's unfailing compassion to restore Friday's lost speech in Foe; and Changshun Teng, the Chinese orange-grower's warm-hearted generosity toward his customers in Long River--all these textual occasions dramatize the incomplete character's anxiety over the Other's rejection that will impair the fullness of his or her being, rendering it solitary and empty. I relate this anxiety to the theory of "posthumanism" advanced by such thinkers as Marx, Bakhtin, Sartre, and Lacan; in their texts the humanist view of the individual as an autonomous constitution has undergone a transformation marked by the emphasis on locating selfhood not in the insular and static Self but in the mutable middle space connecting the Self and the Other.
12
Aiko, Yuichi. "The history of political theory in international relations : seventeen and eighteenth-century perpetual peace projects in intellectual context." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270501.
Texto completo
13
Byrd, Brandon R. "C.C Spaulding & R.R Wright---Companions on the Road Less Traveled?: A Reconsideration of African American International Relations in the Early Twentieth Century." W&M ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626667.
Texto completo
14
Cole, Laura A. "Civil-military relations in Guatemala during the Cerezo presidency." FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2404.
Texto completoResumen
In 1986 Guatemala experienced a transition from authoritarian rule. Many issues affected the democratization process, but I argue that an essential aspect was civil- military relations. Thus, the principal question answered in this thesis is: How have civil-military relations determined the extent and nature of transition towards democracy in Guatemala from 1986-1990?
Adopting Alfred Stepan’s model to examine civil-military relations, the prerogatives and contestation of the Guatemalan military were examined. Prerogatives exist when the military assumes the right to control an issue, while contestation involves open articulated conflict with civilian government. High military prerogatives and low contestation indicate a situation of unequal civilian accommodation, where civilians do not effectively control the military.
Civil-military relations in Guatemala from 1986-1990 reflect a pattern of unequal civilian accommodation. This illustrates the lack of civilian control over the military and continued military dominance of the political system in Guatemala.
15
Pialoux, Albane. "Négocier à Rome au XVIIIe siècle : ambassade et ambassadeurs du Roi-Très-Chrétien dans la cité pontificale (1724-1757)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040210.
Texto completoResumen
Au XVIIIe siècle, le pape est devenu un « père humilié » auquel les puissances viennent « forcer la main en lui baisant les pieds ». Après Unigenitus, dans un contexte d’essor des gallicanismes, scruter la négociation elle-même en cour de Rome, étudier la multiplicité des interlocuteurs, le cours des relations internationales, permet de comprendre l’évolution de la papauté elle-même tout en approfondissant la connaissance du dispositif diplomatique français à Rome. Cette démarche offre également la possibilité de lire cette évolution dans le regard des puissances européennes et d’observer comment Rome entérine ou refuse les nouveaux équilibres politiques et ecclésiastiques. Rome, theatrum mundi, devient de plus en plus une scène et de moins en moins un lieu d’action. Au fur et à mesure de l’effacement de la voix de la papauté dans les relations internationales, la représentation tient le plus grand rôle dans la cité pontificale et les diplomates jouent des personnages de tout premier plan, puisque, encore au XVIIIe siècle, « le plan de Rome est la carte du monde ». De fait, nulle part ailleurs qu’à Rome, la double tâche de l’ambassadeur, négocier et représenter, n’a davantage l’occasion de se déployer ni ne possède autant de signification<br>Eighteen century Popes have become « pères humiliés » whom European crowns are putting under their will while showing apparent great respect and devotion. From Unigenitus on, under the growing influence of « Gallicanismes », studying the negociation itself in the Pontifical court of Rome, with a multiplicity of partners involved, is a good step towards a better comprehension of both the Papacy decline and the french diplomatical pattern in Rome. This orientation also offers an opportunity to appreciate this evolution under the perception of european crowns, with Rome agreeing or disagreeing with new political and ecclesiastical compromises without any possibility of modifying them. A growing Theater Scene, Rome is, less and less, a true place of decision. With the influence of the Pope on international relationships becoming thiner and thiner, the art of representation tends to become the main duty for Ambassadors, as, nowhere much as in the pontifical court of Rome, the two main duties of an Ambassador, negociating and representating their own King, may find a more significant and broader place
16
Porter, Anthony G. "China's modus operandi for the 21st Century." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2005. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491923.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2005.<br>Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 6, 2010). "CSC 2005" "Subject Area Topical Issues" Includes bibliographical references.
17
Kugeler, Heidrun. "'Le parfait Ambassadeur' : the theory and practice of diplomacy in the century following the Peace of Westphalia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:be69b6b3-d886-4cc0-8ae3-884da096e267.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines the theory of diplomacy in the formative phase of the European states-system. From the viewpoint of the discourse on the 'ideal ambassador', it explores early modern diplomacy as cultural history encompassing ideas, discourses, perceptions and 'codes'. The scope of study is the century following the Peace of Westphalia (1648), and three states and regions (France, Britain, the Holy Roman Empire) serve as case studies for a comparative approach of diplomatic theory and practice. In five parts, the adaptation of the theory and practice of diplomacy to the new demands of international relations after 1648 are considered. The first section sets the stage by illustrating that the mid-seventeenth century was regarded as a turning point in the practice of diplomacy. Part II examines diplomatic theory as a particular 'language' in its intellectual and socio-professional contexts. While published treatises on the 'ideal ambassador' build the core of this study, related genres of international law theory, ceremonial theory and political and state science are also taken into account. From the viewpoint of this diplomatic theory, the following section examines the ways in which the instruments and practices of diplomacy were aligned to the new framework. These ranged from changes in the structural framework of diplomacy to the evolution of norms and procedures of negotiation, international law and ceremonial. Part IV reconsiders the issue of 'professionalism' in diplomatic theory with regard to the preparation and training of diplomats. Special attention is given to proposals for diplomatic 'academies', which are for the first time examined in comparison. Finally, section V recasts the findings of this thesis in a comparative perspective. It underlines that, with the emergence of a states-system, the techniques of diplomacy became formalised and uniform, constituting a common European diplomatic practice. Against the background of the different regional and structural conditions, the alleged model role of France in the evolution of diplomatic theory and practice is re-evaluated.
18
Pialoux, Albane. "Négocier à Rome au XVIIIe siècle : ambassade et ambassadeurs du Roi-Très-Chrétien dans la cité pontificale (1724-1757)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040210.
Texto completoResumen
Au XVIIIe siècle, le pape est devenu un « père humilié » auquel les puissances viennent « forcer la main en lui baisant les pieds ». Après Unigenitus, dans un contexte d’essor des gallicanismes, scruter la négociation elle-même en cour de Rome, étudier la multiplicité des interlocuteurs, le cours des relations internationales, permet de comprendre l’évolution de la papauté elle-même tout en approfondissant la connaissance du dispositif diplomatique français à Rome. Cette démarche offre également la possibilité de lire cette évolution dans le regard des puissances européennes et d’observer comment Rome entérine ou refuse les nouveaux équilibres politiques et ecclésiastiques. Rome, theatrum mundi, devient de plus en plus une scène et de moins en moins un lieu d’action. Au fur et à mesure de l’effacement de la voix de la papauté dans les relations internationales, la représentation tient le plus grand rôle dans la cité pontificale et les diplomates jouent des personnages de tout premier plan, puisque, encore au XVIIIe siècle, « le plan de Rome est la carte du monde ». De fait, nulle part ailleurs qu’à Rome, la double tâche de l’ambassadeur, négocier et représenter, n’a davantage l’occasion de se déployer ni ne possède autant de signification<br>Eighteen century Popes have become « pères humiliés » whom European crowns are putting under their will while showing apparent great respect and devotion. From Unigenitus on, under the growing influence of « Gallicanismes », studying the negociation itself in the Pontifical court of Rome, with a multiplicity of partners involved, is a good step towards a better comprehension of both the Papacy decline and the french diplomatical pattern in Rome. This orientation also offers an opportunity to appreciate this evolution under the perception of european crowns, with Rome agreeing or disagreeing with new political and ecclesiastical compromises without any possibility of modifying them. A growing Theater Scene, Rome is, less and less, a true place of decision. With the influence of the Pope on international relationships becoming thiner and thiner, the art of representation tends to become the main duty for Ambassadors, as, nowhere much as in the pontifical court of Rome, the two main duties of an Ambassador, negociating and representating their own King, may find a more significant and broader place
19
Heselwood, Luke Anthony. "The impact of Anglo-Chinese relations on the development of British liberalism, 1842-1857." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-impact-of-anglochinese-relations-on-the-development-of-british-liberalism-18421857(6f66493d-34e8-4661-a9ca-adcd9e5e5c21).html.
Texto completoResumen
Between 1842 and 1857, British interactions with the Qing Empire shaped and informed the development of British liberal attitudes. However, amid the widespread historiography devoted to uncovering international influences on British liberalism during this period, the impact of the Anglo-Chinese relationship remains a footnote. Instead, focus is given to how Europe, America and the British Empire assisted in the advancement of British politics and liberal thought. This thesis redresses this oversight – showing how Anglo-Chinese frictions in the mid-nineteenth century brought into question British notions of free trade, international law, diplomatic standards and non-intervention. Britain’s determination to improve its trading network in China matched by the Qing’s refusal to allow further Western expansion, informed British liberal debate and shaped political attitudes. Most notably, it resulted in Sir John Bowring, the former Foreign Secretary of the London Peace Society, ordering the military bombardment of the port of Canton in late 1856. The bombardment – which resulted in the second Anglo-Chinese conflict (1856-1860) – is well-documented by historians. However, the development of Bowring’s political convictions, which provided an ideological justification for war, has been overlooked. This thesis uncovers how interactions with China forced Bowring and the British expatriate community more generally to reconsider the meaning of free trade, the boundaries of international law and their commitment to non-intervention. In addition, it shows how Bowring’s actions resulted in a heated debate that captured the attention of Britain’s political elite and, through the General Election of 1857, the British public more generally. As a result, it facilitated an open and vibrant debate that queried whether, to secure British trade, military intervention could be deemed an acceptable diplomatic method – a discussion that forced the development of the nation’s liberal attitudes. This thesis tackles two relatively distinct areas of historical research that rarely interact. First, it sheds new light on the scholarship that has examined foreign influences on the development of British liberal ideas in the mid-nineteenth century. It shows that through an investigation of relations with peripheral nations such as China, historians can gain a fresh and more detailed perspective on how and why nineteenth century liberal attitudes developed. In addition, it challenges the existing framework adopted by Sinologists in their assessment of Anglo-Chinese relations. Recent studies remain focused on uncovering how nineteenth century Western expansion into the Qing Empire affected its political, legal and cultural development. This thesis reverses this approach – arguing that this relationship not only affected events within China but in addition, shaped British liberal debate and consolidated British political ideas. This thesis calls, therefore, for historians to reconsider the importance of relatively peripheral nations on the development of British ideals and liberal thinking in the mid-nineteenth century. By examining these new frontiers, it sheds new light on the making of British liberalism.
20
Tal, Nimrod. "The American Civil War in twentieth-century Britain : political, military, intellectual and popular legacies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5343d0e7-7004-4b25-b50e-fe184ee26298.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis explores the continuous British interest in the American Civil War from the war’s end to the late twentieth century and the British utilisation of the conflict at home and in the Atlantic arena. Contributing to the limited, yet burgeoning literature on the subject, this study emphasises the independent agency of both the Civil War and its British interpreters. It thus rejects a simplistic depiction of British adoption of American culture and applies a more sophisticated methodology that accounts for the active, versatile and autonomous British use of complex foreign images. This enables a meaningful analysis of the Civil War’s place and role in modern British culture. The thesis examines the British fascination with the conflict as reflected in four facets: politics, military thought, academe and popular culture. Additionally, it takes a transatlantic perspective and explores how Britons’ view of the United States has influenced their understanding of the Civil War. This study thus provides a first comprehensive and coherent overview as well as a nuanced picture of the American conflict as it travelled across the Atlantic from a historically distanced perspective. The thesis reveals that the Civil War achieved unique prominence in British culture and that this British fascination with the war was part of a greater transatlantic encounter between an epic American affair and sophisticated British interpreters. Accordingly, the two main questions underpinning this study are ‘why were the British particularly interested in the Civil War?’ and, following directly on that path, ‘how did Britons use the war both at home and in the transatlantic sphere?’ Answering these questions further establishes the war’s prominence in British culture and explores the character of the British encounter with the conflict. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the Civil War’s global impact and casts another light on Anglo-American relations.
21
Martin, William R. "Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.
22
Tollardo, Elisabetta. "Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.
23
Tuffnell, Stephen D. "Nationalism, cosmopolitanism and empire in Britain's American expatriate community, c.1815-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f516d40c-bc6a-4405-a946-6b9d09a77546.
Texto completoResumen
This study examines the coalescence of American expatriate communities in Britain between 1815 and 1914. Blending transnational and post-colonial approaches to US history, this dissertation explores the nuanced roles of Americans in Britain as intermediaries in the consolidation of US independence, the formation of American nationalism, and the emergence of American empire. Transatlantic economic and cultural connections converged in American communities in Britain. The American communities of London and Liverpool evolved and dissolved around these rapidly transforming interconnections. These communities are recaptured in this study from scattered archives on both side of the Atlantic. The Antebellum American community acted as a conduit between British capital and American nation-building projects and promoted transatlantic rapprochement as the route to effective US independence. The importation of American innovation and manufactured goods into Britain and the Empire, however, followed late nineteenth-century expatriates. As US power surged, Americans in London created a self-identifying American “colony,” which acted as the interface between US economic and cultural expansion and British imperialism. Throughout the century, Britain’s American communities acted as crucibles in which sectional, national, and racial identifications were contested and reconstructed. Expatriate newspapers, celebrations, and social institutions, provided the venues for Americans in Britain to articulate and reformulate American nationalism. In the context of British power, the contestations and reformulations of these identities were bled through with post- and anti-colonial anxieties. Expatriates therefore acted as avatars for sharpening distinctions between the US and Britain in debates over the form of American national character, culture, and empire – and Britain’s role in all three. This study reframes these themes around the previously overlooked communities of Americans in Britain. From these communities, which stand at the intersection of US and British Imperial history, a new perspective emerges on the reciprocal dynamics of nationhood and empire in nineteenth century Anglo-American relations.
24
Ramsey, Shawn D. "Deliberative Rhetoric in the Twelfth Century: The Case for Eleanor of Aquitaine, Noblewomen, and the Ars Dictaminis." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1343298630.
Texto completo
25
Anafak, Lemofak Antoine Japhet. "La Belgique et l'Afrique centrale, diversification ou néocolonialisme? dynamique de la politique de coopération belge au Cameroun et dans ses anciennes colonies, 1960-1990." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210145.
Texto completoResumen
Le travail de recherche intitulé :«La Belgique et l’Afrique centrale, diversification ou néocolonialisme ?Dynamique de la coopération belge au Cameroun et dans ses anciennes colonies (1960-1990) » s’interroge sur la mise en œuvre et le déploiement de la coopération belge en Afrique centrale principalement au Cameroun. Il développe cette politique au Cameroun sous un regard global des intérêts belges dans son pré carré c'est-à- dire dans ses anciennes colonies dans le contexte de guerre froide et de construction européenne. C’est également le contexte de la mise en place du marché commun, de la signature des accords de Yaoundé entre la CEE et EAMA (Etats Africains et Malgaches Associés). Les aspects analysés prennent aussi en compte la France autre ancienne métropole de la région.<p>Cette thèse insiste sur les éléments de mise en place et les fondements de la politique étrangère de la Belgique en Afrique centrale. Elle analyse sa présence depuis la colonisation du Congo, du Ruanda-Urundi et développe le processus de mutation de la Belgique dans la sous-région à la faveur des indépendances. Cette accession à la souveraineté des territoires leur attribuait le statut d’acteur de la communauté internationale. L’adaptation de la Belgique à cette nouvelle donne l’oblige à étendre son espace de captation d’intérêts par l’établissement des relations diplomatiques avec de nombreux pays de la région parmi lesquels le Cameroun. Le choix du Cameroun comme pays d'appui à la politique belge dans la région en dehors de ses colonies est le fait de nombreuses justifications que cette thèse démontre. <p>Ce travail insiste sur les rapports politiques entre le Cameroun et la Belgique notamment les éléments expliquant la coopération diplomatique et politique entre le Cameroun et la Belgique. Celle-ci était basée sur un soutien mutuel dans la lutte contre les mouvements rebelles procommunistes au Cameroun et au Congo dans les années 60. Cet ouvrage développe l'organisation de l’action conjointe de la Belgique et du Cameroun dans la lutte contre le communisme en Afrique centrale principalement au Congo en période de guerre froide, les éléments prouvant le soutien de la Belgique au Cameroun dans sa lutte contre les activistes nationalistes de l’UPC et réciproquement, les actions montrant la collaboration et la compréhension du Cameroun envers la Belgique dans la gestion des conflits d’après indépendance au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi. <p>De plus, cette thèse évoque la dynamique de la politique étrangère de la Belgique à partir de 1965 dans la région. Dans cette section marquée par l’arrivée de Mobutu au pouvoir et le coup d’Etat de Micombero au Burundi, ce travail détaille les éléments qui justifient le renforcement des relations politiques entre le Cameroun et la Belgique après 1965 par l’analyse du contexte national et international de mise en place de cette politique après 1967. Un contexte marqué par la réélection d’Ahmadou Ahidjo et le renforcement de son pouvoir et le départ du socialiste Paul-Henri Spaak, remplacé par le démocrate-chrétien Pierre Harmel. Ce dernier instaure une nouvelle politique dite de diversification et de distanciation envers le régime de Mobutu. Le constat est que cette diversification a profité au Cameroun, devenu progressivement un partenaire privilégié de la Belgique dans la région après la visite officielle d’Ahidjo de 1967 à Bruxelles. <p>Ce travail analyse les rapports qu’entretenaient la Belgique et le Cameroun dans les organisations internationales en rapport avec la situation interne de son pré-carré d’Afrique centrale, notamment les circonstances du soutien de la candidature du Zaïre à l’entrée dans l’Union Douanière et Economique d’Afrique Centrale (UDEAC) et plus tard dans la création de l’Union Economique d’Afrique Centrale (UEAC) en 1969. Le soutien mutuel des candidatures belges et camerounaises dans les instances internationales à partir des années septante, les incidences de l’entrée du Royaume-Uni de Grande Bretagne et l’Irlande du Nord au sein de la Communauté Economique Européenne (la convention de Lomé I) sur la politique étrangère belge menée par Renaat Van Elslande, les implications de la zaïrianisation sur les relations belgo-zaïroises, l’arrivée au pouvoir de Juvénal Habyarimana au Rwanda et la renégociation des accords d’indépendance entre le Cameroun et la France. La Belgique et ces pays souhaitaient une approche plus consensuelle des grandes questions internationales, notamment le nouvel ordre économique international, le conflit du proche orient, la question de la décolonisation des territoires portugais d’Afrique centrale, la généralisation des conflits armés et des assassinats politiques.<p>La présence militaire belge en Afrique centrale est un fait colonial. Un rappel nécessaire de cette présence militaire depuis la période coloniale nous a permis de nous interroger sur la gestion difficile du devenir de ces soldats après les indépendances du Congo, du Rwanda et du Burundi, notamment pendant la crise Katangaise. Ces difficultés rencontrées au Congo poussent la Belgique à trouver des dérivatifs pour se désengager militairement au Ruanda-Urundi après l’indépendance en 1962. La visite officielle de juin 1967 d’Ahmadou Ahidjo en Belgique marque le début d’une intense coopération militaire entre la Belgique et le Cameroun. Les deux pays coopèrent pour la livraison du matériel de guerre par la Fabrique d’Herstal à Liège, et dans la formation les officiers camerounais en Belgique. Plusieurs facteurs justifiant cette coopération avec le Cameroun sont énumérés dans cette thèse. De plus, ce travail retrace l’implication de la Belgique dans les guerres du Shaba et ses initiatives en faveur d’une paix globale dans la région autour les années 80. <p>Le troisième grand axe de cette thèse développe la présence de la Belgique en Afrique centrale dans le cadre de la Communauté Economique Européenne. Après avoir expliqué l'historique et l'évolution du FED, nous avons exploré le poids de la présence belge au sein du Fond Européen de Développement par rapport à la France et les autres Etats de la CEE pour constater sa faiblesse dans cette institution contrôlée par la France l’Allemagne. Ce qui justifie son choix de renforcer la coopération bilatérale dans la région. Enfin, ce thèse insiste sur ces relations économiques bilatérales de la Belgique en Afrique centrale, principalement au Cameroun en comparaison avec les anciennes colonies pour voir l'influence de la Belgique au Cameroun, au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi depuis les indépendances jusqu'aux années nonante. <p><p><br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
26
Versari, Maria Elena. "Futurismo 1916-1922: identità, incomprensioni, strategie : i rapporti internazionali e l’evoluzione dell’identità del Futurismo negli anni Venti." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/85755.
Texto completo
27
Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. "Workers of the Word Unite!: The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4162.
Texto completoResumen
The labor movement's groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers' pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell's Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5.
Local 5's successful union campaign at Powell's Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5's internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell's efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union's bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5's contract success was the union's partnership with Portland's social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell's Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation's labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland's revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell's agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years.
This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell's booksellers, communicated through workers' essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5's creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city's liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union's presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell's iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5's complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.
28
Furlet, Brooke (Brooke Gardiner). "The Influence of Naval Strategy on Churchill's Foreign Policy: May - September 1940." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501254/.
Texto completoResumen
This study examines Churchill's struggle during the summer of 1940 to preserve Britain's naval superiority worldwide, through the neutralization of the French fleet and by securing the active participation of the United States. Sources consulted included autobiographies of the participants, especially those by Churchill, Reynaud, Baudouin, and Weygand, document collections, and British and American official histories. This study is organized to give a chronological analysis of Churchill's efforts from 10 May to 2 September 1940, ending with the United States' acceptance of the destroyers-for-bases agreement. This act committed them to shared strategical responsibilities with Great Britain. The thesis concludes that Churchill's efforts in this period laid the foundation for later Allied victory.
29
Bezerra, Gustavo Alvim de Góes. "O império, a elite e o imperador: debates sobre a Europa na política externa brasileira do século XIX." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6951.
Texto completoResumen
A independência do Brasil, bem como de parte significativa da América Latina, ocorreu concomitantemente ao reestabelecimento da realidade política europeia após a Revolução Francesa. A Constituição brasileira de 1824, apesar de aparentar similaridades com o liberalismo francês, foi feita de forma a transformar o Brasil no modelo mais bem acabado de realidade política do Antigo Regime europeu. O engessamento da estrutura política decorria da existência de uma elite coesa, situação que punha à prova um modelo que teoricamente oferecia ao monarca o poder máximo, dada sua atribuição de alternar o grupo que estava no comando do país. Esse processo resultou quase que na transformação do imperador em um chanceler das decisões tomadas pelos membros da elite homogênea. Essa dinâmica política ocorre pari passu às tensões de modernização que permeiam a realidade europeia do século XIX e que refletem o aprofundamento do capitalismo da Segunda Revolução Industrial. O Brasil, pensado a partir do modelo do Antigo Regime europeu, encontrou no segundo reinado o ponto de inflexão a partir de iniciativas de modernização defendidas por D. Pedro II. Esse conflito intraelite é a tônica da análise feita a partir da hipótese de que o Brasil era um membro efetivo da Sociedade de Estados europeia, percepção decorrente do compartilhamento de valores havido com os países da Europa. Nesse espectro, constrói-se uma narrativa histórica na qual a História da Política Externa Brasileira e a História das Relações Internacionais são desenvolvidas conjuntamente. Essa narrativa visa superar as limitações impostas por uma noção de História restrita às questões de poder e disputas fronteiriças. Para a consecução desse objetivo recorreu-se a uma análise mais detalhada das atribuições do Conselho de Estado órgão representativo da elite imperial e das atas das reuniões havidas na seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros. A essa análise contrapôs-se aquela feita dos diários de D. Pedro II escritos durante suas três viagens ao Exterior (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). É pela contraposição dessas duas fontes primárias que se conclui que havia projetos diferentes para o país decorrentes de percepções diferentes sobre a realidade da Europa: se de um lado a Europa vista pela elite brasileira era aquela do Antigo Regime, D. Pedro II reconhecia os impulsos modernizantes das duas últimas décadas do século. Alguns dos quais ele tentou implementar no país.<br>Brazilian independency, as well as that of almost all Latin-American countries, happened at the same time as Europes restoration that followed the French Revolution. Brazilian Imperial Constitution of 1824, despite the appearance of similarity with the French liberalism, was built in a way to make Brazil become the country that better fit the European Ancien Regime model. The inelasticity of the political structure derived from the existence of a closely knit elite, whose dynamics forged the political roles in a way in which the emperor became almost a chancellor that executed the decisions made by the elite. Hes attribution of changing the ruling party was ineffective once the homogeneity of the group was so strong. Such reality happened while, in Europe, modernizing pressure were taking place as a consequence of the Second Industrial Revolution and the deepening of the capitalism the reality of the continent. During the reign of D. Pedro II, Brazil came to a turning point when the homogeneity of the elite breaks up with the Emperor supporting modernizing projects. This intra-elite conflict is in the core of the analysis made from the hypothesis that Brazil was a effective member of the European Society of States since it shared common values with the European countries. From there, a historical narrative is built, in which the History of Brazilian Foreign Policy and the History of International Relations are written together. This narrative aims at overcoming the limitations imposed by a notion of History restricted to issues of power and boundaries disputes. In order to fulfill this goal, the Conselho de Estado structure representative of the imperial elite and the minutes of the assemblies of the seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros are studied in depth. Running together with this analysis, is another one over the journals of D. Pedro II written during the three voyages he made abroad (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). It is by the comparison of these two sources that one can conclude that there were different projects to the country, and they were originated from different perceptions over the European reality: if for Brazilian elite it was still coherent to cope with the Ancien Régime, D. Pedro II pushed for modernizing the country during the two last decades of the century.
30
Long, Katya. "Security and Liberty: the Republican dilemma in the Early American Republic." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210320.
Texto completoResumen
A la fin du 18ème siècle, les Etats-Unis inaugurent les révolutions fondatrices ou refondatrices, directement inspirée des Lumières et ayant dialoguées par-delà l’Atlantique. La période révolutionnaire a vue une élite politique nouvelle aux prises avec la nécessité de bâtir un «ordre nouveau», c'est-à-dire de créer un gouvernement et de définir le rapport au monde de ce nouvel Etat. Cette quête a amené les acteurs politiques de la révolution à chercher un modèle politique différent de celui, dominant, des monarchies absolues. L’idée de république s’impose dès la déclaration d’indépendance. En effet, les Lumières avaient redécouvert le républicanisme qui pouvait incarner l’espoir d’un ordre politique réformé. Cependant, les républiques classiques et les exemples contemporains confirment l’idée alors partagée par tous qu’une république ne peut être qu’une petite entité politique au sein de laquelle vit une population restreinte d’hommes libres et où les différences sociales sont relativement faibles. Non seulement cette petite taille des républiques était-elle un phénomène empirique mais elle semblait être une loi d’airain. Depuis la reformulation du dilemme républicain par Machiavel, l’idée qu’une république ne puisse pas être libre et étendue faisait consensus. Cette première république moderne, fille des Lumières pacifistes, a pourtant mené une expansion quasi-continentale. Comment cette petite république à la périphérie du monde pouvait-elle réconcilier sa volonté de rompre avec les tentations hégémoniques et son désir de puissance ?Comment pouvait-elle s’étendre tout en préservant sa liberté républicaine ?Nous avons formulé l’hypothèse que la réponse à ces questions se trouve dans une redéfinition des principes et des méthodes de leur politique étrangère. Afin de minimiser les risques de corruption de la république, les acteurs de la révolution ont cherché à mettre en place une politique étrangère républicaine fondée sur les idées des Lumières. <p>Cette hypothèse nous a mené à articuler notre travail autour de trois axes de recherche :le premier portant sur la théorie politique internationale, le second sur le débat idéologique autour de la politique étrangère et le troisième sur les institutions de prise de décision et de mise en œuvre de cette politique étrangère. Ces trois axes sont reliés par les idées qui forment la structure intellectuelle des débats entre les acteurs ainsi que les déterminants de la création institutionnelle. <p>C’est là le cœur de notre thèse. En faisant appel à la méthodologie originale développée par Pierre Rosanvallon, qu’il décrit comme une histoire conceptuelle du politique, nous avons tout d’abord procédé à une étude du cadre intellectuel de la révolution américaine en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la philosophie des relations internationales par une analyse de la contribution de Montesquieu à la théorie politique internationale. <p>La thèse porte ensuite sur les débats révolutionnaires, la tension entre les idéologies des Lumières telles qu’illustrées par la pensée de Montesquieu et le désir d’expansion territoriale ou de grandeur des acteurs de la révolution. Nous avons choisi de consacrer notre étude aux élites, non pas que nous ne considérions pas l’histoire sociale digne d’intérêt mais nous avons postulé que dans cette phase de bouleversement politique, ce sont les élites politiques qui ont joué le rôle déterminant. Enfin, la troisième partie de la thèse consiste en une étude du cadre constitutionnel, législatif et institutionnel de la politique étrangère républicaine issue de l’interaction entre la structure intellectuelle des Lumières et son interprétation par les acteurs. <p>Ainsi, notre analyse des idées, des acteurs et des institutions de la république américaine nous a permis de contribuer d’une part à la théorie des relations internationales en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la politique internationale au cours du 18ème siècle et d’autre part à l’histoire des idées politiques en étendant son champ aux questions internationales. Cela nous a permis également de mettre en lumière le lien étroit entre la structure idéelle, les intérêts et les stratégies des acteurs et la création des institutions politiques.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
31
Rizzo, Ricardo Martins. "Espectros vencidos: a teorização negativa do sistema internacional em Marx e Engels." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-05112015-132622/.
Texto completoResumen
Parte significativa dos escritos de Marx Engels sobre política internacional são marcados por uma dificuldade teórica, que não deixou de causar desconforto na própria tradição marxista: diante dos êxitos da contra-revolução após 1848, e de uma perspectiva revolucionária plasmada na crítica ao sistema internacional herdado do Congresso de Viena em 1815, as categorias centrais do materialismo hitórico pareciam perder capacidade de formulação política. Se o avanço da concorrência capitalista no mercado mundial possibilitava que as contradições sociais dos países mais avançados fossem universalizadas, por meio da universalização das relações de produção burguesas, o sistema internacional parecia atuar em sentido contrário, permitindo que os tempos sociais do atraso arbitrassem o ritmo das transformações políticas na Europa. Negada pelo sistema internacional, a marcha da história social em Marx e Engels dá lugar a uma teorização negativa. Suas categorias clássicas dão lugar a outras. Classes sociais cedem terreno, em Engels, aos povos sem história. Em Marx, a causalidade é substituída pela analogia; processos, por indivíduos; realidades sociais concretas, por encarnações abstratas. A contemporaneidade política de tempos sociais divergentes que caracteriza a complexa duração do absolutismo na Europa fornece o terreno em que os problemas da teorização negativa eclodem. O fato de que o Estado absolutista de tipo oriental por excelência, a Rússia czarista, pudesse de alguma forma empregar, por meio de sua diplomacia, a coerção de tipo feudal encarnada em sua própria formação para arbitrar o ritmo das revoluções burguesas no ocidente, em pleno século XIX, constitui a principal negatividade com que Marx e Engels se depararam ao pretenderem retomar a marcha revolucionária interrompida em 1815.<br>An important part of Marx and Engels\'s writings on international politics is characterized by a theoretical difficulty, one which has been the cause of significant uneasiness in the Marxist tradition itself. Faced with the strides of counter-revolution in Europe after 1848, and departing from a revolutionary standpoint centered on the criticism of the international system as set forth by the Vienna Congress in 1815, the core categories of dialectic materialism seemed to loose power of political formulation. If the advancement of capitalist competition in the world market was bound to universalize the social contradictions of the most advanced countries, by the universalization of bourgeois production, the international system, on the other hand, appeared as the medium by means of which the social temporalities of backwardness managed to impose themselves on the European political order. Denied by the international system, the march of social history in Marx and Engels gives room to the a negative theorization. Its classic categories give way to new ones. In Engels, social classes give way to nonhistorial peoples; in Marx, causality is replaced by analogy, processes by individuals, concrete social realities by abstract representations. The international coexistence of different political temporalities that characterizes the complex duration of absolutism in Europe sets the stage for the problems of the negative theorization. The fact that the most typical form of oriental absolutist State, czarist Russia, could successfully deploy its feudal coercion, through its diplomacy, to dictate the rhythm of bourgeois revolutions in the West in the nineteenth century constitutes the main negativity with which Marx and Engels are faced in their quest to resume historys course after its interruption in 1815.
32
Feinman, David Eric. "Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.
Texto completoResumen
The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.<br>ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).<br>M.A.<br>Masters<br>Political Science<br>Sciences
33
Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
Texto completo
34
Korf, Lindie. "D.F. Malan : a political biography." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime
Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to
provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes
surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on
Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted
picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a
literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as
well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all
times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding
Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to
his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism.
This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations
and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some
extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South
Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner
nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional
and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman
Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power
struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to
contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era
Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om
onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare
beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke
loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige
portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en
maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van
D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy
tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en
ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word
beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë
soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge
en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid
tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se
konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu
baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die
voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die
onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M.
Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die
Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te
lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.
35
Gunitskiy, Vsevolod. "From Shocks to Waves: Hegemonic Transitions and Democratization in the Twentieth Century." Thesis, 2011. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8BZ6D01.
Texto completoResumen
What causes democratic waves? This dissertation argues that sudden shifts in the distribution of power among major states can help explain the wave-like spread of democracy over the past century. These hegemonic shocks lead to bursts of regime change by creating unique incentives and opportunities for domestic reforms, and do so through three sets of mechanisms - hegemonic coercion, influence, and emulation. Namely, shocks produce windows of opportunity for external regime imposition, enable rising great powers to expand networks of trade and patronage, and inspire imitators by credibly revealing hidden information about regime effectiveness to foreign audiences. I find strong statistical support for the idea that shifts in hegemonic power have shaped waves of democracy, fascism, and communism in the twentieth century. The statistical analysis is supplemented by case studies of three hegemonic shocks: World War I, the Great Depression, and World War II. Departing from theories that focus on the internal determinants of domestic reforms, this dissertation argues that regime success in the twentieth century is deeply tied to rapid changes in the global distribution of power, a relationship often obscured by the vivid particularities of local transformations.
36
Batts, Joshua Paul. "Circling The Waters: The Keichō Embassy and Japanese-Spanish Relations in the Early Seventeenth Century." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8QZ2PF2.
Texto completoResumen
This project examines the fraught diplomatic and commercial relations between Tokugawa Japan (1600–1868) and the Habsburg Spanish empire in the early seventeenth century. Vessels from Japan called at the port of Acapulco in New Spain three times within a decade, the first attempt in world history at a bilateral commercial relationship across the Pacific. In doing so, the ships also challenged the Spanish monopoly over the waterways between Latin America and Asia. Japanese commercial and diplomatic outreach peaked with the Keichō Embassy to Southern Europe (1613–1620), an effort that dispatched Japanese representatives to the court of Philip III in Madrid, but failed in its mission to secure regular contact between New Spain and northeastern Japan. In analyzing these events, I contrast Japan’s pursuit of commercial and diplomatic expansion with Spanish ambivalence and insularity, inverting essentializing narratives defined by Japanese isolation and European engagement. The project also compares the diplomatic models employed by each polity. I argue that Spain’s established imperial vision and the shogunate’s emerging hierarchical model of foreign relations placed each polity at the pinnacle of their respective diplomatic frameworks, handicapping efforts to communicate, build trust, and integrate each into the worldview of the other. Ultimately, a Spanish policy of containment closed off the Americas to Japan; soon after, the Tokugawa divested from its relationship with the Spanish Philippines in the face of alternative commercial partners and ongoing religious tension. The project thus integrates Japanese history into world history and the history of the Pacific, while questioning the notion of a straightforward commitment to expansion among Europe’s early-modern empires.
37
Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959 / Joseph Askew." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21830.
Texto completoResumen
"June 2002"<br>Bibliography: leaves 229-270.<br>ix, 270 leaves ; 30 cm.<br>This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 2002
38
WEGENER, Jens. "Creating an 'international mind'? : the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Europe, 1911-1940." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40749.
Texto completoResumen
Defence date: 12 June 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Kiran Klaus Patel, Maastricht University (external supervisor); Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (second reader); Professor Sven Beckert, Harvard University; Professor Gary Gerstle, University of Cambridge.<br>How do non-governmental actors exert power beyond the confines of nation-states? Examining the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) and its network of European foreign policy elites, I argue that non-governmental actors developed transnational political agendas in part to counter the democratizing and social shifts of the early 20th century. Throughout the interwar period the CEIP emerged as a key participant in cultural internationalism by providing financial and logistical aid for transnational outreach. Well connected to social elites in several countries, the CEIP's emergence illustrates how internationalism was inexorably structured by economic, social and cultural capital. As formerly marginalized social groups—e.g. women, organized labor and ethnic minorities became more integrated into national decision-making processes, traditional elites began to erect new barriers around transnational spaces to preserve existing power structures. The project investigates how the CEIP fostered the construction, transformation and circulation of expertise among the technical experts. Starting in the mid-1920s, the foundation promoted networking between economists, international lawyers and other specialists who staffed foreign ministries and international organizations such as the League of Nations, the International Labor Organization and the Permanent Court of International Justice. The CEIP used these connections and the power of the purse to stimulate the development of professional communities with the ultimate goal of reaching policy consensus on the divisive issues of the time thus in effect promoting the development of alternative governance mechanisms. This attempt to construct a techncratic "international mind" faltered with the beginning of the Second World War. Yet, tracing the careers of CEIP-connected experts into the post-war planning projects, the thesis ultimately challenges "creationist" narratives of international financial, human rights and security regimes after 1945. Many of the international policies implemented in the second half of the 1940s did not represent a clean break with a failed past. They were legacies of an attempt to make the world safe for a return to the liberal capitalist order that had marked the long 19th century.
39
SIX, Pierre-Louis. "The party nobility : Cold War and the shaping of an identity at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (1943-1991)." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49328.
Texto completoResumen
Defence date: 15 December 2017<br>Examining Board: Prof. Stephen Anthony Smith, Oxford University (Supervisor); Prof. Michel Offerlé, Ecole Normale Supérieure (Ulm) (Co-supervisor); Prof. Alexander Etkind, European University Institute; Prof. David Priestland, Oxford University<br>The Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) was founded after the Soviet victory at Stalingrad in 1943 with the mission of training a new generation of flag bearers of Communist ideals and Soviet State interests on the international scene, the so-called meždunarodniki. Often cited as the alma mater of most of the leading figures involved in the conduct of the Soviet diplomacy during Cold War, the MGIMO has received paradoxically little attention from scholars. Most researchers who have mentioned it present the Institute either as a crucible of social reproduction in the 1970s Soviet Union or as a subversive place, whose ‘net thinking’ paved the way to Gorbachev’s perestroika. For their part, numerous meždunarodniki describe the MGIMO as a Soviet Tsarskoye Selo or a Communist Lyceum: they surprisingly refer to their experience at the Institute in terms redolent of Russian imperial history, stressing the fact that they were much more than experts in foreign affairs and that they occupied a distinct place within the Soviet elite. Ranging from the end of World War II to the collapse of the USSR, this research aims at analyzing the making of a hybrid social category, what I describe as Party nobility in the Soviet Union, the identity of which shaped and was shaped by the Cold War. How did an institution and its alumni form a distinct social group that sat at the very core of the Cold War enterprise? How did MGIMO become the place where a specific praxis of foreign affairs was inculcated, based on the hybridisation of aristocratic manners and communist ethics during the Khrushchev and the Brezhnev era? Why was the loyalty of both the institution and the social group put into question during perestroika as early as 1985? These are some of the main questions this research will answer.
40
GLYNN, Irial. "International trends and national differences in asylum policymaking : Australia, Italy and Ireland compared, 1989-2008." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13276.
Texto completoResumen
Defence date: 23 November 2009<br>Examining Board: Prof. Jay Winter (Yale) [supervisor]; Prof. Rainer Bauböck (EUI); Prof. Gil Loescher (University of Oxford); Prof. Leo Lucassen (Leiden)<br>First made available online 20 March 2019<br>The primary purpose of this interdisciplinary study is to show the value of history in investigating asylum policymaking from 1989 to 2008. Chapter 1 provides a short summary of asylum before 1989. It focuses especially on the power, influence and composition of actors who advocated for generous asylum policies and actors who proposed restrictive asylum policies at crucial times throughout the twentieth century. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 analyse the case studies of Australia, Italy and Ireland. By setting traditional emigration countries against a traditional immigration country, EU countries against a non-EU country, Catholic countries against a multidenominational country, islands against a peninsula, common law states against a civil law state, as well as countries where boat people drove asylum debates against one that lacked boat people, many divergences and convergences emerged. Every country had, to a certain degree, a unique asylum system based on its own history, identity and geography. The comparative Chapter 5 reveals that despite inherent national differences, noticeable international asylum trends also appeared during this period. In contrast to people who applied for asylum during the Cold War, asylum applicants in the 1990s provided limited political and economic returns for receiver states. Accordingly, governing political parties inclined towards the formation of more restrictive asylum policies. But secular and religious NGOs, INGOs and certain opposition political parties loudly protested by referencing humanitarian ideals, national commitments to human rights and the rule of law. Acknowledging the challenges posed by actors sympathetic to asylum seekers, governments in the 2000s attempted to securitize and externalise asylum, reduce the influence of the courts, and expedite the deportation of rejected asylum seekers. The conclusion suggests that governments in Europe, North America and Australasia are likely to build on advances made through the 2000s to restrict asylum even further in the next decade, especially in the wake of the economic crisis of 2008- 09.
41
BRAAT, Eleni. "Disarmament, neutrality and colonialism: Conflicting priorities in the Netherlands, 1921-1931." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10396.
Texto completoResumen
Defence date: 24 November 2008<br>Examining Board:
Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (European University Institute) - supervisor
Prof. Georges Dertilis (École des hautes études en sciences sociales)
Prof. Kiran Patel (European University Institute)
Prof. Henk te Velde (Universiteit Leiden)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>The decade after World War I saw the daring creation of the League of Nations: West European security had to be preserved through cooperation in transnational networks instead of through traditional multilateral expedients, and a new generation of diplomats had to enhance open diplomacy, push away the international, aristocratic elite, and democratize politics. Peace movements appeared on the international stage, and blew a fierce ideological wind over Europe. This hopeful change experienced its halcyon days around 1925-1928, when Europe as well as the Pacific encountered a true détente. This thesis deals with these changes in international security matters, incited by World War I and the subsequent creation of the League of Nations, and their consequences for Dutch foreign policy.
42
Allen, David John. "Every Citizen a Statesman: Building a Democracy for Foreign Policy in the American Century." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-3hqc-4p16.
Texto completoResumen
This dissertation asks how far Americans in the twentieth century reconciled the demands of global supremacy with the claims and realities of democracy. As an answer, it offers the first history of the movement for citizen education in world affairs. This movement, loose but coherent, acted on the belief that since the United States was a mass democracy, the creation of an interested, informed public for foreign policy was essential to its peace and security.
After World War I, members of the foreign policy elite resolved to teach Americans to lead the world, and they created a network of new institutions to do so. The most important and visible of these institutions was the Foreign Policy Association, a non-profit, non-partisan group founded by New York progressives in 1918 to support Woodrow Wilson in the fight over the Treaty of Versailles. By 1925, it had morphed into the first true foreign policy think tank in the nation, with a research staff creating new, public-facing knowledge and disseminating it to a broadening public. The research staff’s Foreign Policy Reports and Foreign Policy Bulletin gave information to diplomats, scholars, editors, businessmen, lawyers, and teachers, information that was otherwise inaccessible. As democracy was threatened at home and abroad during the Great Depression, the Association became more ambitious, founding branches in twenty cities to circulate foreign diplomats and a new breed of experts in international politics around the country. It pioneered broadcasts over the nascent national radio network, and tapped into a broader movement for adult education. With the encouragement of Franklin Roosevelt, a former member, the Association promoted intervention in World War II, and became a key partner of the State Department in the selling of the United Nations.
Many members of the foreign policy elite believed that the rise of the United States to world leadership entailed new responsibilities for its citizens. As the prewar functions of the Association had been rendered obsolete, it resolved after 1947 to promote community education in world affairs, to make world leadership a part of daily life. Under the rallying cry of “World Affairs Are Your Affairs,” the Association partnered with the Ford Foundation to help create dozens of World Affairs Councils, most of them patterned on the success of the Cleveland Council on World Affairs. These Councils became a stage for international politics, bringing the world to cities across America, and those cities to the world.
But by its own measurements, let alone the results of surveys or the intuition of officials, this movement to make every citizen a statesman failed. The Association and its subsidiary Councils remained weak, short on cash and beset by rivalries. Increasingly, they took refuge in an ever-smaller, educated, white elite, and, informed by social science, they wrote off ever more of the American electorate as uninterested or incapable when it came to world affairs. Very few Americans, it became clear by the early 1960s, were willing to dedicate themselves to world affairs on the model of citizenship that their leaders hoped, and to those leaders, the public therefore seemed fundamentally apathetic. The infrastructure that the foreign policy elite had spent decades building calcified, even before the traumas of the Vietnam War. A chasm developed between policymakers and the public, one that has proven impossible to bridge since.
43
BEREAU, Stéphanie. "Modalités de valorisation de l'art africain en occident dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle : étude critique des conditions historiques de réception et de valorisation del'art africain en occindent, dans les musées d'histoire naturelle." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6911.
Texto completoResumen
Defence date: 27 November 2006<br>Examining Board: Prof. Pascaline Winand, Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence (Superviseur) ; Prof. Bogumil Jewsiewicki, Université Laval, Québec (Co-directeur) ; Prof. Antonella Romano, Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence ; Prof. Laurick Zerbini, Université Lumière Lyon 2, Lyon<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>En 1905, après une après-midi de peinture plutôt éprouvante sous la chaleur de la campagne parisienne, Maurice de Vlaminck s’arrête pour se rafraîchir dans un bistro d’Argenteuil. Sur le bar qui lui fait face, perdus entre les bouteilles d’alcool, trois objets africains attirent son attention : deux pièces Yoruba du Dahomey et une pièce de Côte-d’Ivoire. En échange d’une tournée générale, le propriétaire accepte de les lui céder. C’est en les montrant à un ami de son père venu visiter son atelier en mars 1906, qu’il obtiendra de ce dernier deux autres statues africaines, ainsi qu’un masque blanchâtre assez quelconque, qui pourtant fascina son alter ego fauviste, le peintre André Derain, dès qu’il le vit. Pressé par des soucis financiers, Vlaminck repoussera une première offre d’achat de son ami pour mieux accepter celle qu’il lui fit quelques jours plus tard. Début avril 1906, pour 50 francs, Derain était entré en possession de son célèbre masque Fang1 et l’accrochait aux murs de son atelier de la rue Tourlaque.
44
Swart, Marilette. "Verstotelingstate in die post-koue oorlogse internasionale politiek." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/6118.
Texto completoResumen
M.Litt et Phil.<br>In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat normaalweg ook deur die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) as verstotelinge beskou word (Geldenhuys, 1997:15). Vir die doel van hierdie studie word hierdie nege beskou as die post-Koue Oorlogse verstotelingstate. Die meeste van hulle word nie slegs deur die VSA as verstotelinge behandel nie, maar deur verskeie ander state, en in sommige gevalle selfs deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bree.
45
"權力均衡: 釣魚台事件 : 從釣魚台事件看中、美、日、台的關係". 1998. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5889532.
Texto completoResumen
顔鳳儀.<br>論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部, 1998.<br>參考文獻: leaves 127-139.<br>中英文摘要.<br>Yan Fengyi.<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1-6<br>Chapter 一、 --- 研究重點 --- p.2-3<br>Chapter 二、 --- 研究原因 --- p.3-4<br>Chapter 三、 --- 硏究方法<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 硏究性質 --- p.4-5<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 資料來源 --- p.5<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 評述權力均衡理論及探討基辛格 對均勢外交理念的構想 --- p.7-26<br>Chapter 一、 --- 權力均衡理論<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 現實主義學說 --- p.7-9<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 權力均衡理論槪念之釐淸 --- p.9-16<br>Chapter 二、 --- 均勢外交理念的構想<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 尼克遜與基辛格在七十年代 制定美國外交政策的關鍵角色 --- p.17-19<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 均勢外交之構想 --- p.20-26<br>Chapter 三、 --- 分析架構 --- p.26<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 歷史史實的描述 --- p.27-61<br>Chapter 一、 --- 釣魚台的歷史背景<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 一九七二年前的釣魚台歷史背景 --- p.27-33<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 九十年代的釣魚台事件 --- p.33-35<br>Chapter 二、 --- 一九七二年前的中、美、日、台的關係<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 七十年代前的中美關係 --- p.36-42<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代前的美日關係 --- p.43-49<br>Chapter 丙、 --- 七十年代前的的中日關係 --- p.50-54<br>Chapter 丁、 --- 轉變中的中、美、日關係 --- p.55-61<br>Chapter 第四章 --- 運用權力均衡槪念去剖析釣魚台事件 --- p.62-116<br>Chapter 一、 --- 美國一一「均勢體系」中的「均衡者」 --- p.62-79<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.62<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 聯中制蘇 --- p.62-63<br>Chapter 丙、 --- 釣魚台事件<br>Chapter 1. --- 釣魚台對美國國防的重要性 --- p.64<br>Chapter 2. --- 安撫日本 --- p.65-66<br>Chapter 3. --- 均勢戰略考慮的長遠計謀<br>Chapter (I) --- 遏制中國 --- p.67-74<br>Chapter (II) --- 制約日本 --- p.75-77<br>Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.77-79<br>Chapter 二、 --- 日本一一「均勢體系」中的「從屬者」 --- p.80-95<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.80<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 釣魚台對日本國防及經濟的重要性 --- p.80-82<br>Chapter 丙、 --- 日本謀求成爲亞洲政治及軍事大國之野心<br>Chapter 1. --- 美蘇冷戰格局下日本經濟迅速復興， 在九十年代成爲第二經濟大國 --- p.82-83<br>Chapter 2. --- 日本經濟蓬勃發展後， 日本出現謀求成爲政治大國的野心 --- p.83-84<br>Chapter 3 . --- 新保守主義思潮的興起 --- p.84-87<br>Chapter 4 . --- 日本謀求成爲政治及軍事大國的障礙 --- p.87-89<br>Chapter 5 . --- 日本明白美日同盟的重要性 --- p.89-91<br>Chapter 丁、 --- 九六年日本遏制中國時機之來臨<br>Chapter 1 . --- 《美日安保條約》的重新訂位 --- p.91-93<br>Chapter 2 . --- 橋本內閣的重組 --- p.93-94<br>Chapter 戊、 --- 小結 --- p.94-95<br>Chapter 三) --- 台灣一一「均勢體系」的「從屬者」 --- p.96-104<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.96<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析 --- p.97-98<br>Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代台灣低調處理釣魚台事件之分析<br>Chapter 1. --- 釣魚事件牽涉了兩岸關係 --- p.99-100<br>Chapter 2. --- 爭取美日友好，以擴展台灣的國際生存空間 --- p.101-103<br>Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.104<br>Chapter 四) --- 中國一一「均勢體系」的 「被敵視者」 --- p.105-116<br>Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.105<br>Chapter 乙、 --- 七十年代中國低調處理釣魚台事件的分析 --- p.105-108<br>Chapter 丙、 --- 九十年代中國低調處理釣魚台事件的分析<br>Chapter 1. --- 出兵的顧慮 --- p.109-113<br>Chapter 2. --- 不出兵的顧慮 --- p.113-115<br>Chapter 丁、 --- 小結 --- p.116<br>Chapter 第五章 --- 結語 --- p.117-126<br>Chapter 一、 --- 中、美、日、台在釣魚台事件上所扮演的角色 --- p.118-121<br>Chapter 二、 --- 「權力均衡」理論之適用性及現實性 --- p.121-126<br>主要參考書目（中文）<br>主要參考書目（英文）<br>主要參考報章雜誌
46
Newman, Rachel Grace. "Transnational Ambitions: Student Migrants and the Making of a National Future in Twentieth-Century Mexico." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-6b27-0g26.
Texto completoResumen
This dissertation explores how the Mexican state came to embrace study abroad as a key piece of national education policy. The study begins with the Mexican Revolution (1910-1917) and traces the changing politics and institutional pathways of student migration through 1982. During this period, hundreds and then thousands of Mexican students hailing from the country’s middle- and upper classes chose to finish their education in the United States. The dissertation’s central argument is that this student migration shaped the process of Mexican state formation in the wake of the Revolution. Even as scholarship programs responded to the impetus to modernize, achieve development, or foment science by importing foreign knowledge, youth demand for the chance to study abroad was a key yet unrecognized factor that explains why the state supports students’ transnational ambitions. By harnessing narratives of nationalism and modernization, Mexican youth pushed the state to develop institutions that granted international scholarships. Students aspiring to go abroad pioneered the political rationales that undergirded international education policy, which was then designed and implemented by foreign-trained Mexicans. As privileged youth, students shaped the state not by organizing but by leveraging their social and cultural capital as individuals. This dissertation points out that migration was a strategy that appealed not only to Mexico’s working-classes, but also to its “best and brightest” who sought to improve their prospects with a sojourn abroad.
The dissertation’s first chapter examines how study abroad, a long-standing practice of the Mexican elite, became politicized after the Revolution. It traces debates in the press to show how a lack of state discourse about student migration gave other voices the opportunity to define the stakes of study abroad. Chapter two analyzes revolutionary-era scholarship granting practices, showing that paternalism persisted from the Porfiriato to the post-Revolution. However, the chapter reveals that Mexican students introduced revolutionary ideas into their petitions for scholarships, reframing their studies as an act of patriotism. The third chapter examines three major scholarship programs in the mid-twentieth century. It looks at both selection practices and the demographic profile of those who were chosen. These programs favored an already-privileged sector of young Mexicans, its university graduates. Chapter four, also set in the mid-twentieth century, explores the lived experiences and understandings of identity of Mexican students in the United States. This chapter argues that they pursued an ideal of middle-class mexicanidad during their sojourn abroad but found that this status was one of fragile prestige. The last chapter, covering 1960 to 1982, considers the genesis and early years of Mexico’s most important, and still extant, international scholarship granting institution, the Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología. This scholarship program served as a kind of social policy for young, upwardly-mobile Mexicans even as it obeyed the logic of development and science policy. The dissertation includes tables with statistical information on the Mexican students in the United States, with more detailed data for students in scholarship programs run by the Rockefeller Foundation and the Banco de México.
47
Sullivan, Katie Helen. "The evolution of India's great power identity : a powerful performance." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151758.
Texto completoResumen
This research shows how Indian self-conceptions of 'greatness' have been derivative of India's own readings of an appropriate global role for itself at different periods during its history, rather than sourced from the dominant norms of 'great powerhood' in international society. It attempts to show how apparent shifts in India's identity can most aptly be understood as a process of India acquiring the material markers of a great power rather than actually becoming a great power. According to this reading, the Indian case diverges from the processes of socialisation typically associated with rising powers, whereby great power aspirants internalise the norms articulated by the existing community of great powers. In theoretical terms, the process of negotiation between the norms and values inherent in an Indian international self (an identity which I show to be relatively stable over time) and the norms and values of an international group of prominent states from which India seeks recognition of its 'right' to lead, is revealed as more complex than we might expect. By acquiring a deeper understanding of Indian conceptions of greatness, it is possible to reveal a more nuanced narrative of India's global ascendance and access complexities in India's conduct of external affairs that are sometimes missed by dominant frames of understanding in International Relations. The study demonstrates how attempts to narrate, observe or predict India's ascendance in the language of great powers can only incompletely capture the nuances of India's changing international identity and its potential role in the international system. As such, the research as a whole points to limitations in the theoretical rigour and the explanatory capacity of current dominant understandings of greatness as they are applied to rising powers such as India.
48
Graham, Sarah Ellen. "Narrating hegemony : cultural diplomacy, international information and the language of power in US foreign policy, 1936-1953." Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148193.
Texto completo
49
Paul, Joanne. "Agency at the crossroads of the 16th century: governance and the state in humanist and contemporary political thought." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2914.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis seeks to investigate the relationship between the concepts of the State and Governance in political and international relations theory with the hope of recovering a place for agency. Following from the work of Michel Foucault, and drawing on the historical methodology of Quentin Skinner, I locate in the 16th century a „crossroads‟ in the development of the State and Governance, particularly in the work of the Henrician humanists – political writers of the Early Tudor period (1513-1533). I argue that their articulation of a politicized conception of Governance held a central place for the human agent living the vita activa as an ambassador between the rationality of the divine sphere and that of the terrestrial. Reading these findings through the later work of Foucault, I locate in this dynamic a central role for agency as tied to these theories of Governance that have become veiled by the State. Finally, I make two suggestions in regards to the application of these findings. First, that political/international relations theory take seriously the role of the diplomat as agent, and second, that the disciplinary intersection between history and politics be further emphasized and explored.
50
MEDINA, DE SOUZA Igor Abdalla. "Beyond post-Cold War liberalism : a critical agenda for new powers in world politic." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15403.
Texto completoResumen
Defence date: 17 December 2010<br>Examining Board: David Kennedy (Harvard Law School) (in absentia); Friedrich V. Kratochwil (EUI) (Supervisor); Christian Reus-Smit (EUI); Timothy Sinclair (Univ. Warwick)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This is a thesis on the normative consequences on policymaking of the post-Cold War liberal agenda developed by mainstream scholars of International Relations and International Law, more prominently Andrew Moravcsik and Anne-Marie Slaughter. My hypothesis is that the liberal agenda has worsened internationalists blind spots – such as the separation between politics and economics - and hence has restricted their political imagination. The superficiality of post-Cold War liberalism reinforces the exclusion from the political agenda of issues connected to development - such as hunger, poverty and income distribution - and leads to outcomes that are the opposite of the professed goals of liberal internationalists, the enhancement of human rights and international peace and security. I argue through a multidimensional concept of power that the foundational assumptions of post-Cold War liberalism - derived from the broader discourse of 'globalization' - and theoretical pitfalls - including a narrow concept of law - cover up some manifestations of power by overlooking asymmetries generated by international institutions, structures and discursive practices. The political consequences of the liberal agenda are scrutinized through the analysis of three cases: the creation of the WTO, the economic crisis in Argentina (2000-2) and the breakup of Yugoslavia. Having unveiled the liberal agenda as status quo scholarship, in the sense that it ultimately reflects the interests of the most powerful countries, I propose the creation of a critical alternative centered on development. In the context of the emergence of new powers in world politics such as Brazil and India, which remain in the group of developing countries, the critical agenda addresses background powergenerated asymmetries that restrict the choice set of people, especially in the developing world, to lead a long and healthy life, according to decent living standards and informed by a proper level of education in an environment of peace and security.