Literatura académica sobre el tema "Gumasi language"

This article is entitled "Vocabulary That Is Rarely Used by People in Kuok Village, Kuok District, Kampar Regency". This research was carried out in Kuok Village, Kuok District, Kampar Regency. The problems raised are (1) How to use regional languages in communication among the people of Kuok Village, Kuok District, Kampar Regency (2) What are the uses of regional languages among the people of Kuok Village (3) Languages that are rarely used and often used by people in the Kuok Village area in this article The aim is to find out the use of regional languages in communication in the Kuok Village community, Kuok District, Kampar Regency, then find out the use of regional languages among the Kuok Village community, and find out languages that are rarely used and frequently used in the Kuok Village area. This article uses qualitative methods, while the data collection techniques during the research process use observation, interviews and documentation methods. The results of this research show that in this article there is some data, namely the use of regional languages in communication where the people of Kuok Village, Kuok District, Kampar Regency use the Ocu Regional Language to reflect cultural identity, traditions and linguistic diversity, strengthen social relations in the community, use Regional language among the people of Kuok Village has an important role in maintaining culture, local identity, enriching cultural life, maintaining traditions, and strengthening social ties among residents of Gumai Village, and has a language that is rarely and often used by people in the Kuok Village Area, Kuok District, Regency Kampar.

This research aims to describe the structure, categories and social functions contained in the expression for the ban on husband while his wife was pregnant at Alahan Subdistrick Panjang Lembah Gumanti Regency Solok . This research descriptive qualitative research method.The background of this study was , while the entry of this study is the expression in Kenagarian Alahan Panjang Subdistrick Lembah Gumanti Regency Solok ban on the husband in terms of structure, categories and social functions. To collect the data acquisition from Kenagarian Alahan Panjang Subdistrick Lembah Gumanti Regency Solok the informants using recording techniques. The technique used to analyze the data as follows. (1), transcribes the data from spoken language into written language, (2), translates the data into Indonesian. (3), analyzing the structure of the expression for the ban on husband while his wife was pregnant. (4), analyzed the expression category prohibition for a husband when his wife was pregnant. (5), to analyze the social function expressions prohibition for a husband when his wife was pregnant. (6), formulating research results in the form of reports.

The purpose for describe function social strori people stone bachelor lengong di Nagari Alahan Panjang Kecamatan Lembah Gumanti Kabupaten Solok hasil researeh in is function social ditemukan faef function social yaitu (1),Studi theory which be usea in research, (2) nature folklore nature, (3) function social strory people. Type researeh is researeh qualilative data dianalisis with step measuresDescribe result recording in language writler translate result interesting conclusior and write report.of destination in is function social strory people bachelor lengong foun Nagari Alahan Panjang Kecamatan Lembah Gumanti Kabupaten Solok, (1) Function social entertain, (2) Function social educate, (3) Function social begueath, (4) Function social tradition, (5) Function social identity.

One of the most crucial elements in a company is Human Resources (HR). To ensure a conducive internal climate within the company, creating healthy competition among employees can be achieved by selecting the best candidates. The process of selecting the best employees at PT. Gumara Trans Jaya Boja relies on criteria-based data without accurate calculations. The purpose of this research is to provide a system that can make decisions about high-performing employees using the TOPSIS method and to implement this method in determining the criteria for assessing high-performing employees to ensure accurate data for precise decision-making and optimal results. The system is built using the TOPSIS method (Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution), with XAMPP as its server, PHP as the programming language, and MySQL as the database. The testing results of this decision support system were deemed valid, receiving a score of 3.7, or 'Good', from expert evaluators, and obtaining a score of 4.2, or 'Very Good', from users. In a comparative test, the newly designed system achieved an 84% level of system alignment with the assessment indicators, compared to the old system's 44% alignment. This research follows the 6-step R&D method.

The article is based on the traditional Lithuanian beliefs and customs recorded in the end of the 19th – first half of the 20th century. It aims at proving that frog in Lithuanian culture has its own unique realm of mythical meanings, which only partly correspond to those of the toad’s. In this realm, several groups of meanings associated with frog can be discerned. Firstly, frog is considered to be an accumulator of water in the popular meteorology. Its enhanced activity, its enlarged body or darkened color may indicate the approach of the rain. People used to believe that killing of a frog resulted in downpour, since such an act symbolically released the atmospheric water that had been accumulated in its body. A second group of mythical meanings associated with frog present it as a creature endowed with healing powers. Here, its cold-bloodedness is most important. Illness or physical malfunction represent the hot pole of the opposition hot vs. cold, while frog represents the cold one, thus being able to neutralize the heat resulting from illness. In the third group, frog is regarded as a zoomorphic part of the human body or as a foreign body embedded in it. A creature in frog’s shape is believed to live in the human belly. As result of physical malfunction, it may move and leave its place, finding itself close to the heart or in the throat. Having lost this part of the body, the person dies. So whenever this frog-like creature, commonly also called macica (womb) or gumbas (lump) moves, it is attempted to restore it back to its former place. Frog, regarded as a foreign body, is believed also to sit on the human brain, thus causing psychic diseases. In such case, the person is treated by attempting to lure the frog out of the body. In the fourth group of mythical meanings, tight connections between frogs and children are displayed. Both frogs and children are related to water and humidity. This idea is reflected in the notion of people being born from a water body. Little children, just like frogs, are characterized by poorly coordinated movements and inarticulate sounds. The smaller the child, the closer it seems to the frog. This association is best reflected by calling little kids frogs in Lithuanian. From such folk identification of children and frogs there also stems the traditional explanation typically given to children by grown-ups, of the children being brought by the stork. In the fifth group of mythical meanings, frog is presented as a threatening aquatic creature, which is used to scare the kids away from water. Frog is therefore considered as possible prototype of all the other scary beings residing in water.

This paper provides embedded, reflective practice-based insight arising from my experience collaborating to produce online and print-on-demand editions of a magazine showcasing the photography of members of haphazart! Contemporary Abstracts group (hereafter referred to as haphazart!). The group’s online visual, textual and activity-based practices via the photo sharing social networking site Flickr are portrayed as achieving cohesive visual identity. Stylistic analysis of pictures in support of this claim is not attempted. Rather negotiation, that Elliot has previously described in M/C Journal as innate in collaboration, is identified as the unifying factor. However, the collaborators’ adherence to Flickr’s communication platform proves problematic in the editorial context. Some technical incoherence with possible broader cultural implications is encountered during the process of repurposing images from screen to print. A Scan of Relevant Literature The photographic gaze perceives and captures objects which seem to ‘carry within them ready-made’ a work of art. But the reminiscences of the gaze are only made possible by knowing and associating with groups that define a tradition. The list of valorised subjects is not actually defined with reference to a culture, but rather by familiarity with a limited group. (Chamboredon 144) As part of the array of socio-cultural practices afforded by Web 2.0 interoperability, sites of produsage (Bruns) are foci for studies originating in many disciplines. Flickr provides a rich source of data that researchers interested in the interface between the technological and the social find useful to analyse. Access to the Flickr application programming interface enables quantitative researchers to observe a variety of means by which information is propagated, disseminated and shared. Some findings from this kind of research confirm the intuitive. For example, Negoecsu et al. find that “a large percentage of users engage in sharing with groups and that they do so significantly” ("Analyzing Flickr Groups" 425). They suggest that Flickr’s Groups feature appears to “naturally bring together two key aspects of social media: content and relations.” They also find evidence for what they call hyper-groups, which are “communities consisting of groups of Flickr groups” ("Flickr Hypergroups" 813). Two separate findings from another research team appear to contradict each other. On one hand, describing what they call “social cascades,” Cha et al. claim that “content in the form of ideas, products, and messages spreads across social networks like a virus” ("Characterising Social Cascades"). Yet in 2009 they claim that homocity and reciprocity ensure that “popularity of pictures is localised” ("Measurement-Driven Analysis"). Mislove et al. reflect that the affordances of Flickr influence the growth patterns they observe. There is optimism shared by some empiricists that through collation and analysis of Flickr tag data, the matching of perceptual structures of images and image annotation techniques will yield ontology-based taxonomy useful in automatic image annotation and ultimately, the Semantic Web endeavour (Kennedy et al.; Su et al.; Xu et al.). Qualitative researchers using ethnographic interview techniques also find Flickr a valuable resource. In concluding that the photo sharing hobby is for many a “serious leisure” activity, Cox et al. propose that “Flickr is not just a neutral information system but also value laden and has a role within a wider cultural order.” They also suggest that “there is genuinely greater scope for individual creativity, releasing the individual to explore their own identity in a way not possible with a camera club.” Davies claims that “online spaces provide an arena where collaboration over meanings can be transformative, impacting on how individuals locate themselves within local and global contexts” (550). She says that through shared ways of describing and commenting on images, Flickrites develop a common criticality in their endeavour to understand images, each other and their world (554).From a psychologist’s perspective, Suler observes that “interpersonal relationships rarely form and develop by images alone” ("Image, Word, Action" 559). He says that Flickr participants communicate in three dimensions: textual (which he calls “verbal”), visual, and via the interpersonal actions that the site affords, such as Favourites. This latter observation can surely be supplemented by including the various games that groups configure within the constraints of the discussion forums. These often include submissions to a theme and voting to select a winning image. Suler describes the place in Flickr where one finds identity as one’s “cyberpsychological niche” (556). However, many participants subscribe to multiple groups—45.6% of Flickrites who share images share them with more than 20 groups (Negoescu et al., "Analyzing Flickr Groups" 420). Is this a reflection of the existence of the hyper-groups they describe (2009) or, of the ranging that people do in search of a niche? It is also probable that some people explore more than a singular identity or visual style. Harrison and Bartell suggest that there are more interesting questions than why users create media products or what motivates them to do so: the more interesting questions center on understanding what users will choose to do ultimately with [Web2.0] capabilities [...] in what terms to define the success of their efforts, and what impact the opportunity for individual and collaborative expression will have on the evolution of communicative forms and character. (167) This paper addresseses such questions. It arises from a participatory observational context which differs from that of the research described above. It is intended that a different perspective about online group-based participation within the Flickr social networking matrix will avail. However, it will be seen that the themes cited in this introductory review prove pertinent. Context As a university teacher of a range of subjects in the digital media field, from contemporary photomedia to social media to collaborative multimedia practice, it is entirely appropriate that I embed myself in projects that engage, challenge and provide me with relevant first-hand experience. As an academic I also undertake and publish research. As a practicing new media artist I exhibit publically on a regular basis and consider myself semi-professional with respect to this activity. While there are common elements to both approaches to research, this paper is written more from the point of view of ‘reflective practice’ (Holmes, "Reconciling Experimentum") rather than ‘embedded ethnography’ (Pink). It is necessarily and unapologetically reflexive. Abstract Photography Hyper-Group A search of all Flickr groups using the query “abstract” is currently likely to return around 14,700 results. However, only in around thirty of them does the group name, its stated rules and, the stream of images that flow through the pool arguably reflect a sense of collective concept and aesthetic that is coherently abstract. This loose complex of groups comprises a hyper-group. Members of these groups often have co-memberships, reciprocal contacts, and regularly post images to a range of groups and comment on others’ posts to be found throughout. Given that one of Flickr’s largest groups, Black and White, currently has around 131,150 members and hosts 2,093,241 items in its pool, these abstract special interest groups are relatively small. The largest, Abstract Photos, has 11,338 members and hosts 89,306 items in its pool. The group that is the focus of this paper, haphazart!, currently has 2,536 members who have submitted 53,309 items. The group pool is more like a constantly flowing river because the most recently added images are foremost. Older images become buried in an archive of pages which cannot be reverse accessed at a rate greater than the seven pages linked from a current view. A member’s presence is most immediate through images posted to a pool. This structural feature of Flickr promotes a desire for currency; a need to post regularly to maintain presence. Negotiating Coherence to the Abstract The self-managing social dynamics in groups has, as Suler proposes to be the case for individuals, three dimensions: visual, textual and action. A group integrates the diverse elements, relationships and values which cumulatively constitute its identity with contributions from members in these dimensions. First impressions of that identity are usually derived from the group home page which consists of principal features: the group name, a selection of twelve most recent posts to the pool, some kind of description, a selection of six of the most recent discussion topics, and a list of rules (if any). In some of these groups, what is considered to constitute an abstract photographic image is described on the group home page. In some it is left to be contested and becomes the topic of ongoing forum debates. In others the specific issue is not discussed—the images are left to speak for themselves. Administrators of some groups require that images are vetted for acceptance. In haphazart! particular administrators dutifully delete from the pool on a regular basis any images that they deem not to comply with the group ethic. Whether reasons are given or not is left to the individual prosecutor. Mostly offending images just disappear from the group pool without trace. These are some of the ways that the coherence of a group’s visual identity is established and maintained. Two groups out of the abstract photography hyper-group are noteworthy in that their discussion forums are particularly active. A discussion is just the start of a new thread and may have any number of posts under it. At time of writing Abstract Photos has 195 discussions and haphazart! — the most talkative by this measure—has 333. Haphazart! invites submissions of images to regularly changing themes. There is always lively and idiosyncratic banter in the forum over the selection of a theme. To be submitted an image needs to be identified by a specific theme tag as announced on the group home page. The tag can be added by the photographer themselves or by anyone else who deems the image appropriate to the theme. An exhibition process ensues. Participant curators search all Flickr items according to the theme tag and select from the outcome images they deem to most appropriately and abstractly address the theme. Copies of the images together with comments by the curators are posted to a dedicated discussion board. Other members may also provide responses. This activity forms an ongoing record that may serve as a public indicator of the aesthetic that underlies the group’s identity. In Abstract Photos there is an ongoing discussion forum where one can submit an image and request that the moderators rule as to whether or not the image is ‘abstract’. The same group has ongoing discussions labelled “Hall of Appropriate” where worthy images are reposted and celebrated and, “Hall of Inappropriate” where images posted to the group pool have been removed and relegated because abstraction has been “so far stretched from its definition that it now resides in a parallel universe” (Askin). Reasons are mostly courteously provided. In haphazart! a relatively small core of around twelve group members regularly contribute to the group discussion board. A curious aspect of this communication is that even though participants present visually with a ‘buddy icon’ and most with a screen name not their real name, it is usual practice to address each other in discussions by their real Christian names, even when this is not evident in a member’s profile. This seems to indicate a common desire for authenticity. The makeup of the core varies from time to time depending on other activities in a member’s life. Although one or two may be professionally or semi-professionally engaged as photographers or artists or academics, most of these people would likely consider themselves to be “serious amateurs” (Cox). They are internationally dispersed with bias to the US, UK, Europe and Australia. English is the common language though not the natural tongue of some. The age range is approximately 35 to 65 and the gender mix 50/50. The group is three years old. Where Do We Go to from Here? In early January 2009 the haphazart! core was sparked into a frenzy of discussion by a post from a member headed “Where do we go to from here?” A proposal was mooted to produce a ‘book’ featuring images and texts representative of the group. Within three days a new public group with invited membership dedicated to the idea had been established. A smaller working party then retreated to a private Flickr group. Four months later Issue One of haphazart! magazine was available in print-on-demand and online formats. Following however is a brief critically reflective review of some of the collaborative curatorial, editorial and production processes for Issue Two which commenced in early June 2009. Most of the team had also been involved with Issue One. I was the only newcomer and replaced the person who had undertaken the design for Issue One. I was not provided access to the prior private editorial ruminations but apparently the collaborative curatorial and editorial decision-making practices the group had previously established persisted, and these took place entirely within the discussion forums of a new dedicated private Flickr group. Over a five-month period there were 1066 posts in 54 discussions concerning matters such as: change of format from the previous; selection of themes, artists and images; conduct of and editing of interviews; authoring of texts; copyright and reproduction. The idiom of those communications can be described as: discursive, sporadic, idiosyncratic, resourceful, collegial, cooperative, emphatic, earnest and purposeful. The selection process could not be said to follow anything close to a shared manifesto, or articulation of style. It was established that there would be two primary themes: the square format and contributors’ use of colour. Selection progressed by way of visual presentation and counter presentation until some kind of consensus was reached often involving informal votes of preference. Stretching the Limits of the Flickr Social Tools The magazine editorial collaborators continue to use the facilities with which they are familiar from regular Flickr group participation. However, the strict vertically linear format of the Flickr discussion format is particularly unsuited to lengthy, complex, asynchronous, multithreaded discussion. For this purpose it causes unnecessary strain, fatigue and confusion. Where images are included, the forums have set and maximum display sizes and are not flexibly configured into matrixes. Images cannot readily be communally changed or moved about like texts in a wiki. Likewise, the Flickrmail facility is of limited use for specialist editorial processes. Attachments cannot be added. This opinion expressed by a collaborator in the initial, open discussion for Issue One prevailed among Issue Two participants: do we want the members to go to another site to observe what is going on with the magazine? if that’s ok, then using google groups or something like that might make sense; if we want others to observe (and learn from) the process - we may want to do it here [in Flickr]. (Valentine) The opinion appears socially constructive; but because the final editorial process and production processes took place in a separate private forum, ultimately the suggested learning between one issue and the next did not take place. During Issue Two development the reluctance to try other online collaboration tools for the selection processes requiring visual comparative evaluation of images and trials of sequencing adhered. A number of ingenious methods of working within Flickr were devised and deployed and, in my opinion, proved frustratingly impractical and inefficient. The digital layout, design, collation and formatting of images and texts, all took place on my personal computer using professional software tools. Difficulties arose in progressively sharing this work for the purposes of review, appraisal and proofing. Eventually I ignored protests and insisted the team review demonstrations I had converted for sharing in Google Documents. But, with only one exception, I could not tempt collaborators to try commenting or editing in that environment. For example, instead of moving the sequence of images dynamically themselves, or even typing suggestions directly into Google Documents, they would post responses in Flickr. To Share and to Hold From the first imaginings of Issue One the need to have as an outcome something in one’s hands was expressed and this objective is apparently shared by all in the haphazart! core as an ongoing imperative. Various printing options have been nominated, discussed and evaluated. In the end one print-on-demand provider was selected on the basis of recommendation. The ethos of haphazart! is clearly not profit-making and conflicts with that of the printing organisation. Presumably to maintain an incentive to purchase the print copy online preview is restricted to the first 15 pages. To satisfy the co-requisite to make available the full 120 pages for free online viewing a second host that specialises in online presentation of publications is also utilised. In this way haphazart! members satisfy their common desires for sharing selected visual content and ideas with an online special interest audience and, for a physical object of art to relish—with all the connotations of preciousness, fetish, talisman, trophy, and bookish notions of haptic pleasure and visual treasure. The irony of publishing a frozen chunk of the ever-flowing Flickriver, whose temporally changing nature is arguably one of its most interesting qualities, is not a consideration. Most of them profess to be simply satisfying their own desire for self expression and would eschew any critical judgement as to whether this anarchic and discursive mode of operation results in a coherent statement about contemporary photographic abstraction. However there remains a distinct possibility that a number of core haphazart!ists aspire to transcend: popular taste; the discernment encouraged in camera clubs; and, the rhetoric of those involved professionally (Bourdieu et al.); and seek to engage with the “awareness of illegitimacy and the difficulties implied by the constitution of photography as an artistic medium” (Chamboredon 130). Incoherence: A Technical Note My personal experience of photography ranges from the filmic to the digital (Holmes, "Bridging Adelaide"). For a number of years I specialised in facsimile graphic reproduction of artwork. In those days I became aware that films were ‘blind’ to the psychophysical affect of some few particular paint pigments. They just could not be reproduced. Even so, as I handled the dozens of images contributed to haphazart!2, converting them from the pixellated place where Flickr exists to the resolution and gamut of the ink based colour space of books, I was surprised at the number of hue values that exist in the former that do not translate into the latter. In some cases the affect is subtle so that judicious tweaking of colour levels or local colour adjustment will satisfy discerning comparison between the screenic original and the ‘soft proof’ that simulates the printed outcome. In other cases a conversion simply does not compute. I am moved to contemplate, along with Harrison and Bartell (op. cit.) just how much of the experience of media in the shared digital space is incomparably new? Acknowledgement Acting on the advice of researchers experienced in cyberethnography (Bruckman; Suler, "Ethics") I have obtained the consent of co-collaborators to comment freely on proceedings that took place in a private forum. They have been given the opportunity to review and suggest changes to the account. References Askin, Dean (aka: dnskct). “Hall of Inappropriate.” Abstract Photos/Discuss/Hall of Inappropriate, 2010. 12 Jan. 2010 ‹http://www.flickr.com/groups/abstractphotos/discuss/72157623148695254/>. Bourdieu, Pierre, Luc Boltanski, Robert Castel, Jean-Claude Chamboredeon, and Dominique Schnapper. Photography: A Middle-Brow Art. 1965. Trans. Shaun Whiteside. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1990. Bruckman, Amy. Studying the Amateur Artist: A Perspective on Disguising Data Collected in Human Subjects Research on the Internet. 2002. 12 Jan. 2010 ‹http://www.nyu.edu/projects/nissenbaum/ethics_bru_full.html>. Bruns, Axel. “Towards Produsage: Futures for User-Led Content Production.” Proceedings: Cultural Attitudes towards Communication and Technology 2006. Perth: Murdoch U, 2006. 275–84. ———, and Mark Bahnisch. Social Media: Tools for User-Generated Content. 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Magazine/Discuss/image selections…” [discussion post]. 2009. 12 Jan. 2010 ‹http://www.flickr.com/groups/haphazartmagazin/discuss/72157613147017532/>. Xu, Hongtao, Xiangdong Zhou, Mei Wang, Yu Xiang, and Baile Shi. “Exploring Flickr’s Related Tags for Semantic Annotation of Web Images.” CIVR ’09. ACM, 2009.

A travers l'oeuvre d'Alex la Guma, nous avons envisagé l'étude de l'aspect spatial qui, de tous les aspects romanesques, n'avait été exploré jusque là que sous l'angle du décor et de la description. L'objectif a été de montrer que l'espace constitue un aspect essentiel pour la compréhension de l'oeuvre d'un écrivain qui a beaucoup écrit sur la cause des opprimés en Afrique du Sud. Après une étude approfondie des thèmes qui sont liés à la vie du ghetto à savoir, la violence, la mort, la délinquance, la prison et la perte d'identité, et une synthèse de ses procédés narratifs, nous avons conclu que la représentation du ghetto chez La Guma repose sur une structure de discours antagonique. Ce qui est représenté par dessus tout, c'est le support d'un combat idéologique et axiologique ; la lutte entre le bien et le mal. Le fait que tous les protagonistes habitent dans les ghettos érigés par le pouvoir implique qu'ils sont en butte à un système oppressif. C'est l'interaction du système et des hommes qui en ont assez d'être des victimes qui constitue le fondement de son oeuvre. Mais c'est le combat que mène l'homme pour préserver ses droits les plus fondamentaux qui sous-tend les thèmes prédominants et qui marque la différence entre l'oeuvre de La Guma à celles des autres écrivains noirs sud-africains de son époque
In this study, I aimed at dealing with the spatial aspect in Alex la Guma's work, convinced as I was that it was ignored by most of his critics. I have endeavoured to show that it is an important aspect to understand the work of a writer who has written much on the situation of the oppressed classes in South Africa. I have deeply studied themes linked to the ghetto's life such as : violence, death, prison, delinquency and identity crisis. At the same time, I have analysed his narrative structures. In this respect, I have concluded that the representation of South African ghettos in La Guma's work articulates on an antagonistic discourse. What is really described is the medium of the ideological and axiological struggle between the right and the wrong. The fact that most of La Guma's protagonists live in ghettos built by the government means that they are poised against the system. It is the interaction of the system and individuals who can longer bear being victimised, that contitutes the basis of his work. But it is the battle of the individual to maintain his elementary rights, which forms the underlying themes and differentiates his work from those of his contemporary non-white novelists

This thesis is composed of a collection of twelve short stories, varying in length from 2 to 14 pages. Each story contains its own discrete theme, but fits as well within the overarching theme of the collection as a whole. This overarching theme is what gives the collection its cohesiveness. The main theme of the larger work can be found in the title of the collection, People on the Edges of Dreams. In many of the stories dreams, or dream-states, figure in the lives of the protagonists. In addition to the dream-state theme there is a less obvious theme, which has to do with the extent to which most or all of the main characters in the stories are faced with a kind of inescapable compassion for others. For example, the selfinvolved, self-gratifying protagonist in Matador cannot help but feel compassion first for Pearl, the woman he insults, and second for the "bums" on whom his livelihood depends. The theme of inescapable compassion can, I believe, be found to varying degrees in each of the stories in this collection.

The second dream of freedom is the ICU’s utopian mix of Christianity, Garveyism, Communism, British trade unionism and vernacular freedoms. Due attention is directed to each of these distinct political discourses which marked the evolution of the ICU through the 1920s. The influence of Christianity is identified in the pages of the Workers’ Herald and in the speeches of Clements Kadalie; of Garveyism in the pages of The Black Man and the writings of Bennett Ncwana and James Thaele; of British trade unionism in the writings of William Ballinger; and of vernacular freedoms in the speeches of ICU leaders P. S. Sijadu and Dorrington Mqayi. Complementing the discussion of these political texts are analyses of the contemporaneous dreams of freedom expressed in literary form, both original literary works and literary appropriations: James La Guma’s poems; Kadalie’s adaptations of Swinburne and Henley; A. W. G. Champion’s religious poems and adoptions of abolitionist verse; Ethelreda Lewis’s novel Wild Deer (1933) and her anti-Communist column ‘The Book Shelf’ in the Workers Herald; and Winnifred Holtby’s novel Mandoa, Mandoa (1933) and her promotion of a liberal literary culture within the ICU.