Tesis sobre el tema "Guerre du Vietnam (1961-1975) – Journalistes"
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Tran, Thi Ngoc Nhung. "North Vietnamese Journalists in the Vietnam War 1955-1975". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Rennes 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019REN1G034.
This thesis researches journalists who covered the Vietnam War (the American War in Vietnam from 1955 to 1975). The focus is only on a specific group of the North Vietnamese journalists who covered the battles in the North or the South or both in the Vietnam War. Many North Vietnamese journalists, who reported on the war events, played an important role in the war for national independence. Many of them died in the battlefields and many left the war with disabilities or poor living conditions. Their contributions are recorded only in diaries, historical documents, and books with general information. Nevertheless, there is no scientific research analyzing in detail : why the journalists attended to the war; how they prepared for their covering the war; what they received from their offices; what working and living conditions they had; how they lived and worked with these conditions in combats; what kinds of equipment they used to make their work possible; how they moved in battles; what they did when they rested; what they thought about their job; which products they obtained; which impacts they had from their participation; how their work influenced their own commitments. Therefore, the thesis aims to identify these hidden aspects to highlight the North Vietnamese journalists' contributions in their country's targets
Beck, Virginie. "La Guerre du Vietnam et l'opinion publique américaine". Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040101.
More than any other war in which the United States fought during the twentieth century, the Vietnam war has had dramatic consequences both nationally and internationally. The purpose of this study is to try to understand the reasons why the conflict so deeply affected the American society and engendered what the war was presented to the Americans and the way they perceived it. This essay will follow three main directions: the military engagement, taken from historical and political standpoints, the course of the war in national and individual perspectives and the evolution of public opinion from the beginning in 1965 to the end in 1973. Historical, sociological and literary information will be used
Boudet-Brugal, Alexandra. "Les femmes américaines et la guerre du Vietnam : quels présence, rôle et visibilité sur le front intérieur ?" Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040068.
Though the Vietnam war is a central element of American history, war is usually seen as a masculine sphere, implying a division of experiences according to gender. That is the reason why we here see the term “gender” as a historical ingredient of History, to tell what has been left unsaid in the context of the war in Vietnam. A double folded relation has been constructed between this conflict and the American women. On the one hand, some have lived with it and through it in private, in a so-called traditional way in that they were placed in secondary roles, that of supporters and caretakers; they were wives, mothers, and nurses. On the other hand, as they were taking part in the opposition, they were drawn into the waring sphere; they were students, celebrities, writers, members of women's groups, pacific mothers, etc. They became visible as acting individuals at the same time as they were perceiving themselves as such. One example of that is the development of second wave feminism at that time. From the private to the public sphere, American women have taken place in the history of the war on the homefront, by means of action and writing, integrating their actions and voices to those of men. To some extent, it seems that this new space, generated by the specific context of the Vietnam war, have allowed a redefinition of the American women's presences and roles in their history and a change in their historic identity. However, even though a lot of them feel that they rightfully belong in this history, the image cast may be different. The purpose of this study is thus to examine their roles and presences in this conflict, between reality, representations and expectations
Beretz, Élise. "Ombre et mémoire de la guerre du Vietnam dans les élections présidentielles américaines depuis 1992 /". Paris ; Budapest ; Kinshasa [etc.] : [Strasbourg] : l'Harmattan ; [Institut d'études politiques, Université Robert-Schuman], 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40237479h.
Duprat, Christine. "L'incidence de l'accueil sur la réinsertion sociale des vétérans du Vietnam". Tours, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996TOUR2025.
The process of readjustment to civilian life was a long and difficult one for Vietnam veterans. Perturbed by their war experience, demobilized soldiers returned to find themselves rejected and disavowed by their countrymen, until well into the nineteen-eighties. Chapter one opens with an account of the background and characteristics of the american military involvement in Vietnam, then discusses the homecoming of the troops. Chapter two analyses their reception as reflected on the institutional level: the impact of discharge papers and of the veterans administration. It also studies the influence of such variables as political and religious affiliation, social class, area of residence and military status, on readjustment to civilian life. Chapter three begins by exploring the types of problems the veterans encountered - psychological trauma, health disorders, relationship difficulties within the family and the primary group, and professional rehabilitation. It then addresses issues specific to disabled veterans, women veterans and prisoners of war. The belated acknowledgement Vietnam veterans received in the early eighties is analyzed in chapter four
Hofmann, Bettina. "Ahead of survival : American women writers narrate the Vietnam war /". Frankfurt am Main ; Berlin ; Paris [etc.] : P. Lang, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37511875r.
Marchand, Vanessa. "Images construites dans le discours journalistique : le cas d'hebdomadaires américains et français pendant la guerre du Viêt-Nam". Nantes, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002NANT3021.
The aim of this research was to produce some knowledge about the discourse of the media by the analysis of articles from American weekly magazines: Time and Newnveek, and French I 'Express and le Nouvel Observateur (Partie I-B), during the Vietnam War: from March to June 1965 and from February to May 1968 (Partie I-A), with semantic and pragmatic linguistic tools (Part I1). All the articles about the conflict are analysed (Appendix), except the editorials. Values, images constructed in the discourse are analysed with the " Grille d'Analyse du Discours " (completed with other semantic and pragmatic theorical tools) (Part 111) and their use with the " Argumentation dans I'Analyse linguistique du Discours " (Part IV, only 8 texts analysed). The results (Conclusion) reveal an elaborated, dissembling and " manipulating)) writing in context
Rousseau, Sabine. "L'engagement de chrétiens français contre les guerres d'Indochine et du Vietnam (1945-1975)". Lyon 2, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998LYO20075.
The thesis relates the story of the french christian groups - both catholic and protestant ones - who stood out against the french war in Indochina between 1945 and 1954 and against the american war in Vietnam between 1965 and 1975. It is mainly based on the study of about thirty periodicals with a christian approach, and on private archives belonging to christian militants and movements. But in order to make a comparison with secular groups, it also uses other sources of information that are similar as to their nature though non christian. The thesis is centered on the concept of commitment. Its aim is to state the motivation, the pace of activity and the forms of christian militancy against both wars in Indochina : by analysing militant rhetoric, it shows how the war was turned into a cause ; and it charts the progress of the various anti-war protest activities that christians organised or in which they took part so as to act out their disapproval. There are three parts following the chronology of events : the first part, dealing with the french war in Indochina, focuses on how various actors took public stand, a process which led to acts of commitment by groups or individuals, taking place between 1947 and 1954. This part allows us to develop a typology of christian activism at a time when the first wave of decolonization and the cold war loomed large. The second part is about the first phase do the american war in Vietnam between 1965 and 1968. The christian opposition to that war is partly what gave birth to a significant disagreement within ecclesiastical hierarchies in the post Vatican II period. The third part covers the years 1969 to 1975 and shows militants trying to rebuild some form of christian identity, especially through commitment against the war in Vietnam. This was to be achieved by elaborating a liberation theory, by seeing how it was possible to act in accord with non-christians within the dynamics of a coalition of left wing political parties and/or by creating humanitarian associations centered on Vietnam
Tegmark, Mats. "In the shoes of a soldier : communication in Tim O'Brien's Vietnam narratives /". Uppsala (Suède) : Uppsala university library, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390246924.
Kronenberger, Peter. "Der Einsatz amerikanischer Kampftruppen in Südvietnam 1965/1966 : die Entscheidung der Administration Lyndon Baines Johnsons zur direkten militärischen Intervention der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika in den Krieg in Vietnam, politische und militärische Wirkungsfaktoren /". Münster : Lit Verl, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35541880p.
Andrieu, Pafundi Hélène. "L'opinion publique américaine et la guerre du Viet-nam : 1964-1973". Bordeaux 3, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989BOR30025.
From 1964 to 1973, public support for the american involvement in vietnam slowly disintegrated. This does not mean however that antiwar protest succeeded in turning americans against the war. In fact, the antiwar radical movement was rejected far its violent tactics and its extremism; disorganized, the political "doves" could not overcome nationalistic sensibilities. As for the media, they did not systematically present a negative and violent image of the war, triggering a reaction of moral outrage among the american people. Their role was limited by their dependence on official sources, their integration into the economic and cultural system and by professional techniques that narrowed their field of investigation. The erosion of public support was caused mainly by the inadequacy of the official justifications for the military intervention. To avoid a debate that could have destroyed the national image of unity and determination essential to the success of their military strategy, the american leaders refused to mobilize the american people and concealed the purpose and extent of the military operations. As the conflict dragged on, this muted propaganda fueled feelings of war-weariness among the american electorate
Dahan, Thierry. "La Vème République et le Vietnam 1959-1976". Nice, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998NICE0038.
Ledru, Raymond. "La jeunesse américaine et la guerre du Vietnam : ampleur et impact de la contestation dans les années soixante /". Paris : Didier, 1991. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=002860886&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Tessier, Laurent. "Succès et représentations à vocation collective dans les films de fiction américains traitant de la guerre du Vietnam". Paris 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA040158.
The Vietnam war can be considered as one of the major traumatism endured by the American society during in the XXth century. After a period of relative calm during the decade 1970, the United States produced in the years 1980-90 a flood of artistic works, and in particular an incredible number of fiction films dealing with the question of the Vietnam war. The way this war (and those who participated in it) were represented in the United States has been at stake of interactions, conflicts and different kinds of negociations between the various groups involved in these cinematic productions : the film-makers and the producers of these films, the Vietnam veterans, as well as various political lobbies having interests in the way the war should be integrated into the American collective memory. This example of Vietnam War films thus presents the peculiarity to resist strongly to an interpretation of the success in term of pure entertainment. Either from the of the producers' point of view or from the publics', the meaning of these films seems to lie in their supposed "authenticity", more than in their capacity to entertain. In order to understand the success of these films, we tried to unveil their meaning : to show what makes certain individuals (who not necessarily belong to the “world of cinema”) consider that these films are worth being produced, distributed and promoted, and what makes the public consider that they are worth being seen
Vigla, Isabelle. "Les femmes américaines, vétérans de la guerre du Vietnam : leur rôle, leur vie de 1965 à nos jours". Paris 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA040224.
Fournier, Ismaël. "Stratégie américaine et guerre hybride au Vietnam : les succès contre-insurrectionnels américains et le spectre militaro-hybride qui engendra l'impasse militaire au Vietnam, 1960-1972". Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/34416.
Gibault, Michèle. "Consciences révoltées et pratiques de résistance des soldats américains pendant la Guerre du Vietnam : histoire du mouvement G.I". Paris 8, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA080913.
A movement of revolt that crystallized into organized resistance developed in the united states armed forces during the vietnam war, both in vietnam and in american military bases in the united states and abroad. Its extension in space and time, its nature of "quasi-mutiny" and its low visibility have permitted authorities to downplay its importance and pass it off as mere "troubles". On the contrary, here we have a mass political movement, with numerous organizations and a gi press of about 300 papers in all, led by rank and file soldiers, in time of war. The gi movement was multi-racial; it opposed the war, fought for democratic rights in the military and had a strong anti-military and even anti-imperialistic orientation. As the war changed, the revolt extended from the army and the marine corps to the air force and the navy. It lasted for about 8 years, with 4 years of greater intensity, until it quieted down after 1974 and eventually disappeared with the passing of a bill sponsored by senator strom thurmond in 1977, barring all organizing activity in the military. The study proposes a history and a sociological and political analysis of the gi movement
Journoud, Pierre. "Les relations franco-américaines à l'épreuve du Vietnam entre 1954 et 1975 : de la défiance dans la guerre à la coopération pour la paix". Paris 1, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA010650.
Baranets, Élie. "La démocratie irrésistible ? : une explication des défaites des démocraties à travers l'étude des guerres menées par les Etats-Unis au Vietnam et par Israͭl au Liban". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0183.
Democracies can be in trouble in war, as their recent military failures have shown.The theories of « democratic victory », that put forth that democratic states enjoy a decisivemilitary advantage, have not been able to provide a logical explanation of this occurence. Yet,this proposition dominates the contemporary academic field of International Relations. Thisresearch seeks precisely to solve this puzzle. In order to do so, I argue that democracies losewars when the executive publicly announces fallacious war aims, or as I refer to it as“circumvention” (of democracy).This practice makes war illegitimate internally. Leaders are aware of this, and they must showrestraint in war as they anticipate the negative reactions from the public. Their strategic choicesbecome dependent upon this constraint. Too careful and, above all, too discreet to be effective,they face difficulties in the theater of war. The public eventually discovers the existence of adeception about the aims of the war, and objects to the latter as it provokes the death of thecountry’s soldiers. As the constraints endured by the leaders increase, so do military difficultiesand the contestation of the war. These factors reinforce each other until political leadersabandon their major objectives, realizing it would be too costly to achieve them. Onceweakened, democracy irresistibly recovers at the expenses of those who unsettled it. And thusdemocratic states lose wars, which is evidenced through the meticulous analysis of tworepresentative case studies: the wars that the U.S. and Israel fought in Vietnam and in Lebanon(1982) respectively
Meininger, Sylvestre. "Recherches d'une nouvelle masculinité dans le cinéma américain, 1977-1991". Paris 3, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA030063.
Rolland-Diamond, Caroline. "Le mouvement étudiant à Chicago à l'époque de la guerre du Viêt-nam (1965-1973)". Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010682.
Kim, Van Chien. "Le devenir des jeunes femmes engagées volontaires dans la guerre du Vietnam". Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100085.
Thirty five years have passed since the end of the Vietnam War, however, for the women who volunteered, the combat continues. A combat for a decent life. Upon their return, in order to integrate into a normal life, they had to go through many trials: firstly those related to their health conditions, then financial, social and family difficulties. Even though the Vietnamese State adopted measures in their favour, they turned out to be insufficient in improving their lives and compensating their suffering. They thus feel as though they have gone unrecognized. Scientific results of this Thesis have shown their altruist choice of committal to the war was made upon a "rational" basis. Despite certain cases of "forced" involvement, the majority of them were determined to leave out of personal interest: such as the vengeance of loved ones, to obey to the revolutionary family, the taste for a uniform role, fear of being outcast for not participating, a desire for independence, an escape from poverty, wanting to leave one man at home to take care of the ancestors and enrolling in his place, an interest for personnel, family, economic or revolutionary order. Rarely was their enrollment in the army pure patriotism. On the battle field, they not only helped the troops by transporting ammunition, people both well and wounded, they reconstructed the roads and fought beside the men weapons in hand. We have seen the importance of outside elements "exogenous", having contributed to their suffering, such as geographical placement, (mountainous and jungle regions and their contact with animals carrying decease; the climate change and intensified rain and dry seasons; the circumstances of war (chilling, chemical sprays, wounds, regular exposure to death) and the circumstances due to unstable living conditions such as constant movement (hunger, thirst, fatigue, physical exhaustion). Upon their return, these women went unrecognized. The traces left on their bodies by the war had seriously interfered with their reintegration into the society that they left. They returned disease-ridden to solitude, marriage problems and poor health. Their low level of education held them back from employment opportunities, leaving them to continue a new fight, one of a more personal level. The society, to this day, distinguishes them by six categories: those married, divorced, separated, and single, without children and those that are homeless. Thus it is the entire group of ex-volunteers that are seeking an identity along with certain rights as they have justly "fought for recognition" then participated in the creation of the Liaison Committee of ex-volunteers, which led to the succession of the Association ex-volunteers. This association constituted THE new motor force. It has played the role of a historic witness, forcing the Party and local authority's to value more appropriate social politics. However these politics haven't responded to any particular expectations. « The gift and return gift” are not equal, because this help has been largely insufficient and only reaches out to a restricted number of women, those who had kept their paperwork during the risky years of their engagement and those able to justify their wounds
Nsingui, Barros Francisco. "A contre courant : les Etats-unis ont gagné- à domicile- leur guerre du/au Vietnam". Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100142.
A recent flowering of books published on The Vietnam War,that brings together researchers, testimonies of actors and policy analysis requires a re—affirmation too fast asserted. To leave without glory of a theater of operations far from their domestic and true interests, the United States - perhaps — in this war lost some of their good image and credibility in an episode that, of course, marks and media coverage of military history and national levels. But the interest of this research is to show that the United States, because of or after the war /Vietnam, remained what they were since the creation of the American nation until today 'Today thanks to their fundamental institutional and national constituent: Constitution, Law,Prosperity, Power, Mission Statement, Influence, Weighing. What they were yesterday and today remains will still be there tomorrow because of Inheritance assumed even in cyclical redundancy (PartI: Prolegomena) and, despite the gravity of events, crossing Profits and Losses in a conflict, the backup the bulk (Part Two: Polarization) by the return to basics.In the long history of the United States, War/ Vietnam War is not only seen as heinous or as "fair",but "just war". In the balance of profit and loss, the war still offers a great reading grid of what this country has saved essential, substantial in each race: to win against bad luck by trusting his "manifest destiny". Until history has a final word
Li, Yunyi. "Une relation indécise : les ambitions internationales franco-chinoises à l'épreuve du Vietnam 1949-1979". Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H015.
To restore China's "the greatness", the Vietnamese revolution became one part of "Chinese internationalism" from 1950. Helping the Vietnamese communist forces to fight againts the Americans was also consistent with the revolutionary goal of the CCP against the bipolar system. In South-East Asia, "the neutralization" was proposed by General de Gaulle because of the Indochinese conflicts from the 1960's. To appease tensions in Asia and break the bipolar logic, de Gaulle wanted to recognize P.R.China. However, after the mutual recognition in 1964, the diversity of strategic and ideological objectives undermined the Sino-French negotiations concernning Vietnam. Political relations between China and France became strained . China strongly opposed the US-Vietnamese negotiation in Paris. When the problem of Vietnam had become a pawn for cooperation with the United States in order to establish a united front against the USSR since 1972, China finally accepted a peaceful solution proposed by France, and supported with France a good execution of the Paris Agreements. After the fall of Saigon in 1975, China encouraged France to maintain good relations with communist forces. However, the Vietnamese Communist ideology undermined Franco-Chinese efforts. The relationship between France and reunited Vietnam was modest. France could not play an important role in the development of the Indochinese situation. France and China did not have a fundamental divergence in the Sino-Vietnamese war in 1979
Rouquet, Camille. "Les icônes du Vietnam et leur pouvoir : mécanismes de consécration des images photojournalistiques et rhétorique de l'influence des médias depuis la guerre du Vietnam". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCC278.
This dissertation focuses on those press photographs from the Vietnam war considered to be “iconic”. In recenthistory, only about 30 or 40 photographs, whether documentary, art, or fashion images, have been consecrated as“icons”, a word that denotes their capacity to symbolize or embody various concepts. Among these images, fourhave surfaced from the visual archive of the Vietnam War. These icons are photojournalistic images whose contentwas considered shocking because of their sensational and graphic nature and which have appeared consistently inthe press since the end of the war and remediated in various artistic fields. Their fame has caused thehistoriographers of the Vietnam War and the public to think of them as influential objects; they have been credited with, or blamed for, turning public opinion against the war or for causing the ultimate defeat of American forces.This dissertation examines closely the relationship between “icon” and “influence” by way of a review of thehistoriography of the media during the Vietnam War and, afterwards, through its memorialization. Even thoughthe notion of influence is refuted by some experts in very precise and well-documented case studies, it remains anintegral part of the definition of photojournalistic icons of media content today. This essay exposes in detail theunique characteristics of the Vietnam icons and their progress in the press from the 1970s to the 2000s so as toexplain how these images have become representative of the influence theory, and to what extent media discoursehas contributed to educating the public by using icons. The aim of this essay is to show that icons have truly unique compositions and are fully meta-photojournalistic objects that testify to the media’s attachment to their adaptability and familiarity. The American public is no longer the only recipient of their symbolism ; icons—from Vietnam andfrom other contexts—have now reached an international status. Consequently, in contemporary times, icons contribute to problematizing and theorizing studies in visual culture
Mary, Julien. "Réparer l’histoire : les combattants de l’Union française prisonniers de la République démocratique du Vietnam de 1945 à nos jours". Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30019/document.
During the Indochina war (1945-1954), more than 20,000 French combatants, legionnaires and Africans, are listed "prisoners and missing". Prisoners of war (POW) of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRVN) for the majority, they are subjected to a food and health regime that, if it is close to that of the Vietnamese, wreaks havoc in their ranks. But the terrible rhythm of the dead is not the only shock awaiting them in captivity, where they are forced to undergo a political education aimed at opening their eyes to the condition of the military proletariat they form, as well as to that of the Vietnamese people exploited by the French colonialism. Disorientated by these conditions of captivity, the POWs find their social and moral landmarks singularly put to the test. In order to survive, the POWs are forced to "play the game" of their jailers' propaganda, thereby violating their duty as soldiers. In each camp, captive micro-groups aggregate and disintegrate, causing important cleavages, still sensitive today, between them. This triple reading - here considered with nuance - thus forges, for decades to come, the conditions for the possibility of the former POWs of the DRVN becoming victims.But the experience is not as painful for all the POWs: when they come into contact with the Vietnamese, they also become subjects of an extraordinary international experience; some feel that they have even gained "a certain enriching vision" from this experience, at least they express their wish to understand the extraordinary experience they have just had. For officers in particular, this experience take the form of a first "duty to remember". Never again such defeats claim many Indochina veterans who fall into the "Algerian War", modeling "psychological action" suffered in captivity with the prospect of a French-style "counter-insurgency". "Never again!", claim many former POWs with the legitimacy of an empirical anti-communism, condemning, in France, the May 1968 movement, the "Union de la Gauche", or the massacres committed in the name of Marxism elsewhere in the world. For some, the experience of captivity is even sublimated into a form of practical ethics that will help to lead some of them to the highest political level, from where they will participate in initiating the fight that will take off from the 1980s onwards for the recognition and repair of the traumatisms suffered by the DRVN's POWs.In the spirit of the late twentieth century, witnesses mobilize trauma as a resource for mobilization initiated in the name of the memory of their experience. The testimony then becomes, at the same time, a material of historical expertise with the thesis of the former POW R. Bonnafous in 1985, of medico-legal expertise after the adoption in 1989 of the "prisoner of Viet Minh" status, and of judicial expertise during the "Boudarel affair". The fall of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the Third World and the anti-colonialism, and the advent of the "era of the victim", indeed, allow the former POWs of the DRVN, whose collective is institutionalised with the creation of the ANAPI in 1985, to recognize themselves as victims and to work to be recognized as such. This victimized reading of the war captivity in Indochina ultimately offers the key to a relative patrimonialization of their experience on the paradigmatic mode of memory of Nazi crimes and genocides... all against a background of the rehabilitation of the French colonization
David, Michel. "Les maquis autochtones face au Viet-Minh 1950-1955". Montpellier 3, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001MON30019.
Fucci, Carolina. "La cattiva strada : linguaggi, scenari e rappresentazioni della protesta giovanile tra usa ed europa nel lungo sessantotto". Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100059/document.
Centred on the political and cultural context of the “long Sixties”, this work examines the reasons and the dynamics of social movements between USA and Europe, focusing on the period from 1960 to the mid-1970s. It was a period of great transformations where the affluent societies witnessed an explosive growth both in social field and in technological domain. This thesis aims above all to understand two main issues: the role counterculture played in the war protest and civil rights movement and the international dimension of this phenomenon. Thus, this research is divided into two parts: the first section concerns with the underground movement beginning with its American roots while the second part is dedicated to the student movement thought an international perspective. Concerning the social actors involved in the mobilisation, this work is focused on three main subjects: the counterculture groups, the several student movements and the militants of Italian 1977 revolt. It means to analyse three different moments in the “protestation cycle” of long Sixties that remains a tumultuous period of paradigm shifts. In spite of this instability, it is possible to indicate some keywords that characterise the spirit of the age: anti-authoritarianism, egalitarianism, repression, rights, and above all, revolution remain the more significant theoretical questions on which this work revolves
Ghezzi, Francesca. "Le Saint-Siège et les catholiques de France et d'Italie face à la guerre au Viêtnam (1963-1966) : entre légitimation de la guerre, action de paix et primauté de la conscience". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEP069.
My PhD dissertation analyzes the reactions of the Holy See as well as of French and Italian Catholics, through a comparative approach, to the events in Vietnam between the second half of 1963 and the first half of 1966. Within this time frame, a series of events would bring the international attention back on Vietnam, while Paul VI would resume the work of the Second Vatican council and lead it to a conclusion, and while both the international system and Western European societies would go through major transformations in their deep structures. Based on my study, I argue that between 1963 and 1966 Vietnam would have been perceived as the scene of three different forms of conflict in the eyes of the Church. A religious war (1963, ‘Buddhist crisis’), a potential atomic third world war (1964-1965, Gulf of Tonkin crisis and U.S. full military intervention in Vietnam), and an asymmetric, semi-conventional war that would cause a humanitarian emergency (1965-1966, intense escalation of the war). Each of these forms of conflict would raise specific and delicate issues for the conciliar Church, most of which regarding the relationship between religion and politics. The most pressing of these issues would come to be the legitimacy of the “Just War” doctrine in the atomic age, the need for concrete action in favor of peace on behalf of the whole Church, and primacy of conscience amongst the Catholics. Engaged in a complex and often contradictory internal dialectic, the Church appears to have been divided between the spirit of Vatican II’s ‘aggiornamento’, introduced by John XXIII’s magisterium, and the its traditional connection with the West, marked by Pius XII’s rigid anticommunism of the Fifties
Shavit, Avner. "Occupy Hollywood : la nouvelle subversivité du Cinéma américain". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA042/document.
This thesis examines American films which were made in response to US military involvement in the Middle East, since the beginning of the 2000s. It will seek to prove that these films are different than those made in the United States in response to previous conflicts. The historical study of American war cinema shows that it has undergone a process of evolution - from a cinema which views American wars as those of necessity, to a cinema which views American wars as wars of choice. Lately, it has gone even further than that – birthing films which present American wars as events caused by the American society, in order to fulfill the needs of the people who head it - fighting-addicted American men. This process can be said to have expanded the subjects dealt with by the American war cinema.Thus, the cinema about the Iraq War is much more poignant than representations of past wars, in its messages about the connection between American society and its militarism. It manages to surpass all previous war cinema, which in itself had been the most critical towards American army and society
Dreyer, Sylvain. "L' engagement critique et la Révolution des autres textes et films, des années 60 aux années 80". Paris 7, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA070075.
We suggest in this work to compare the respective strategies of the writing and the cinema which appear within works concerning the revolutionary fights, from the 60s to the 80s, mostly the Cuban revolution, the war of Vietnam and the Palestinians resistance. Our corpus is composed by what we call the "critical commitment works": the texts of Jean Genet and the films of Jean-Luc Godard, Agnès Varda and Chris Marker. We also approach works of fiction which show a documentary slope, in particular the films of Godard of the second half of the sixties and some theatre plays by Armand Gatti. We evoke also certain documents realized for informative or militant purpose (articles, reports, essays, films), which claim a subjective glance (Henri Alleg, Pierre Guyotat, Michèle Ray), which refuse the dogmatism (Sartre) or which emphasize aspects who are not directly political (Madeleine Riffaud). What is the specificity of the "critical commitment works" ? These seize a conflict or a war in a purpose of commitment, while including a critical and artistic dimension: critical as far as they question the possibilities and the properties of the ideological speech, by examining texts and movies of the fighting countries, and artistic as far as they show an intention of renewing the representations. Our work proposes three moments: the characteristics of the critical testimony, the rhetoric of criticism, and the invention of a political poetics
Carval, Sylvie. "Accueil et réinsertion des vétérans de la guerre du Viêt-nam, vus a travers la presse américaine [1966-1978]". Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030123.
This thesis studies the reception and the reintegration in society of Vietnam war veterans as they are represented in two American dailies, The New York Times and The Washington Post. To this comparison between the two newspapers are added the analyses of two weeklies, The Nation and Newsweek, and a bimonthly, National Review, which provide a complete range of the various point of views on the subject. Two periods stand out: from 1966 to 1970, the reintegration of the former soldiers seemed to be easy, according to the newspapers. From 1971 to 1978, the coverage by the media first intensified owing to the difficulties of reintegration that the Vietvets faced and dared to voice loudly for the first time; the press then appeared to progressively lose interest in them. The evolution, in the newpapers, of the representation of the veterans and of their reintegration mirrored the evolution of American society and economy. If both dailies a priori addressed the same kind of readers, the reality that they chose to present and distort through their ideological bias often differed. The thesis also tries to show how their representations may have helped or hindered the reintegration of Vietvets in society
Rosset, Claire. "Avant-gardes artistiques et idéologies révolutionnaires en Europe occidentale, 1960-1980". Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010626.
Art and ideology are closely related in their function of representation of reality. The 1960s and 1970s are those of major marxist revolutionary hopes. Our study focuses on artists and artistic creation in Western Europe. At the intersection of political events and thinking of intellectuals, artists question the relevance and adequacy of artistic forms to the revolutionary perspective. Terrorism, the Vietnam war, the cold war, are considered in the reports of political power they establish. Sexual issue is related to the moral and political transgression. The artists question the possibility of a more direct social and political intervention
Dufort-Cuccioletta, Majorie. "Les affiches politiques américaines durant la guerre du Vietnam : le Art Worker's Coalition et l'affiche Q. and babies? A. and babies". Mémoire, 2011. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/4560/1/M12312.pdf.