Literatura académica sobre el tema "Guerre du Kosovo (1998-1999) – Intellectuels"
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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Guerre du Kosovo (1998-1999) – Intellectuels":
Lukic, Renéo. "L’antiaméricanisme des opposants à la participation française à la guerre contre la République fédérale yougoslave". Études internationales 31, n.º 1 (12 de abril de 2005): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704130ar.
Tambarin, Marcel. "La paix au prix de la guerre ? L'Allemagne et l'intervention de l'OTAN au Kosovo (1998-1999)". Études Germaniques 254, n.º 2 (2009): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eger.254.0471.
Maziau, Nicolas. "La mise en tutelle par la Communauté internationale du pouvoir constituant national : les exemples de la Bosnie-Herzégovine et du Kosovo". Civitas Europa 6, n.º 1 (2001): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/civit.2001.952.
Baudchon, Hélène, Odile Chagny, Thierry Latreille, Catherine Mathieu, Olivier Passet, Christine Rifflart, Claire Sensoli y Paola Veroni. "Tous ensemble ?" Revue de l'OFCE 73, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2000): 7–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/reof.p2000.73n1.0007.
Tesis sobre el tema "Guerre du Kosovo (1998-1999) – Intellectuels":
Mladenovic, Ivica. "Les intellectuels français et la destruction yougoslave : structuration d’un espace public (1991-1999)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA080028.
The research topic focuses on the French intellectual field of the last decade of the 20th century, which is understood in the light of intellectual actions and representations of the process of destruction of the second Yugoslavia and the wars for its legacy. The events that occurred in Yugoslavia in the 1990s are perceived as a "affair" in the sense given by the French sociologists Luc Boltanski and Élisabeth Claverie. The main objective of this research work was therefore to answer several decisive questions based on a prosopographical approach of intellectuals, as well as to analyse their actions and representations. More precisely, the question was: a) What are the modalities and forms of intervention in the polemical space built around the "Yugoslav affair" (1991-1999); b) How is this given space structured through competition and antagonisms between individuals and groups? c) What is the logic of receiving the destruction of Yugoslavia in France? In other words: is it mainly linked to events in the former Yugoslavia or to political issues within France? Have these different representations evolved, and in what ways? d) How do the positions taken fit into the dominant balance of power in France? Have they strengthened existing structures? To answer these questions, I used the tools of political sociology, historical sociology, sociology of knowledge and sociology of intellectuals. The most important theoretical foundations have been drawn mainly from Pierre Bourdieu's field theory, Antonio Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony and Vojin Milic's theory of social functions of ideas and knowledge. As for the research methods used, I used multiple correspondence analysis, socio-historical analysis, interviews and critical discourse analysis
Krempl, Stefan. "Medien, Internet, Krieg : das Beispiel Kosovo : ein Beitrag zur kritischen Medienanalyse /". München : Fisher, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410731273.
Zygojannis, Philipp A. "Die Staatengemeinschaft und das Kosovo : humanitäre Intervention und internationale Übergangsverwaltung unter Berücksichtigung einer Verpflichtung des Intervenienten zur Nachsorge /". Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40045377x.
Tatarchuk, Natalia. "La question du Kosovo et les grandes puissances européennes, des origines au printemps 1999". Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H009.
Kosovo is the disputed borderland between Serbia and Kosovo Albanians. The Serbs refer to Kosovo as the cradle of the Serb nation. The anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo Plain is the most important date in the Serbian national calendar. In 1981 there were major student protests in Pristina, followed by demands for Kosovo to be given republic status. The Serbian Communist leader S. Milosevic became president of Serbia in 1987 and in 1989 the Serbian parliament passed constitutional amendments reasserting Serbian control over Kosovo. In 1998 the Kosovo Liberation Anny unleashed a major guerrilla offensive. The conflict gained widespread international attention and was resolved with the intervention of the NATO
Braem, Yann. "Géopolitique des relations militaires-humanitaires : comparaison des interventions au Kosovo et en Afghanistan". Paris 8, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA082873.
This geopolitical study deals with the territorial stakes of the relations between military and humanitarian actors. These two types of independant actors have been increasingly associated in international interventions. Analysis of the operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan shows the genesis of military-humanitarian and their role in the management and control of territories in crisis. It gives an understanding of how the relations are shaped by the geopolitical and geographical specificities of the the territories where the relations take place. A first part deals with the institutionnalisation dynamics of military-humanitarian relations in the management of conflict-torn territories. A second part focuses, in a comprehensive approach, on the interests and positions of both types of actors : armed forces on the one hand, humanitarian actors on the other
Rushiti, Arben. "La communauté internationale face à la crise du Kosovo : de l'éclatement de l'ex-Yougoslavie à l'intervention de l'OTAN (1991-1999)". Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018GREAH035.
From the collapse of former Yugoslavia in 1991 to the rising tensions at the end of 1997, the crisis of Kosovo had not been sufficiently considered by the international community, which was preoccupied with the management of open conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia. However, the outbreak of the armed conflict in early 1998 pushed the international community to react in Kosovo. That reaction was both late and insufficient to achieve a diplomatic solution for the conflict. One of the research questions of this work was to determine whether a political and peaceful resolution of the conflict was indeed possible. If, before the armed conflict, everything was not attempted to prevent its outbreak, chances to find a political solution, once the hostilities began, were illusory. Therefore, all of the initiatives undertaken by the international community during 1998, and in early 1999, were to no avail.In absence of any diplomatic solution, NATO intervened militarily against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, from March to June 1999. The reasons behind this intervention constitute another important question of this thesis. In this crisis, NATO seems to have undergone the evolution of the situation rather than precede and anticipate it. According to our hypothesis, the Atlantic Alliance was involved in the conflict hoping that, by its threats, would avoid the need for a military intervention; and when the intervention became inevitable, NATO believed it to be short. Waiting to put an end to the conflict through military force demonstration against Belgrade, NATO found itself engaged in a war that had to be carried to the end, because its own credibility was at stake. While other factors have also played an important role, the issue of credibility seems to us to have been the major element that triggered NATO's intervention, and as such became its driving force as the intervention prolongated and intensified progressively
Jovanović, Miloš. "Légitimité et légitimation du recours à la force dans l'après-guerre froide : Étude de cas : l'intervention militaire de l'OTAN contre la République fédérale de Yougoslavie (1999)". Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010325.
Haddad, Rayan. "Les processus d'insertion de conflits exogènes dans un espace public communautarisé : captations libanaises des crises du Kosovo, du 11 septembre, d'Afghanistan, et d'Irak". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0044.
This research examines the adaptations of the Lebanese “post-anomic” public sphere to the world political context beyond the Westphalian coordinates. It highlights how the societal sphere of a Weak State deals with cases of “turbulence” emerging from the world scene. More specifically, it identifies the processes through which specific “exogenous” crises are incorporated into the “local” Lebanese debate. The intertwinement of the dynamics of “localization” and “globalization” is here clearly illustrated; but this does not preclude any attempt to assess (on a case by case basis) the relative and differing importance of these dynamics within the interaction. We have hence deemed useful to make a (loose) distinction between two concepts: Lebanese “sensitivity” (designating the “local” relation – not devoid of interest - to certain tumultuous international events) and Lebanese “vulnerability” (referring to the dangerous convulsions in Lebanon’s immediate environment). The former concept is predominantly (and processually) related to an efficient normative activism on the part of identity entrepreneurs in the “public sphere” (affected by a simultaneous crisis of state and civil society). The latter concept is foremost the consequence of the interplay of “geopolitical forces” that are not guided in their policy-making by considerations pertaining to fundamental human rights in the Middle East nor to the future of the region’s peoples. The two abovementioned concepts follow intertwined dynamics that we attempt to identify and explain through the analysis of the representations and the policies of various actors at the local and global levels
Kuntzsch, Felix. "The violent politics of nationalism : identity and legitimacy in Palestine, Kosovo and Québec". Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/25036.
In this thesis, I argue that violence is a means used by militant nationalists to persuade their audiences both within and without the nation of the inexorable nature of their nationalist project. What I call the violent politics of nationalism is essentially a struggle for legitimacy. The militants’ armed strategy, I assert, is one of provocation. Political violence is likely to provoke state repression. Where it does so, it vindicates nationalist claims and helps to wrest political legitimacy from the state. Yet, such legitimation is based on a transformation of collective identity, that is, people’s self-perception. The nation, in order to legitimize the militants, has to take a combative and uncompromising look. The intentional escalation of violence thus has a productive effect in that it determines what the people, as a nation, are. The mechanism of provoked escalation constitutes the building block of what I conceptualize as the combined process of political legitimation and identity transformation. When this dynamic is set in motion, militants emerge as the legitimate representatives of their nation which, in turn, helps them to secure the support of third parties. In order to substantiate my argument, I present a theoretical framework summarizing my approach, which I call strategic constructivist. The framework is then applied to a set of three case studies, namely, the nationalist conflicts in Palestine, Kosovo and Québec. I focus on the evolution of the respective nationalist movements and the role played in them by the relevant armed groups, that is, Fatah/PLO, the KLA, and the FLQ. Across these widely disparate cases, I trace the process that my framework highlights. The three historical narratives analyze the impact the use of violence had on the different nationalist projects in terms of identity transformation and the legitimation of militants at home and abroad. I find that my framework offers heuristic purchase in all three cases and that across them the intensity of violence co-varies with its identity-shaping effect and the level of legitimacy the militants achieved. Also, in all three cases militant action contributed to making political identities and political boundaries converge.
Thibault, Simon y Simon Thibault. "Les réformes des systèmes médiatiques de la Bosnie-Herzégovine et du Kosovo, et les approches des responsables internationaux chargés de les mettre en oeuvre". Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/27951.
Thèse en cotutelle Université Laval, Québec, Canada et Université Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris – 3, Paris, France.
Durant les opérations de reconstruction qui ont eu lieu à la suite des conflits en Bosnie-Herzégovine (1992-1995) et au Kosovo (1998-1999), d’importants moyens ont été déployés par des organisations internationales pour réformer les espaces médiatiques bosnien et kosovar en vue de les dépolitiser. Ces réformes visaient notamment la création d’instances de réglementation des médias et la transformation du secteur de la radiodiffusion, qui s’avérait problématique en raison de la présence de médias relayant des discours incitant leur auditoire à la haine ethnique ou religieuse. Ces initiatives en matière de réglementation des médias et de réforme du secteur de la radiodiffusion ont nécessité des investissements considérables. Elles ont aussi généré des débats animés, qui ont révélé des divergences importantes entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans ces processus de réforme. En Bosnie, par exemple, l’élaboration de la loi relative au système de radiodiffusion publique a provoqué des échanges acrimonieux entre les responsables du Bureau du Haut Représentant et l’ambassade américaine. Au Kosovo, les initiatives de réglementation de la presse kosovare menées par l’OSCE et l’ONU ont été vivement critiquées par des ONG de défense de la presse qui les associaient à de la censure. Comment expliquer ces débats qui dévoilent différentes philosophies d’intervention en matière de réforme des médias? En procédant à une étude des théories normatives de la presse et de la littérature spécialisée, nous avons élaboré deux idéaux-types : l’« approche américaine » et l’« approche ouest-européenne ». Les caractéristiques de ces deux concepts idéal-typiques nous ont permis d’analyser les données recueillies durant notre recherche, incluant 50 entrevues, dont plusieurs avec des acteurs diplomatiques qui ont été au cœur de ces processus de réforme. Ce faisant, nous avons construit quatre propositions qui dévoilent les principales conclusions avancées dans cette thèse. Nous suggérons notamment que les approches des acteurs impliqués dans les processus de réforme des médias en Bosnie et au Kosovo peuvent être éclairées par certaines normes dominantes des environnements médiatiques aux États-Unis et en Europe de l’Ouest, ce qui permet une meilleure compréhension de leurs débats et leurs divergences.
Durant les opérations de reconstruction qui ont eu lieu à la suite des conflits en Bosnie-Herzégovine (1992-1995) et au Kosovo (1998-1999), d’importants moyens ont été déployés par des organisations internationales pour réformer les espaces médiatiques bosnien et kosovar en vue de les dépolitiser. Ces réformes visaient notamment la création d’instances de réglementation des médias et la transformation du secteur de la radiodiffusion, qui s’avérait problématique en raison de la présence de médias relayant des discours incitant leur auditoire à la haine ethnique ou religieuse. Ces initiatives en matière de réglementation des médias et de réforme du secteur de la radiodiffusion ont nécessité des investissements considérables. Elles ont aussi généré des débats animés, qui ont révélé des divergences importantes entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans ces processus de réforme. En Bosnie, par exemple, l’élaboration de la loi relative au système de radiodiffusion publique a provoqué des échanges acrimonieux entre les responsables du Bureau du Haut Représentant et l’ambassade américaine. Au Kosovo, les initiatives de réglementation de la presse kosovare menées par l’OSCE et l’ONU ont été vivement critiquées par des ONG de défense de la presse qui les associaient à de la censure. Comment expliquer ces débats qui dévoilent différentes philosophies d’intervention en matière de réforme des médias? En procédant à une étude des théories normatives de la presse et de la littérature spécialisée, nous avons élaboré deux idéaux-types : l’« approche américaine » et l’« approche ouest-européenne ». Les caractéristiques de ces deux concepts idéal-typiques nous ont permis d’analyser les données recueillies durant notre recherche, incluant 50 entrevues, dont plusieurs avec des acteurs diplomatiques qui ont été au cœur de ces processus de réforme. Ce faisant, nous avons construit quatre propositions qui dévoilent les principales conclusions avancées dans cette thèse. Nous suggérons notamment que les approches des acteurs impliqués dans les processus de réforme des médias en Bosnie et au Kosovo peuvent être éclairées par certaines normes dominantes des environnements médiatiques aux États-Unis et en Europe de l’Ouest, ce qui permet une meilleure compréhension de leurs débats et leurs divergences.
During the interventions that followed the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995) and in Kosovo (1998-1999), important resources were engaged by international organizations to reform the Bosnian and Kosovan media space. These reforms were aimed at the depoliticization of the media environment through the establishment of media regulatory bodies and the transformation of the broadcasting sector, which had caused concern due to the presence of propagandist media that were inciting ethnic and religious hatred. Media regulatory and broadcasting reforms implemented in Bosnia and Kosovo required significant investments. Most interestingly, these reforms caused heated debates that revealed significant differences of view among the actors involved. In Bosnia, for instance, the development of a law targeting the public broadcasting system generated a sometimes acrimonious debate between the Office of the High Representative in Bosnia and the American embassy. In Kosovo, initiatives to regulate the media by the OSCE mission and the United Nations were vigorously criticized by NGOs defending freedom of the press, arguing that such measures amounted to censoring of the media. How can we explain these debates, which reveal different intervention philosophies with regards to media reforms? In light of an analysis of the normative theories of the press and of the relevant scientific literature, we have developed two ideal-types: the “American approach” and the “West-European approach”. These two concepts facilitated the analysis of the data collected during this doctoral research. The data included the information gathered from fifty interviews, many of which were conducted with policy makers and diplomats that played a key role in these reforms. The data collection and analysis, achieved through an iterative process, allowed us to develop four propositions, which reveal the main findings of this research. We suggest, among other things, that the approaches of the actors involved in the media reform processes in Bosnia and Kosovo can be explained in light of some of the media environments’ dominant norms in the United States and in Western Europe, which clarifies in turn the different perspectives of these actors and the debates that resulted.
During the interventions that followed the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995) and in Kosovo (1998-1999), important resources were engaged by international organizations to reform the Bosnian and Kosovan media space. These reforms were aimed at the depoliticization of the media environment through the establishment of media regulatory bodies and the transformation of the broadcasting sector, which had caused concern due to the presence of propagandist media that were inciting ethnic and religious hatred. Media regulatory and broadcasting reforms implemented in Bosnia and Kosovo required significant investments. Most interestingly, these reforms caused heated debates that revealed significant differences of view among the actors involved. In Bosnia, for instance, the development of a law targeting the public broadcasting system generated a sometimes acrimonious debate between the Office of the High Representative in Bosnia and the American embassy. In Kosovo, initiatives to regulate the media by the OSCE mission and the United Nations were vigorously criticized by NGOs defending freedom of the press, arguing that such measures amounted to censoring of the media. How can we explain these debates, which reveal different intervention philosophies with regards to media reforms? In light of an analysis of the normative theories of the press and of the relevant scientific literature, we have developed two ideal-types: the “American approach” and the “West-European approach”. These two concepts facilitated the analysis of the data collected during this doctoral research. The data included the information gathered from fifty interviews, many of which were conducted with policy makers and diplomats that played a key role in these reforms. The data collection and analysis, achieved through an iterative process, allowed us to develop four propositions, which reveal the main findings of this research. We suggest, among other things, that the approaches of the actors involved in the media reform processes in Bosnia and Kosovo can be explained in light of some of the media environments’ dominant norms in the United States and in Western Europe, which clarifies in turn the different perspectives of these actors and the debates that resulted.
Libros sobre el tema "Guerre du Kosovo (1998-1999) – Intellectuels":
Guillon, Claude. Dommages de guerre: Paris-Pristina-Belgrade 1999. Paris: Insomniaque, 2000.
Allmang, Cédrick. Les masques de guerre. Paris: Stock, 1999.
Eric, Laurent. Guerre du Kosovo: Le dossier secret. Paris: Plon, 1999.
Michel, Roux. La guerre du Kosovo: Dix clés pour comprendre. Paris: Découverte, 1999.
Schiffer, Daniel Salvatore. Le testament du Kosovo: Journal de guerre. Monaco]: Éditions du Rocher, 2015.
Péan, Pierre. Kosovo: Une guerre juste pour un État mafieux. Paris]: Fayard, 2013.
Bernard, Adam y Groupe de recherche et d'information sur la paix., eds. La guerre du Kosovo: Éclairages et commentaires. Bruxelles: Complexe, 1999.
Achcar, Gilbert. La nouvelle Guerre froide: Le monde après le Kosovo. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1999.
Brossat, Alain. Au miroir de la guerre: Réflexions sur la bataille du Kosovo. La Tour-d'Aigues: Editions de l'Aube, 1999.
Quesney, Chantale. Kosovo--les mémoires qui tuent: La guerre vue sur internet. Québec: Presses de l'Université Laval, 2001.