Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Great Britain Nationalization"

Summary After carrying during the previous half-century a nationalization legislation, Great Britain by the recent Royal assent given to the Transport Act and the Iron and Steel Act, has brought on denationalization of these industries concerned. The Author comments briefly on this important question considering the Transport denationalization as a more difficult and hazardous measure than the Iron and Steel denationalization. In concluding, the Author hopes that both Transport and Steel Acts will at least be successful in securing the removal of their subjects from the party arena.

In the early twentieth century, Great Britain began a new wave of imperialism, focusing on areas in the Middle East strategic to enhance their trade. Iran was one of the countries in which Britain gained enormous power and influence. This power was derived from its control of Iranian oil resources, through the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). After many years of AIOC producing oil in Iran with Iranian Government support, a wave of economic nationalism led to the nationalization of AIOC in 1951 by the Iranian Prime Minister Musaddiq. The nationalization of the AIOC angered the British and seemed part of a growing pattern of pressure on their interests culminating in wresting Musaddiq from the control of the oil industry. As a result, in considering the above effects, by using AIOC as a case study, a textual analysis of the Chairman's Statement to Shareholders is conducted and the validity of the Statements is reappraised with reference to historical evidence.

Significance. In the condition of the global economic crisis issues of state-owned property management has a particular relevance among them the selection of a further strategy aimed at the privatization or nationalization of enterprises, organizations and particular sectors of the economy. The choice of the most effective model of management decisions in modern realities is impossible without analyzing the national historical experience. The wave-like practice of nationalization and privatization processes that took place in great Britain depending on the program of actions of political leaders in power is also of interest for scientific research. The purpose of the research is to reveal the content of the processes of nationalization of state property, its restriction on confiscation and expropriation, based on the methods of comparative and historical analysis of approaches to domestic and foreign experience. Research results. The necessity of using nationalization mechanisms is justified based on the proposed methodology taking into account its socially - oriented point application in modern Russia, while observing the guarantees of the owners of nationalized assets.

This article places the British and American postal telegraph movements in the broader context of a transatlantic reform tradition. More specifically, British nationalization in 1870 gave American reformers both a rallying point and a rationale for postalizing the telegraphs. The legacies of both movements were mixed. In Britain, the postal telegraph provided inexpensive and accessible service, but it soon ran a large deficit and retarded the development of the telephone industry. In the United States, reformers failed to nationalize the telegraph or to secure a place in historical memory, but they succeeded in pressuring Western Union to provide better service, and they provided the impetus for the municipal ownership movement of the Progressive Era.

SummaryThis article challenges the militant and industrial unionist version of British coal mining trade union history, surrounding the Miners' Federation of Great Britain and the National Union of Mineworkers, by considering, for the first time, the case of the colliery deputies' trade union. Their national Federation was formed in 1910, and aimed to represent the three branches of coal mining supervisory management: the deputy (or fireman, or examiner), overman and shotfirer. First, the article discusses the treatment of moderate and craft traditions in British coal mining historiography. Second, it shows how the position of deputy was defined by changes in the underground labour process and the legal regulation of the industry. Third, it traces the history of deputies' union organization up until nationalization in 1947, and the formation of the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS). The article concludes that the deputies represent a mainstream tradition of craft/professional identity and industrial moderation, in both the coal industry and the wider labour movement.

On the eve of independence from European colonialism, Egypt, like most other developing countries, undertook the project of de-linking itself from colonial economy through initiating domestic industrialization. The economic project known as Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) was designed to liberate Egypt from raw commodity production, agricultural and mineral, servicing its previous colonial master Great Britain. The engine of development would be an expanding public sector with nationalization and socialism as leitmotif. In re-orienting the economy towards industrial production, it was hoped that the terms of trade with the international economy for Egypt would significantly improve, leading thereby to an improvement in the living standards of its population.

By the case of the economic development of Great Britain, the hypothesis was verified that innovations at the macroeconomic level should accelerate economic growth and at the same time reduce development risks, stabilizing this growth, reducing its fluctuations under the influence of market factors. The economic development of Great Britain is investigated in 25 economic cycles for the period from 1830-2020. Economic development was investigated according to the parameters of economic growth and development risk in each of the considered cycles. Four types of economic development policy are theoretically described in terms of the dynamics of changes in growth and risk between the previous and subsequent cycles including progressive, regressive, aggressive and conservative. In relation to the identified periods of progressive development policy in Great Britain, the institutional innovations that led to this type of development were investigated. Among them was the great economic reform of the early Victorian era, the course of social or new liberalism and the popular budget before the First World War, the activities of the first Labor government immediately after this war, economic recovery after World War II in combination with the Marshall plan and nationalization, the era of the Conservatives and the politics of New Labor at the end of the 20th century. The study showed that the implementation of authentic national culture and institutions complementary to the existing authentic culture institutions of institutional innovations leads to a simultaneous decrease in the risk of development and acceleration of economic growth, which can be considered the most favorable policy of macroeconomic management of entrepreneurial activity in order to accelerate the application of technical and commercial innovations.

<p>In 1998, an anthropologist, Philip L. Kohl stated that archaeological findings are manipulated for nationalist purposes and that archaeology’s development during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is associated with nationalism, colonization, imperialism, sometimes personal in Europe.<a title="" href="file:///F:/Nationalization%20and%20Personalization%20of%20the%20Egyptian%20antiquities.1%20-%20Copy.doc#_ftn1">[1]</a> Kohl’s statement is significant because it conveys how archaeology emerged as a national mission. During the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, Egyptian antiquities were at the center attention. Mythical and historical evidence for Greeks and Romans inEgypt were cited in order to justify the extensive excavations which were linked to a rising European national self consciousness. Consequently, the great imperialist powers, France and the Great Britain (who saw themselves as heirs of the Greeks and Romans) were determined to fulfill their national museum with the Egyptian antiquities.</p><div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div><p><a title="" href="file:///F:/Nationalization%20and%20Personalization%20of%20the%20Egyptian%20antiquities.1%20-%20Copy.doc#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Philip L. Kohl, “Nationalism and Archaeology: On the Constructions of Nations and the Reconstructions of the Remote Past,” in <em>Annual Review of Anthropology</em>, Vol. 27 (1998), p. 223. Pp. 223-246</p></div></div>

This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.

Introduction. The relevance of studying the activities of the fuel and energy complex, which plays an important role in the modern economy, is supported by the fact that in this sector there is an active interaction between the authorities and private business. In Russia, this issue has not been fully resolved, and therefore the experience of a state such as Great Britain will be important in carrying out transformations. Methods and materials. The key ones in the study of the topic are regulations, statistics and office documentation in English, as well as the works of foreign authors. By nature, the study is historical and implies the use of specialized and general scientific methods of cognition. Analysis. The subject of the study is the British coal industry, which in the interwar period was faced with a structural crisis, related to shifts in the global economy and the impact of domestic market factors. As a response, controversy arose in the ruling circles and the scientific community of the United Kingdom regarding the increased influence of the authorities on economic processes and related measures of support to the population. The nationalization of coal mining, planned even before World War II, was carried out only in 1946–1947 and led to the formalization of a state monopoly that gave stability to the domestic coal market. The multi-level management structure of the association made it possible to quickly respond to emerging problems, and the involvement of members of the public and experts helped to build a system for exchanging information and interaction between the company’s management, industry enterprises and coal consumers. In fact, the authorities took control of the modernization of coal mining and its adaptation to the needs of industry, transport and households, emphasizing not only quantitative but also qualitative indicators of the coal sector. Results. Thus, state regulation of economic processes and transfer of coal industry facilities in favor of the Crown, they did not act as goals in themselves, but were a stabilizing measure during the transitional period for the country.

In his diary in July 1946 Senator Claude Pepper of Florida noted that Great Britain was “showing considerable progress in [a] year under its socialist government – nationalization of [the] Bank of England, coal mines … . They have enacted [a] housing program and extended [the] social security system and a national health system. That is the direction of things everywhere but here.” The question of why American social democracy did not take off in the same way after World War Two as elsewhere in the industrialised world has become an important issue in recent American historiography. Indeed, the question of what was left, in both senses of the word, of “liberalism” after the death of Franklin Roosevelt assumes particular importance when one considers the fact that there were in the United States in 1946 a fair number of liberal political thinkers who were committed to using the New Deal and wartime experience as a launch pad for further left-of-centre political experimentation. Claude Pepper, Henry Wallace, Helen Douglas, Harold Ickes, Rexford Tugwell, Paul Douglas – all were in positions of political or intellectual influence at the end of the Second World War. Yet, by 1950, they would all experience either political defeat or a shift away from vocal commitment to social democratic values.

В статье исследуются особенности формирования позиции США накануне англо-франко-израильской военной операции против Египта. В год 65-летия Суэцкого кризиса остается в высокой степени актуальным вопрос выработки Соединенными Штатами внешнеполитических стратегических решений в условиях нарастания конфликтности на Ближнем Востоке. Автор выделяет основные причины отказа США поддержать Великобританию и Францию в военной акции против Египта. В статье отмечается ряд негативных последствий для США, которые нес в себе период выстраивания совместной политики с Великобританией и Францией в отношении Египта. Попытки политического и экономического подчинения Египта осуществлялись посредством египетско-израильского сближения, предоставления кредита на строительство Асуанской плотины, включения Египта в инициируемый странами Запада военно-политический блок, что в итоге стимулировало активизацию антизападных настроений во внутренней и внешней политике Г. А. Насера. Основными последствиями этого стали Чехословацкая сделка и национализация Суэцкого канала. Смелые действия лидера Египта как прецедент для всего арабского мира требовали от западных стран жесткой реакции. Выделяются основные аргументы администрации США в пользу отклонения военного сценария, указываются расхождения между США и западноевропейскими лидерами по вопросу о привлечении Израиля в конфликт, что связывалось с ростом авторитета президента Египта в арабском мире. США продемонстрировали отказ от совместной политики с союзниками по НАТО в случае, когда сложившая ситуация напрямую не угрожала их стратегическим интересам в регионе и, более того, препятствовала реализации долгосрочных задач на Ближнем Востоке. The article investigates the formation of the US attitude to a military operation against Egypt on the eve of the Anglo-French-Israeli military operation against Egypt. Now when the world is commemorating the 65th anniversary of the Suez crisis, the issue of the United States working out strategic foreign policy decisions in the context of the growing conflict in the Middle East remains highly relevant. The author highlights the main reasons for the US refusal to support Britain and France in the military action against Egypt. The article underlines a number of negative consequences the United States brought about by joint actions of the USA, Great Britain and France in Egypt. Egyptian-Israeli rapprochement, the provision of a loan for the construction of the Aswan Dam, and the inclusion of Egypt in the military-political bloc initiated by the Western countries were associated with an attempt to rob Egypt of its political and economic independence. These developments resulted in anti-Western sentiments in Egypt’s domestic and foreign policy during the Nasser period, the main consequences being the Czechoslovak arms deal and the nationalization of the Suez Canal. The bold actions of the Egyptian leader as a precedent for the entire Arab world demanded a tough reaction from Western countries. The author highlights the main arguments of the US administration in favor of abandoning the military scenario. The author says that the USA and Western Europe had different views on whether or not to involve Israel, which is accounted for by the growing influence of the Egyptian president in the Arab world. The USA abstained from cooperating with NATO in what might threaten the strategic interests of the country in the region and hinder its long-term agenda in the Middle East.

Iran’s political and economic situation is less known in Georgia. Our seclusion in Russian Empire and isolation from the outer world during decades was the reason of unawareness of these processes. Despite Georgia’s independence witnessed in recent years, the situation has not improved. This article serves as filling of the mentioned gap. Iran’s political and economic history of 20th century nbriefly can be considered according to the following stages: Issuing of the concession on the extraction and processing of oil deposits to the Great britain, which was against Iran’s interests; Emerging of the renting economy with the elements of colonialism; Moderate growth of the economy between 30s and 50; Decrease of the economy during the Second World War and political conflicts; Nationalization of assets; Reform of 1953-1978; White revolution and depen- dence on foreign capital and oil; Fast growth of iran’s econo- my from the mid 50s to mid 70s. Starting from 1978 the state economy is determined by oil and gas.

Öz: Bu çalışmada 1948 yılında Yugoslavya’nın Kominform’dan çıkarılmasının nedenleri ve sonuçları 1945 yılından 1948 yılına kadar yaşanan tarihsel olaylar çerçevesinde anlatılacaktır. Yugoslavya lideri Josip Broz Tito iktidara geldikten sonra ülkede hızlı bir merkezileştirme ve kamulaştırma sürecini başlattı. Bu bağlamda Sovyetler Birliği model olarak alındı. Sovyet lideri Stalin de Yugoslavya liderliğinin gözünde önderliği sorgulanamaz kült bir kişilik durumundaydı. Ancak J. B. Tito’nun Yugoslavya’yı bölgesel düzeyde genişletme planları Stalin ile arasını hızla bozdu. Savaş sonrasında Batı ve Doğu blokları arasında kurulan dengenin bozulmasını istemeyen Stalin, J. B. Tito’nun planlarından rahatsız oldu. Aynı şekilde ABD ve Britanya da J. B. Tito’nun özellikle Avusturya, İtalya ve Yunanistan’a yönelik girişimlerine karşı çıkarak onu engellediler. Dolayısıyla büyük devletlerin tepkisiyle ile karşılaşan J. B. Tito Yugoslavya’nın genişlemesine yönelik hırslı amaçlarından vazgeçmek zorunda kaldı. Diğer taraftan Yugoslavya’nın Kominform’dan çıkarılması J. B. Tito’ya ülkedeki Stalinistleri (çoğunlukla Sırplar) tasfiye etmesine imkan vererek iktidarını sağlamlaştırmasını sağladı. Sovyetler Birliği ve Yugoslavya arasındaki ilişkilerin çatışmalı bir boyut kazanması ideolojik nedenlere bağlı olarak gösterilse de aslında iki devlet arasındaki çatışmanın temel nedeni politik çıkar anlaşmazlıklarıdır ve bu anlaşmazlıklar 1948’de Yugoslavya’nın Kominform’dan çıkarılmasına neden olmuştur. Abstract: In this study, the reasons and consequences of the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform in 1948 will be explained within the framework of historical events between 1945 and 1948. When the communist leader Josip Broz Tita came to power he initiated a rapid centralization and nationalization process in Yugoslavia. In this context, the Soviet Union was taken as a model. In the eyes of the Yugoslav leadership, Soviet leader Stalin was a cult figure whose leadership could not be questioned. However, J.B. Tito's ambitions for the expansion of Yugoslavia at the regional level quickly turned him away from Stalin. Stalin, who was careful about the balance established between the Western and Eastern blocs after the war, tried to prevent J.B. Tito's plans from being realized. On the other hand, the USA and Britain were also disturbed by J. B. Tito's ambition, especially by his attempts to expand against Austria, Italy and Greece. Therefore, J.B. Tito, faced with the oppositions of the great powers, had to give up his ambitious plans for the expansion of Yugoslavia. The expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform as a result of Stalin's efforts allowed J. B. Tito to consolidate his power and providing him to remove the Stalinists (mostly Serbs). Although the reasons for the strained relations between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1948 were presented as ideological, in fact the reasons for the conflict between the two countries were differents political interests, and these differences led to the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform.

The article investigates competing arguments in favour of democratic planning by comparing and contrasting the writings of E. H. Carr (1892–1982) and Harold B. Butler (1883–1951). As British civil servants and distinguished commentators on public affairs, Carr and Butler were deeply struck by the magnitude of the Great Depression and its political repercussions around the world. Despite having a similar background and being critical of laissez-faire economics, Carr and Butler came to express two conflicting visions of the implications of planning for democracy, informed by their respective fascination with the Soviet experience and the New Deal. Ultimately, they took opposite stances on Britain's post-1945 nationalizations, a development that highlights the extreme suppleness of the democratic planning discourse blossoming during the interwar years.