Bibliografías temáticas / Great Britain Nationalization

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Great Britain Nationalization"

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Publicado: 26 de julio de 2024
Última modificación: 27 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Great Britain Nationalization"

1

Hobson, Oscar R. "Reversing the Process of Nationalization". Relations industrielles 8, n.º 4 (24 de febrero de 2014): 384–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022926ar.

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Summary After carrying during the previous half-century a nationalization legislation, Great Britain by the recent Royal assent given to the Transport Act and the Iron and Steel Act, has brought on denationalization of these industries concerned. The Author comments briefly on this important question considering the Transport denationalization as a more difficult and hazardous measure than the Iron and Steel denationalization. In concluding, the Author hopes that both Transport and Steel Acts will at least be successful in securing the removal of their subjects from the party arena.
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2

Abdelrehim, Neveen. "Rethinking “Oil Nationalism”". International Journal of Signs and Semiotic Systems 4, n.º 2 (julio de 2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsss.2015070103.

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In the early twentieth century, Great Britain began a new wave of imperialism, focusing on areas in the Middle East strategic to enhance their trade. Iran was one of the countries in which Britain gained enormous power and influence. This power was derived from its control of Iranian oil resources, through the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). After many years of AIOC producing oil in Iran with Iranian Government support, a wave of economic nationalism led to the nationalization of AIOC in 1951 by the Iranian Prime Minister Musaddiq. The nationalization of the AIOC angered the British and seemed part of a growing pattern of pressure on their interests culminating in wresting Musaddiq from the control of the oil industry. As a result, in considering the above effects, by using AIOC as a case study, a textual analysis of the Chairman's Statement to Shareholders is conducted and the validity of the Statements is reappraised with reference to historical evidence.
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3

Nevskaya, Olga S. y Elena A. Kachanova. "Nationalization or privatization of state-owned properties in the conditions of global challenges: strategy selection". Theoretical and Practical Aspects of Management, n.º 9 (24 de agosto de 2020): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46486/0234-4505-2020-9-18-29.

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Significance. In the condition of the global economic crisis issues of state-owned property management has a particular relevance among them the selection of a further strategy aimed at the privatization or nationalization of enterprises, organizations and particular sectors of the economy. The choice of the most effective model of management decisions in modern realities is impossible without analyzing the national historical experience. The wave-like practice of nationalization and privatization processes that took place in great Britain depending on the program of actions of political leaders in power is also of interest for scientific research. The purpose of the research is to reveal the content of the processes of nationalization of state property, its restriction on confiscation and expropriation, based on the methods of comparative and historical analysis of approaches to domestic and foreign experience. Research results. The necessity of using nationalization mechanisms is justified based on the proposed methodology taking into account its socially - oriented point application in modern Russia, while observing the guarantees of the owners of nationalized assets.
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4

Hochfelder, David. "A Comparison of the Postal Telegraph Movement in Great Britain and the United States, 1866–1900". Enterprise & Society 1, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2000): 739–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/1.4.739.

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This article places the British and American postal telegraph movements in the broader context of a transatlantic reform tradition. More specifically, British nationalization in 1870 gave American reformers both a rallying point and a rationale for postalizing the telegraphs. The legacies of both movements were mixed. In Britain, the postal telegraph provided inexpensive and accessible service, but it soon ran a large deficit and retarded the development of the telephone industry. In the United States, reformers failed to nationalize the telegraph or to secure a place in historical memory, but they succeeded in pressuring Western Union to provide better service, and they provided the impetus for the municipal ownership movement of the Progressive Era.
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5

Ackers, Peter. "Colliery Deputies in the British Coal Industry Before Nationalization". International Review of Social History 39, n.º 3 (diciembre de 1994): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011274x.

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SummaryThis article challenges the militant and industrial unionist version of British coal mining trade union history, surrounding the Miners' Federation of Great Britain and the National Union of Mineworkers, by considering, for the first time, the case of the colliery deputies' trade union. Their national Federation was formed in 1910, and aimed to represent the three branches of coal mining supervisory management: the deputy (or fireman, or examiner), overman and shotfirer. First, the article discusses the treatment of moderate and craft traditions in British coal mining historiography. Second, it shows how the position of deputy was defined by changes in the underground labour process and the legal regulation of the industry. Third, it traces the history of deputies' union organization up until nationalization in 1947, and the formation of the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS). The article concludes that the deputies represent a mainstream tradition of craft/professional identity and industrial moderation, in both the coal industry and the wider labour movement.
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6

Abu-Odeh, Lama. "On Law and the Transition to Market: The Case of Egypt". International Journal of Legal Information 37, n.º 1 (2009): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500003449.

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On the eve of independence from European colonialism, Egypt, like most other developing countries, undertook the project of de-linking itself from colonial economy through initiating domestic industrialization. The economic project known as Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) was designed to liberate Egypt from raw commodity production, agricultural and mineral, servicing its previous colonial master Great Britain. The engine of development would be an expanding public sector with nationalization and socialism as leitmotif. In re-orienting the economy towards industrial production, it was hoped that the terms of trade with the international economy for Egypt would significantly improve, leading thereby to an improvement in the living standards of its population.
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7

Savelyev, Mikhail, Mikhail Kozyrev, Andrey Savchenko, Vladimir Koretsky y Rail Galiakhmetov. "Macroeconomic signs of an innovative economy by the case of Great Britain". SHS Web of Conferences 116 (2021): 00072. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202111600072.

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By the case of the economic development of Great Britain, the hypothesis was verified that innovations at the macroeconomic level should accelerate economic growth and at the same time reduce development risks, stabilizing this growth, reducing its fluctuations under the influence of market factors. The economic development of Great Britain is investigated in 25 economic cycles for the period from 1830-2020. Economic development was investigated according to the parameters of economic growth and development risk in each of the considered cycles. Four types of economic development policy are theoretically described in terms of the dynamics of changes in growth and risk between the previous and subsequent cycles including progressive, regressive, aggressive and conservative. In relation to the identified periods of progressive development policy in Great Britain, the institutional innovations that led to this type of development were investigated. Among them was the great economic reform of the early Victorian era, the course of social or new liberalism and the popular budget before the First World War, the activities of the first Labor government immediately after this war, economic recovery after World War II in combination with the Marshall plan and nationalization, the era of the Conservatives and the politics of New Labor at the end of the 20th century. The study showed that the implementation of authentic national culture and institutions complementary to the existing authentic culture institutions of institutional innovations leads to a simultaneous decrease in the risk of development and acceleration of economic growth, which can be considered the most favorable policy of macroeconomic management of entrepreneurial activity in order to accelerate the application of technical and commercial innovations.
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8

Belfiore, Eleonora. "Janet Minihan,The nationalization of culture: the development of state subsidies to the arts in Great Britain". International Journal of Cultural Policy 16, n.º 1 (febrero de 2010): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286630902971611.

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9

Mahmoud, Shadia Mohamed Salem. "Nationalization and Personalization of the Egyptian Antiquities: Henry Salt a British General Consul in Egypt 1816 to 1827". International Journal of Culture and History 3, n.º 2 (24 de diciembre de 2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v3i2.7357.

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<p>In 1998, an anthropologist, Philip L. Kohl stated that archaeological findings are manipulated for nationalist purposes and that archaeology’s development during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is associated with nationalism, colonization, imperialism, sometimes personal in Europe.<a title="" href="file:///F:/Nationalization%20and%20Personalization%20of%20the%20Egyptian%20antiquities.1%20-%20Copy.doc#_ftn1">[1]</a> Kohl’s statement is significant because it conveys how archaeology emerged as a national mission. During the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, Egyptian antiquities were at the center attention. Mythical and historical evidence for Greeks and Romans inEgypt were cited in order to justify the extensive excavations which were linked to a rising European national self consciousness. Consequently, the great imperialist powers, France and the Great Britain (who saw themselves as heirs of the Greeks and Romans) were determined to fulfill their national museum with the Egyptian antiquities.</p><div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div><p><a title="" href="file:///F:/Nationalization%20and%20Personalization%20of%20the%20Egyptian%20antiquities.1%20-%20Copy.doc#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Philip L. Kohl, “Nationalism and Archaeology: On the Constructions of Nations and the Reconstructions of the Remote Past,” in <em>Annual Review of Anthropology</em>, Vol. 27 (1998), p. 223. Pp. 223-246</p></div></div>
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10

Hopkin, Jonathan. "Party Matters". Party Politics 15, n.º 2 (marzo de 2009): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099980.

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This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.
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Libros sobre el tema "Great Britain Nationalization"

1

Simon, Jenkins. Accountable to none: The Tory nationalization of Britain. London: H. Hamilton, 1995.

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2

Jencks, Clinton E. Men Underground: Working Conditions of British Coal Miners Since Nationalization. University Publishing Association, 1991.

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3

Fari, Simone. Victorian Telegraphy Before Nationalization. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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4

Fari, Simone. Victorian Telegraphy Before Nationalization. Palgrave Macmillan Limited, 2015.

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5

Orwin, C. S. y W. R. Peel. Tenure of Agricultural Land. Cambridge University Press, 2016.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Great Britain Nationalization"

1

Painter, David S. y Gregory Brew. "History and Contested Memories". En The Struggle for Iran, 203–12. University of North Carolina Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469671666.003.0009.

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Myths and misperceptions, many originally propagated to justify opposition to nationalization and legitimize the coup, have long distorted understanding the crisis. Some of the most common include the argument that US policy throughout the crisis was driven by security concerns and had little or nothing to do with protecting the interests of US and British oil companies; that the United States acted as an “honest broker” between Iran and Great Britain during negotiations to resolve the nationalization dispute; that Mosaddeq’s intransigence was the main reason why negotiations failed; that Mosaddeq’s policies were leading to communism; and that the coup was carried out mainly by Iranian “patriots” acting independently rather than supported and directed by Anglo-American agents.
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2

Painter, David S. y Gregory Brew. "A Crisis in the Making, 1901–1951". En The Struggle for Iran, 10–36. University of North Carolina Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469671666.003.0002.

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In the first half of the twentieth century, Iran formed part of a global oil economy dominated by private Western corporations. It was also a focus of great power competition, and Great Britain and Russia often intervened to secure economic concessions and power over Iran’s political system. Following the discovery of oil in Iran in 1908, a British company developed the country’s oil industry with little interference from the Iranian government. Following the war-time occupation, Iran became embroiled in the global Cold War, with the United States taking special interest in Iran’s oil and strategic position. At the same time, a nationalist movement led by Mohammed Mosaddeq arose to challenge the British position in the oil industry, culminating in the nationalization crisis that began in early 1951.
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3

Wight, Martin y DAVID S. YOST. "British Policy in the Middle East". En History and International Relations, 112–24. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867476.003.0009.

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Abstract After the Second World War, Britain withdrew from many overseas possessions and spheres of influence. “No Great Power in history has ever given up so much, in so short a time, so gracefully.” However, Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 evoked “profound emotion” in Britain. The Suez crisis brought the British back to their foreign policy debate of the 1870s, including the principled protests against Disraeli’s policy. Britain’s greatest material interests in the Middle East were control of the Suez Canal (shares purchased by Disraeli in 1875) and the Anglo Persian Oil Company (shares purchased by Asquith in 1914), both regarded as essential elements of continuing British command of the seas. The settlement in the Middle East after the First World War left London with various responsibilities, including “a general tutelage of the Arab world, and a Jewish National Home.” Both represented a “move out of the field of concrete interests into the more dangerous and uncertain realm of emotions and loyalties.” Britain’s “long balancing act between Arabs and Jews went through three phases”: believing it possible to satisfy both Zionist and Arab aspirations, making concessions to the Arabs, and pursuing incoherent policies regarding Palestine and the establishment of Israel. The pro-Arab biases of the Foreign Office may be attributed to oil interests and anti-Semitic attitudes, among other factors. The Suez crisis is “singularly rich” in irony, including Britain’s undermining its Commonwealth ties and its role as a champion of international law.
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4

"Janet Minihan, The nationalization of culture: the development of state subsidies to the arts in Great Britain Eleonora Belfiore". En Cultural Policy Review of Books, 13–16. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315872193-7.

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Painter, David S. y Gregory Brew. "Crisis in Iran". En The Struggle for Iran, 37–64. University of North Carolina Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469671666.003.0003.

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In April 1951, Mohammad Mosaddeq became prime minister of Iran and nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. For Iranian nationalists, taking control of their oil industry was an important step toward freeing the nation from foreign influence. The British government strongly supported AIOC and sought to organize Mosaddeq’s removal from power and retain control over Iran’s oil. With the Korean War at its height, the United States wanted to avoid another crisis and US officials worried that nationalization and conflict with Great Britain would produce conditions where communists could take power in Iran. On the recommendation of Secretary of State Dean Acheson, President Harry S Truman sent veteran diplomat Averell Harriman to Iran to broker an agreement that would allow AIOC to remain in control, kept the oil flowing, and satisfy Iran’s nationalists. Neither side would compromise on the issue of control, and after the United States convinced the British to abandon plans to seize the giant AIOC refinery at Abadan, AIOC withdrew from Iran and instituted a boycott of Iranian oil exports.
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6

Raustiala, Kal. "The Fall and Rise of Extraterritoriality". En Does the Constitution Follow the Flag? Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195304596.003.0007.

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The opening decades of the twentieth century were a period of great change in international politics. The First World War led not only to a reallocation of territorial possessions—the empires of the great powers had reached their zeniths—but also to a reallocation of power in world politics. Leadership began to flow from Great Britain, the “weary titan,” to the comparatively wealthy and vibrant United States. The newly formed League of Nations sought to manage international conflict but, with the United States refusing to join, was soon overwhelmed by rising violence. Nations turned inward, no longer willing to pursue the economic interdependence of the late nineteenth century. In E. H. Carr’s famous words, a “twenty years’ crisis” began at the close of the “war to end all wars”; the crisis culminated in the onset of another, even deadlier, war in 1939. These were also decades of ferment at home. The Progressive movement was recasting American politics, while the voting franchise expanded. At the same time the federal government was becoming a much more significant force in American life. The role of the federal government had long been limited. What scholars call the administrative state was quite small until the early twentieth century. By the 1940s, by contrast, the federal government comprised a rich and powerful array of agencies and departments, many devoted to regulating economic and social relations. These regulatory agencies, and the laws they implemented, provided a new frontier in the development of norms and rules of territoriality. The onset of comprehensive national regulation had many causes. Industrialization, the nationalization of the economy, and the Depression and its associated political upheaval—all these and more contributed to a remarkable shift in the role of government. In a wave of lawmaking that began in the 1890s, and accelerated dramatically with the New Deal, the United States promulgated a myriad of new laws aimed at subjecting economic and social activity to government power. One of the first examples of this new genre of statutes was the Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890.
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