Artículos de revistas: "Government, 1919"

1

Erős, Ferenc. "Sándor Ferenczi, Géza Róheim and the University of Budapest, 1918–19". Psychoanalysis and History 21, n.º 1 (abril de 2019): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2019.0279.

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The article deals with the prehistory and the circumstances of Sándor Ferenczi's university career, and also discusses the university affairs of another prominent Hungarian psychoanalyst, Géza Róheim. Ferenczi's application for lectureship at the Medical Faculty was refused by the conservative professors in 1913. However, after the revolution in 1918 the university students themselves demanded Ferenczi's invitation to teach at the university. The Faculty resisted again, but finally, in April 1919 Ferenczi was appointed as professor Chair of Psychoanalytic Studies and Psychoanalytic Clinic of the Medical Faculty of the Budapest University. His appointment was confirmed by the Communist government, which came to power in March 1919. Róheim's application for lectureship was also refused, by the Philosophical Faculty, in 1917. In contrast to various legends, Róheim was not rewarded with a university chair in 1919, although he gave lectures on anthropology for different audiences and supported the cultural politics of the Councils' Republic.

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2

Komarytsia, Mariana. "A bridge over Zbruch: Great Unity in the press of Ukrainian People’s Republic". Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, n.º 10(28) (enero de 2020): 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-9.

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In the article we analyze the press publications that covered the process of realizing the idea of consolidation and its theoretical reasoning in the journals of 1918—1919 in UNR and Ukrainian State. The subject of the research is newspaper materials of such press editions as «Nova Rada» (Kyiv, 1917—1919), «Kozatska Dumka» (Berdychiv, 1917), «Vidrodzennia» (Kiev, 1918), «Vistnyk Ukrainskoi Narodnoi Respubliky » (Kyiv, Vinnytsia, Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Vinnytsia, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Kharkiv, 1918), «Zhyttia Podillia» (Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Kievskii Kommunist» (1918—1919) and others. Analysis of publications about consolidation reveals a wide range of factors that influenced the Act of Union on January 22, 1919 — historical, mental, ideological, political and informational. At the same time it reveals the inconsistency policy of the leaders of the Ukrainian Central Rada, in particular Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, of promoting the idea of the federation (which was de facto in opposition to the idea of consolidation). We have made comparative parallels of understanding the process of unification among Galician and Dnieper Ukrainians, taking into account the fact of the presence of Ukrainian lands within different empires — Russian and Austro-Hungarian, related to this fact internal contradictions among the Ukrainian political elite, open armed aggression against Ukraine. The repressions of the Russian authorities led to the destruction of the nationally-oriented Ukrainian political elite, whose numerous representatives did not know their native language. Additionally, the influence of socialist ideology caused the priority of social demands against national ones. Representatives of the Galicians, released after the revolution from the Siberian camps, have joined the government, administrative and educational institutions of Ukraine. The opponents of consolidation were the Bolsheviks, who saw the prospects of unification only under the red flag. In the journals were published texts of documents, described the process of the celebration on January 22, 1919, abstracts of V. Vynnychenko`s, S. Petliura`s, L. Tsehelsky`s and V. Olesnitsky`s speeches, published mottos for the necessity of the unity of the nation. Keywords: consolidation, Act of Union, federation, UNR, ZUNR, ukrainian press of 1918—1919.

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VERBYTSKA, POLINA. "PECULIARITIES OF WOMEN'S EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHMENT IN GALICIA ON THE EXAMPLE OF BEREZHANY TEACHER'S SEMINARY". Scientific Issues of Ternopil Volodymyr Hnatiuk National Pedagogical University. Series: pedagogy 1, n.º 1 (7 de julio de 2021): 192–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25128/2415-3605.21.1.23.

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The study, based on archival sources and scientific publications, identifies a number of issues related to the history of the formation of women's educational institutions in Galicia in the early twentieth century. Coverage of the peculiarities of the formation and development of women's seminaries for teacher training in Ukraine as a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is considered on the example of the State Women's Teachers' Seminary in Berezhany. It has been found that the introduction of new educational institutions – men's and women's teachers' seminaries had been based on the Austrian state school law of 1869, which introduced significant changes in the process of teacher training. From the results of the article it has been identified that women's educational institutions had been created in the Austro-Hungarian Empire to provide public (primary) schools with teachers and aimed at professional self-realization of women. The research focuses on the women's teacher's seminary in Berezhany which was opened in 1910/1911. The article analyzes archival documents from the collection of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in L’viv, in particular the materials of the fund № 179 "Curator of the L’viv School District", case 1111 "Case of transfer of premises in Senyavsky Castle in Berezhany by the local city community for a women's seminary". Based on the documents of the case on the transfer of the Senyavsky Castle in Berezhany by the local city community for the women's seminary, the content of the official correspondence of state and local authorities regarding the location and financing of the women's teacher's seminary in Berezhany during 1913-1926 has been revealed. It has been found that before the war, the magistrate of Berezhany had handed over a house and 1 ½ of morgue - land in the center to the needs of the seminary, but the construction of the seminary building had not been started due to the war. On March 5, 1915, the Ministry of Religion and Education in Vienna granted the Berezhany community an annual subvention of 6,000 kroons as donations to a house on a needs of a teachers' seminary. The war made it impossible to further pay that subvention in the school years from 1914/1915 to 1918/1919. Therefore, the school regional council, expressing a request to the magistrate of Berezhany, appealed to the Ministry of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to support the commitment of the Ministry of Finance regarding the annual subvention payment for 1919 and 1920. The Polish government refused any legal obligations to the Berezhany community to pay debts. subventions for the years 1914-1919 instead of the Austrian government. In the case of the seminary in Berezhany, the curator of the Lviv school district, in a letter dated January 4, 1923, proposed to accept the gift of the castle in Berezhany proposed by Mr. Yakub Potocki for the use of the teacher's seminary, which was rejected by the Ministry of Education of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, based on a careful analysis of the condition of the monument. As a result of an agreement with the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Religion and Education decided to distribute the community of Berezhany the amount of 20,000 Polish marks for the needs of the teachers' seminary. The article reveals that the historical experience of the formation and development of women’s education in Galicia on the example of the Berezhany Teachers’ Seminary as an important asset of Ukrainian science and education.

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4

Leake, B. E. "Chapter 18 1916–1919: work for the Government". Geological Society, London, Memoirs 34, n.º 1 (2011): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/m34.18.

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5

Birbudak, Togay Seçkin. "Osmanlı Devlet Adamlarından Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet Dönemindeki Faaliyetleri / Activities of Hacı Âdil Bey, who is the Ottoman Statesmen, in the Second Constitutional Period". Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, n.º 6 (30 de diciembre de 2017): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i6.1227.

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Abstract Haci Adil (Arda) Bey, born in Lovech in 1869, was an important politician and jurist who held important positions in government offices both in the Ottoman Empire and in the Republic of Turkey. Throughout his career as a government official, which he started as a customs official in Yemen in 1890, he took several government offices in Yemen, Istanbul, and Thessaloniki for about 20 years and was inducted as the Governor of Edirne a short while after the proclamation of the Second Constitutionalist Period. Taking office as a senior manager within the party of Union and Progress following assume of governor of Edirne office, lasted for about a year, Haci Adil was appointed as Interior minister in 1912. He continued to hold critical offices during the Turco-Italian War, Balkan War and the First World War while the government was having hard times. He became interior minister once again in the government formed after the Sublime Porte Raid in 1913. HE was appointed as the governor of Edirne once again after the city was taken back during the Balkan War II, and held the office of chairperson of the Ottoman Parliament between the years 1915 and 1918. Arrested and exiled to Malta after end of First World War, Haci Adil lived the life of an exile abroad between the years 1919 and 1922. Returning home after his captivity in Malta, Haci Adil held the offices of the Governor of Adana and Bursa, lectured at the Ottoman University Darülfünun, and represented country on international courts. Haci Adil, who also held offices in Istanbul Municipality, died in 1935.This study gives information on the political and administrative activities of Haci Adil, who was one of the members of the headquarter of party of Union and Progress, during the Second Constitutional Period based on archive documents. Öz1869 yılında Lofça’da dünyaya gelen Hacı Âdil (Arda) Bey, hem Osmanlı Devleti hem de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti zamanında mühim devlet görevlerinde bulunmuş önemli bir siyasetçi ve hukuk adamıdır. 1890 yılında Yemen’de gümrük memuru olarak başladığı devlet hizmetinde yaklaşık 20 yıl süre ile Yemen, İstanbul ve Selanik’te çeşitli memuriyetler üstlenmiş, II. Meşrutiyet’in ilanından kısa bir süre sonra Edirne Valisi olarak atanmıştır. Yaklaşık bir yıl süren Edirne Valiliği görevinden sonra İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası içerisinde üst düzey yöneticilik görevi alan Hacı Âdil Bey, 1912 yılında Dâhiliye Nâzırlığı’na getirilmiştir. Trablusgarp Savaşı, Balkan Savaşı ve I. Dünya Savaşı yıllarında devletin zor günlerinde kritik görevler almaya devam eden Hacı Âdil Bey 1913 yılında Bâb-ı Âlî Baskını sonrasında kurulan hükûmette bir kez daha Dâhiliye Nâzırı olmuş, II. Balkan Savaşı sırasında Edirne’nin geri alınmasının ardından bir kez daha bu şehre vali olarak atanmış, 1915-1918 yılları arasında da Meclis-i Mebusan Reisliği görevini yürütmüştür. I. Dünya Savaşı’nın sona ermesinin ardından tutuklanan ve Malta’ya sürgüne gönderilen Hacı Âdil Bey, 1919-1922 yılları arasında yurtdışında sürgün hayatı yaşamıştır. Malta esareti sonrasında yurda dönen Hacı Âdil Bey, Adana ve Bursa valilikleri görevlerinde bulunmuş, Dârülfünûn’da dersler vermiş ve uluslararası mahkemelerde ülkemizi temsil etmiştir. İstanbul Belediyesi’nde de görevler üstlenen Hacı Âdil Bey 1935 yılında vefat etmiştir.Söz konusu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası’nın merkez-i umumi azalarından olan Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet dönemindeki siyasî-idarî faaliyetleri hakkında arşiv belgeleri ekseninde bilgiler verilmektedir.

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6

REID, COLIN. "STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921". Historical Journal 53, n.º 3 (17 de agosto de 2010): 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000269.

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ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.

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7

Tsybenov, Bazar D., Leonid V. Kuras y Victoria E. Tsyrempilova. "Институты публичной власти в политиях маньчжуро-монгольского мира в 1900–1920 гг. (на примере Хулун-Буира)". Oriental studies 16, n.º 4 (12 de septiembre de 2023): 718–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-68-4-718-726.

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Introduction. The paper attempts an insight into how institutions of public government developed in Manchu-Mongolian polities throughout the 1900s–1920s — and focuses on the geopolitically and strategically important Chinese region of Hulunbuir. Goals. The article aims to explore the transformation of power structures in Hulunbuir, reveal some internal contradictions and the split in bureaucratic circles that occurred under the influence of various political forces between 1908 and 1920.To facilitate this, the work shall examine the structure of the Manchu Eight Banner system in the region, analyze the new policies of Qing authorities in Hulunbuir, trace changes in the public government structure across the region in 1912–1915, follow how (and why) Hulunbuir lost its autonomy in 1920. Conclusion. As is shown, the hierarchical structure of Hulunbuir’s administrative powers — despite the attempts to change it undertaken by various political forces — did still retain the traditional features of the Manchu Eight Banner system by 1920. At the level of regional authorities, the shaping of policies was largely influenced by internal contradictions between various ethnic groups of Hulunbuir. However, even when it came to join Outer Mongolia in 1912–1915, authorities of Hulunbuir used each and every possibility to maintain independence in external and internal affairs, finances. The dramatic changes of 1917–1919 in the situation — in and around Hulunbuir — triggered that the decision-making apparatus preferred to abolish Hulunbuir’s autonomy and turn it into a mere periphery of the Republic of China.

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8

Gorbenko, Alexander Yu y Vikentiy V. Chekushin. "‘Siberian Notes’ Journal as a Metatext: the System of Ideological Implications (1918–1919)". Вестник Пермского университета. Российская и зарубежная филология 15, n.º 4 (2023): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2073-6681-2023-4-107-116.

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The article analyzes the changes in the ideological implications of the Siberian Notes journal that occurred in 1918–1919 (the journal ceased to exist in December 1919). At that time, the views of the key editorial staff members on the large-scale socio-political shifts taking place in Russia underwent significant evolution. After the outbreak of the Civil War and the dissolution of the Siberian Regional Duma, the modality of the texts changed noticeably. In fiction works, the authors of the journal continued to discuss the socio-political situation using the arsenal of nature metaphorics. However, in contrast to the period of 1916–1917, the present and the future were described pessimistically. The authors used the trope of spring as a sign of change, traditional for Siberian Notes, but this metaphor was devoid of those exclusively positive connotations that had dominated before. In addition, both fictional and non-fictional texts repeatedly introduced a combination of white and green as a color dominant. This was driven by the fact that the white-and-green banner became the flag of the Siberian Republic, which existed from June to November 1918 and was controlled by the Provisional Siberian Government, with the publisher and editor of the journal Vl. M. Krutovsky being the Minister of Internal Affairs. Apparently, this was the way the journal’s staff manifested their ideological affiliation and commitment to the ideas of regionalism. This is most perfectly exemplified in the last issue of Siberian Notes for 1918, where the intensity of the use of the white and green reached its peak. The issue opened with the program poem The Anthem of Siberia, in the first verse of which the white-green colors of the regionalists’ banner were compared with the colors of two key components of the Siberian space – ‘the white-green sea of the taiga’ and ‘the white quiet expanse’.

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9

Hamerli, Petra. "A corpus separatum elszakadása a Magyar Királyságtól: Fiume 1918. november 4." Acta Scientiarum Socialium, n.º 48 (15 de febrero de 2018): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33566/asc.2751.

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After the Great War, in autumn 1918 the nationalities of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy proclaimed their independence. Croatia, which formed a personal union with the Hungarian Kingdom for centuries, was recognized to be an independent state by the Hungarian Government. The Croatian Committee formed in London in 1915 expressed its willing to be part of a federalist South-Slavic state. In this way Hungary lost its only one port, the city of Fiume, as territorically it was part of the Istria. Nevertheless, it was not obvious that Croatia could keep Fiume – Rijeka –, as the Italian National Council of the city formed on 30 October 1918 proclaimed its belonging to Italy through a petition written on 4 November 1918 to the prime minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, as the majority of the Fiumean citizens were Italians. This petition made Italy to claim Fiume on the Paris Peace Conference held in 1919, although it was not judged or promised to the Italians in the secret Treaty of London of 1915 that made Italy to enter into the war. The question of Fiume caused serious conflict among Italy and Yugoslavia, and – as the Peace Conference gave the city to the Yugoslavian Kingdom – in autumn 1919 the Italian poet Gabriele D’Annunzio decided to annex Fiume and create a city state. In my paper I will present, through the case of Fiume, what consequences an only day – in this case the 4 November 1918 – can have in history.

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Jopp, Tobias A. "Government Bonds Traded at the Amsterdam Stock Exchange 1914–1919 /". Vierteljahrschrift f??r Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 108, n.º 3 (2021): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/vswg-2021-0013.

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Pál, Judit. "Changes in the Recruitment of Transylvanian Local Government Representatives (Lord Lieutenants and Prefects) During and After the First World War". Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 68, n.º 2 (15 de marzo de 2024): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2023.2.08.

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The study explores the changes in the Transylvanian Lord Lieutenants’ corps during and after the First World War, using a prosopographical approach. The comparative analysis of the Lord Lieutenants’ and prefects’ corps in 1918-1919 aims to examine the impact of various political and regime changes on the recruitment of these high officials. In the autumn of 1918, one can already talk of a partial change of the elite, since part of the newly appointed Lord Lieutenants had a very different social and family background than their predecessors. When the political status of Transylvania changed, at the end of 1918 and in 1919, it brought further, more radical changes atop the administrative elite: the Hungarian Lord Lieutenants were replaced by Romanian prefects, who did have the necessary qualifications, but who had no prior experience in local government. Keywords: Lord Lieutenant, prefect, elite change, Transylvania, 1918, First World War, recruitment

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Prete, Roy A. "French Military War Aims, 1914–1916". Historical Journal 28, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1985): 887–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00005112.

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In his recent book, French war aims against Germany, 1914–1919, David Stevenson comes to the heart of the problem relative to the diplomatic prolongation of World War I. ‘No Government’, he asserts, ‘was willing to jettison its war aims in the interest of a compromise peace, or to place itself at the enemy's mercy while a chance of victory remained’. His work is to be applauded, therefore, for he has given us the first succinct and judicious account of the course of official French war aims from 1916 to 1919, enlarging upon a topic heretofore treated in scholarly articles. Using the wealth of archival documentation now available, and the private papers of numerous participants, Stevenson has made a major and much-needed contribution to our knowledge of the subject by tracing the relationship between official war aims policy, peace diplomacy and the diplomatic impact of allied policy on French war aims from their inception to the Versailles settlement.

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Sinichenko, Vladimir y Dmitriy Kaveckiy. "Personnel support of the police of the Irkutsk province during the period of anti-Bolshevik power in 1918–1919". Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2020, n.º 3 (2 de octubre de 2020): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2020-3-33-41.

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The article aims to study the activities of the police of the Irkutsk province during the Civil War. The object of the study in the article was the units of the people’s (civilian) police, created in early March 1917 and acting on the basis of the Regulation adopted on April 17, 1917 by the Provisional Government. On October 28 (November 10), 1917, the PKIB of the RSFSR issued a new decree «On the Workers’ Police», but after the overthrow of Soviet power in the summer of 1918 in the east of the country, the eastern regions returned to the Regulation of April 17. The functioning of the police in 1918–1919, based on the principles of the Provisional Government and became the object of analysis in this work. The subject of the study is the personnel work carried out during this period in the law enforcement agencies of the Baikal region. Along with general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction etc.), the work used problem-chronological and comparative methods that revealed the dynamics of historical events in Eastern Siberia, their impact on politics, on decision-making, and revealed similarities and differences in the forms, organization and manifestation of police actions operating in eastern Russia in the indicated historical period of time. It is concluded that the activities of the authorities of the Irkutsk province to recruit police units were unskilled. Of course, leaders at various levels, to the extent of their limited resources, tried to strengthen the public order authorities, but the lack of systemic organization of law enforcement work had a negative impact on the activities of the police. Neither the Omsk government, nor the civilian and military authorities of the Irkutsk province, could provide at the proper level not the material supply of the police, nor its personnel support. As a result, the police of the Irkutsk province not only did not defend the authorities against the Bolsheviks, but also could not cope with the functions of law enforcement. The increase in criminal criminality in 1918 and 1919 is recorded by all printed publications of the Irkutsk province of that time, as well as statistical reports of the provincial police.

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Milošević, Srđan. "A contribution to the study of Rodolphe Archibald Reiss's activities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (1919-1929)". Nauka, bezbednost, policija 26, n.º 1 (2021): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nabepo26-31514.

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In this paper two hitherto unknown letters related to the activity of Dr Archibald Reiss in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (1919-1929) are presented and commented on. While Reiss's activities during WWI (1914-1918) are well documented and thoroughly researched, the knowledge about his engagement in the first post-war decade remains fairly scarce, due to the lack of sources. However, the available sources generally confirm that there was insurmountable tension in the relations between R. A. Reiss and the authorities of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, almost from the very beginning of his "second term" in the service of the Belgrade government. The two Reiss's letters addressed to the Regent and King Aleksandar, published in this paper (one of which was hitherto unknown), clearly reveal the peculiar relationship between them. Another letter, rather a short diplomatic report, sheds some new light on the conditions of Reiss's return to the service of the government in Belgrade in 1919. The research clearly shows that Reiss occupied the position of the head of the Technical Service at the Department for Public Safety and also points out at his official reporting missions to Macedonia, on the request of the Minister of the Interior, in 1921 and 1922.

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Kirilina, Ljubov Aleksejevna. "F.L. Tuma on the February and October Revolutions in Russia". Monitor ISH 20, n.º 1 (13 de junio de 2018): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.20.1.81-93(2018).

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The article examines some still unexplored aspects of the Slovenian attitude to the February and October revolutions in the Russia of 1917. The research was carried out primarily on the basis of press materials – memoirs of the Slovenian patriot Tuma, which were published in twenty issues of a Trieste newspaper, Edinost, in 1919. Tuma’s notes are very important sources for studying this topic, in particular because he was the only Slovenian intellectual and patriot who spent almost the entire time of the First World War, from 1914 to 1918, in Petrograd. He was also the only Slovenian who had access to the Russian government. The goal of the study is to reveal the peculiarities of the Slovenian perception of Russian reality during the two revolutions and to assess the objectivity of Tuma’s attempts at analysis. The conclusion is that, although he was an eyewitness of great events, his judgments cannot be regarded as completely objective. On the other hand, the publication of Tuma’s memoirs undoubtedly helped to shape a matrix of Slovenian notions about Tsarist and Bolshevik Russia.

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Fenske, Hans. "Parliamentary Government in Prussia 1919–1932". Philosophy and History 20, n.º 1 (1987): 76–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198720128.

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Shishkin, Vladimir. "Number, Composition and Political Positions of the Vowels of the Novonikolaevsk City Duma in the Anti-Bolshevik Period (June 1918 — Mid-December 1919)". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, n.º 12-1 (1 de diciembre de 2021): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi29.

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The article analyzes the number, composition and political positions of the vowels of the Novonikolaevsk City Duma in June 1918 - mid-December 1919, when antiBolshevik governments were in power. It is shown that in the extreme conditions of the civil war, the number of Duma vowels steadily decreased, their composition was updated, and the political positions of the three most important factions - the Social Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and homeowners - underwent a significant evolution. Replaced by the inter - party conflict of the summer of 1918, coordinated actions were taken to protect the corporate interests of self-government in front of state bodies and military authorities and to solve urban problems.

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18

Puchenkov, A. S. "A. A. Kulomzin. “Crimea under the Crimean government. Winter 1918–1919”". Modern History of Russia 10, n.º 4 (2020): 1032–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2020.414.

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19

Опацький, Ігор. "ВСТАНОВЛЕННЯ ОКУПАЦІЙНОЇ БІЛЬШОВИЦЬКОЇ ВЛАДИ НА УМАНЩИНІ (ЗА МАТЕРІАЛАМИ EGO-ДОКУМЕНТІВ)". Уманська старовина, n.º 9 (23 de diciembre de 2022): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2519-2035.9.2022.269880.

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Ключові слова: Уманщина, Петро Курінний, Олександра Крамаренко (Ісаєва), окупація, більшовицькавлада, революція 1917-1921 рр. У статті досліджується питання встановлення окупаційної більшовицької влади на Уманщині в 1918– 1919 рр. Автор здійснив аналіз ego-документів уманців, у яких відображено сприйняття населеннямУманщини приходу нової влади та показано насильницький характер встановлення окупаційної влади наУманщині. Автором проаналізував щоденникові записи відомого уманського адвоката, учасника громадівськогоруху, кооперативного діяча Петра Федоровича Курінного (1852 – 1931) та спогади дружини лікаря,громадського діяча Юрія Львовича Крамаренка – Олександри Олександрівни Крамаренко (Ісаєвої). Наведеніфакти дають змогу стверджувати, що ця влада для мешканців краю була окупаційною (незважаючи навіть нате, що одним з її очільників був уманець Ізраїль Кулик). Посилання Posadskі, 2019 – Posadski A. Umanshhina v 1918 – 1919 gg.: vojna, nastroeniya, zhiznennaya stojkost [Umanshchinain 1918 - 1919: war, moods, vitality] // Historia i Świat. 2019.№ 8. P. 163-182 [in Ukrainian].Dudnyk, 2008 – Dudnyk O. V. Natsionalno-demokratychni peretvorennia na pivdni Kyivshchyny v revoliutsiinu dobu(berezen 1917 – 1920 rr.) [Natsionalno-demokratychni peretvorennia na pivdni Kyivshchyny v revoliutsiinu dobu(berezen 1917 – 1920 rr.)]. Uman: SPD Sochinskyi, 2008. 248 s. [in Ukrainian].Dudnyk, 2019 – Dudnyk. O. V. Memuary yak dzherelo do istorii Umanshchyny doby Ukrainskoi revoliutsii (1917-1921rr.) [Memoirs as a source for the history of Umanshchyna during the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921)] // Umanskastarovyna. 2019. № 6. S. 134-142 [in Ukrainian].Kramarenko – Fondy UKM. A. A. Kramarenko. Vospomynayia. Chast II. [Memoirs. Part II] (Uman). 604 s.[in Russian].Kulchytskyi, 2018 - Kulchytskyi S. Zasadnyche pytannia bez emotsii. Chy bula radianska vlada v Ukrainiokupatsiinoiu?[ A basic question without emotions. Was the Soviet government in Ukraine an occupation?]// Den.2018. № 51-52. 23 bereznia [in Ukrainian].Kulchytskyi, 2013 – Kulchytskyi S. Chervonyi vyklyk. Istoriia komunizmu v Ukraini vid yoho narodzhennia dozahybeli. Kn. 1 [Red challenge. The history of communism in Ukraine from its birth to its demise. Book 1]. K.:Tempora, 2013. 504 s. [in Ukrainian].Liubovets, 2010 – Liubovets N. I. Vyvchennia memuariv yak istorychnoho i biohrafichnoho dzherela: do istoriohrafiiproblemy / Ukrainska biohrafistyka. 2010. Vyp. 7. S. 66–104. [Study of memoirs as a historical and biographicalsource: the historiography of the problem]. К., 2010. S. 66–104 [in Ukrainian].Pyrih, 2009 – Pyrih R.Ia. Memuary suchasnykiv yak dzherelo z istorii Ukrainskoi revoliutsii 1917–1921 rokiv[Memoirs of contemporaries as a source of the history of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921] // Problemyvyvchennia istorii Ukrainskoi revoliutsii 1917-1921 rokiv. K.: Instytut istorii Ukrainy NAN Ukrainy, 2009. Vyp. 4. S.31-58 [in Ukrainian].Piskun, 2019 – Piskun V., Davydiuk V. Shchodennyky ukrainskoho selianyna Petra Fedorovycha Kurinnoho. 1919 rik[The diaries of the Ukrainian peasant P. F. Kurinnyi]. Kyiv, «Vydavnytstvo Liudmyla», 2019. 444 s. [in Ukrainian].Uman i umanchany, 2013 – Uman i umanchany ochyma P. F. Kurinnoho [Uman and Uman residents through the eyesof P. F. Kurinnyi] / Uklad. Yu. V. Torhalo / Uman: VPC «Vizavi», 2013. 344 s. [in Ukrainian].Uman i umanchany, 2014 – Uman i umanchany ochyma P. F. Kurinnoho [Uman and Uman residents through the eyesof P. F. Kurinnyi] / Uklad. Yu. V. Torhalo / Uman: Vydavets «Sochinskyi», 2014. 428 s. [in Ukrainian].

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Tanase, Mircea. "Simion Mehedinți – a Scholar Minister in a Sacrificial Government". Dialogica. Revistă de studii culturale și literatură, S(1) (noviembre de 2023): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.59295/dia.s.2023.1.08.

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Simion Mehedinți was Minister of Education and Cults in the government of Alexandru Marghiloman (March – October 1918), when the great politician from Buzău was called by King Ferdinand I to form a new government and sign the Peace Treaty with the Central Powers. Simion Mehedinţi studied in Bucharest, Paris, Berlin and Leipzig, where he obtained the degree of doctor of philosophy (geography specialty), with the qualification “Summa cum laude”. In 1900, he taught the first university geography course in Bucharest, which constitutes the act of birth of this science in our country, Simion Mehedinţi being considered the founder of Romanian geography, recognized as one of the greatest theorists of this science worldwide. In 1905 he was elected a member of the Romanian Geographical Society, in 1908 he became, at only 40 years old, a corresponding member of the Romanian Academy, and in 1915, at 47 years old, a full member of it. As the Minister of Education and Religion, Simion Mehedinţi promoted two education laws, through which he pursued the reform of rural education. Between 1919–1939 he was a teacher at the Superior War School in Bucharest, where he taught General Geography. He died on December 14, 1962, in Bucharest, in total anonymity, at the age of 96.

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Чимаров, С. Ю. y В. С. Бялт. "Юридизация области дисциплинарных отношений в рядах российской милиции (1917-1919 гг.)". ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ 70, n.º 6 (2021): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-02-2021-222.

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The article presents an analysis of the legal regulation of the disciplinary responsibility of Russian militia employees during the period of the change in government models from the tsarist era to the era of democratic transformations and the transition to the Soviet-style government regime. Focusing on the desire of the new government to strictly systematize the issues of disciplinary responsibility of domestic police officers in the specified period of time, the authors substantiate the need to strengthen the police ranks on the basis of disciplining the personnel of the updated law enforcement agencies.

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Laurinavičius, Česlovas. "Once Again on Soviet Statehood in Lithuania in 1918–1919". Lithuanian Historical Studies 13, n.º 1 (28 de diciembre de 2008): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01301013.

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This article makes the claim that by initiating the formation of the so-called Soviet statehood in Lithuania and Belarus (Litbel) the government of Soviet Russia did not intend ‘to set in motion the broad mass of Lithuania for the revolutionary struggle’ and tried to avoid social and national conflicts. However, the attitude of the Soviet government towards Lithuania underwent a change in the middle of 1919 when the advance of the Red Army to the West was halted.

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Natalia A., Dobryakova. "ON THE QUESTION OF THE ACTIVITIES OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MOUNTAIN REPUBLIC (MAY 1919 - МAY 1919)". Kavkazologiya 2023, n.º 4 (30 de diciembre de 2023): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2023-4-88-98.

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The article discusses the genesis, presence, and formation of requirements for the deposition of one of the several state entities on the territory of the former Russian Empire’s Caucasian vice-royalty – the Mountain Republic. The emphasis is on the fact that the liberal mountain leaders did not set out to secede from Russia; they were quite loyal to the Provisional Government, and it was only the Bolshevik seizure of power in the country and in the North Caucasus that pushed them to the decision to establish an independent state. The Ottoman and German empires allegedly sup-ported their decision to establish their own state, but the mountain liberals lacked the wherewithal to establish a full-fledged state. The emphasis is on the fact that the decision to fire A.-M. Cher-moyev’s cabinet was made under British pressure, and that the resignation of P. Kotsev and ap-pointment of M. Khalilov could have been prompted by the White Guards.

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Kotyukova, Tatiana. "The Russian Revolution in Turkestan Through the Eyes of an Eyewitness: “Red”-“White” Memoirs of Alexander Gzovsky". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 1 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018259-2.

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The memoirs of the publicist and writer Alexander Gzovsky, a participant in the revolutionary events in Turkestan, are centred around several dramatic events that took place in Central Asia in late 1917 and early 1918: the fall of tsarism and the coming to power of the Turkestan Committee of the Provisional Government, the defeat of the Turkestan Committee of the Provisional Government and the coming to power of the Bolsheviks, the proclamation of Turkestan (Kokand) autonomy and its liquidation by the Bolsheviks and, finally, the Bolshevik, the so-called Kolesov campaign in Bukhara in March 1918. The “Social Revolution in Turkestan (memoirs)”, written from Bolshevik positions and published on the territory of Soviet Belarus in 1919 and “Crescent and Red Star (Turkestan memoirs)”, written by A. Gzovsky from anti-Bolshevik positions after emigrating to Poland in 1922 in Polish. The source-research value of Gzovsky's writings lies in the fact that they contain diametrically opposite assessments of events, which provides a comprehensive view of the political situation in Turkestan and broadens the existing understanding in historical science of what happened there in 1917–1918, in particular: what were the political discourses of the Muslim organizations of Turkestan; what place Turkestan occupied in the discourses of all-Russian political parties; what was the “Turkestan agenda” in the All-Russian Muslim movement; can the “circuits of Kokand autonomy” be discovered before the creation of the Bolshevik government in Tashkent; what guided the Bolsheviks in Turkestan: class or national consciousness?

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Szakál, I. "AN ATTEMPT TO CREATE A RUSIN AUTONOMY IN HUNGARY IN 1918–1919". Rusin, n.º 61 (2020): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/61/7.

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The autumn of 1918 brought the end of WWI. ended. The Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed, the Aster Revolution ran its course in Hungary, Archduke Joseph appointed Count Károlyi Mihály, head of the Hungarian National Council the Prime Minister. The government of the Hungarian People’s Republic, led by M. Karoya, had its own ideas on the prospects of the north-eastern counties of Hungary. The Károlyi government entrusted Oszkár Jászi, a minister without portfolio, a well-known social scientist, an expert in ethnic issues to elaborate the Hungarian nationalities’ autonomy. On December 21, 1918, the People’s Law Nr. X was adopted. It provided for the creation of Ruszka Krajna autonomous region on the territory of Ung, Bereg, Ugocsa and Máramaros (Maramureș) counties inhabited by the Rusins. Historians are aware of the attempt of the Hungarian People’s Republic to create Rusinian autonomy in the late 1918 and early 1919. However, there are archival documents that can help to supplement our previous knowledge of the issue, providing an insight into the circumstances of the creation of Ruszka Krajna and how real the chances of autonomy were. The article attempts to reveal the plans of the Hungarian government regarding the Rusins in 1918–1919, to derscribe the activities of the Ministry of Ruszka Krajna and the Governor’s Office, and to specify the political and social circumstances that influenced these events. In the course of the research, the author first studied the little-known documents of of Ruszka Krajna in Munkács, the Greek Catholic Diocese of Munkács, and the Rusinian People’s Council of Hungary.

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Gonzales, Michael J. "Planters and Politics in Peru, 1895–1919". Journal of Latin American Studies 23, n.º 3 (octubre de 1991): 515–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015832.

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Elite family networks with overlapping economic and political power have been a basic feature of Latin America. Their influence was characteristically strong during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as the export economies expanded and national governments, particularly in the larger nations, advocated order and progress at the expense of participatory democracy. Historically, the influence of the elites has been primarily a regional phenomenon underpinned by ownership of land, mines, or lucrative commercial enterprises. They formed economic, political, and blood alliances to control production of vital products, monopolise local government and, on occasion, initiate bold entrepreneurial initiatives. Examples include the thirty families who dominated henequen production and local government in nineteenth-century Yucatán, the Grupo Monterrey who ran the industrialising economy of northeastern Mexico during the Porfiriato, and the Paraíba oligarchy who controlled cotton production, municipal government, and local tax revenues during the Brazilian Old Republic (1889–1930).

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PAHIRIA, Oleksandr. "ZUNR AND NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT IN ZAKARPATTIA, 1918-1919". Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 100–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-100-126.

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Based on the memories of the participants and archival documents, the article investigates the origins of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in Zakarpattia after the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed. The author highlights attempts of the Government of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR) to establish military and political control over the region within the conciliatory program framework on the eve of the Paris Peace Conference. The influence of foreign policy factors (relations with Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Romania) on the policy of the ZUNR government in the Zakarpattia issue is analyzed. The activities of the Hutsul Republic (January – June 1919), the holding of the Khust Congress (January 21, 1919) and the Congress in Stanislavov (April 29 – May 1, 1919) were considered as major episodes of the Ukrainian national liberation movement and state formation in the region. Factors that supported the crystallization of the pro-Ukrainian orientation among the local population of Hungarian Ruthenia are highlighted. As well as the reasons for the defeat in the ZUNR attempts to achieve a real and not a declaratory involvement of Zakarpattia. Keywords ZUNR, UHA, Zakarpattia, Hutsul Republic, Khust Congress.

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Вікторія Сергіївна Панченко. "WORLD VOLINES COURT ON THE VALUE OF LEGAL AND REGULAR IN THE YEAR OF UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION OF THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY". Intermarum history policy culture, n.º 5 (1 de enero de 2018): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11188.

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Introduction The transformational processes occurring in Ukraine today have necessitated the search for new forms of the judicial system organization. The system should be effective, simple and accessible to the public. Most of these requirements correspond to the Peace Court, which under different names has been successfully operating in England, Israel, Italy, Switzerland, the USA and Canada.T herefore, today it is important to study the practice of its formation and development.Goal: based on the analysis of the normative framework of the peace courts functioning in 1917-1919, their judicial practices and conditions of activity, to determine the degree of effectiveness of local justice and its role in establishing the rule of law and order in the Volyn province during the National Revolution.Results After the formation of the Ukrainian governments, the judicial reforms were launched, which changed the structure and competence of local courts. In 1917-1919, the Higher Regional Courts were closed, and their cases were transferred to peace courts. From 1919, the latter could consider the claims worth up to 10,000 rubles and criminal cases with losses of up to 60,000 rubles. Peace judge Petro Ilkevich, commenting on these changes, with pride and sadness said: "No state in the world has such a judicial individual power with such an extensive competency as our peace justice!" The judge's doubts and anxieties were due to big amounts work that judges had to perform then.The Ukrainization of the judicial process became a difficult issue during the judicial reform. The relevant law was adopted on March 1st, 1918, but it was not fully implemented. The shortage of funds, professionals and time prevented its implementation. However, given the enthusiasm of the Volyn judges, their documentation was conducted in Ukrainian already in 1918. The increased attention to the jurisdiction normalization and the improvement of the judicial system testified the Government's desire to ensure the priority of the laws and their strict observance by practical steps. At the same time, the complicated internal political situation, that forced the government to balance on the verge and find compromises, did not allow to fully control the implementation of laws on the ground. The implementation of legislative innovations, as practice shows, completely depended on the initiative and commitment of regional managers and officials, including judges, to the Ukrainian endeavor.The overthrow of autocracy and the proclamation of the national power in the face of the Central Rada, along with the wave of popular upheaval and revolutionary enthusiasm, caused the growth of crime, looting and local anarchy. In 1917-1919, one judge at Zhytomyr Peace Congress on average considered 404 criminal and 287 civil cases, with 60% of the proceedings being completed within two or three months, 39.5% lasting to six months and only 0.5% due to independent reasons lasting more than a year. At the same time, only 7% of the sentences were appealed in higher courts. These indicators convincingly prove the effectiveness of the legal process and the professionalism of the judges who made decisions regardless of the political conjuncture, taking into account only the laws and the sense of justice.Difficult financial situation made it complicated for peace judges to fulfill their duties. For example, V. Lebedinsky, the head of the peace congress, wrote: "Although the judge is a representative of the supreme power in the province, but is forced to lead a poverty-like life – ragged clothes, unable to provide a decent education to his children, be treated if necessary and hold servants, he lives half-starved." The housing issue also remained unresolved. The influx of refugees to the province, as well as the destruction of buildings through military operations, made it virtually impossible to rent a decent room for the court The buildings for courts were allocated on a residual principle, which meant their low quality and high cost. Due to small salaries, the court offices remained without scribes and secretaries. This made judges, tired of their direct duties, stay late in the evening to complete the documents themselves.Conclusion. In 1917-1919s, the Volyn peace courts continued to administer justice in the region and provide qualified legal assistance to the population. Ukrainian governments have taken measures to build the structure and increase the competence of local courts, but ignored the logistical support of judicial activities. At the same time, education, rich professional and life experience helped peace judges partially solve these difficulties.

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Ponder, Stephen. "Popular Propaganda: The Food Administration in World War I". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1995): 539–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200305.

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The U.S. Food Administration, whose nationwide campaigns for food conservation between 1917 and 1919 at times rivaled the intrusiveness of the better-known Committee on Public Information, was regarded as a worthy, even inspirational use of government propaganda in a noble cause by its volunteers, who included journalists, reformers, and suffragists, as well as publicists and advertising experts. This study suggests a more complex legacy of wartime persuasion from this period than the traditional framework of government manipulation and journalistic resistance.

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Vyacheslav V, Shevtsov y Vyachisty Dmitry D. "Relations Between the Soviet Government and the Technical Intelligentsia in 1917–1919". Humanitarian Vector 15, n.º 6 (diciembre de 2020): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2020-15-6-23-33.

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The article presents an overview of the political measures of the Soviet government to marginalize the socio-professional group of technical intelligentsia in 1917–1919. The article describes the process of forming the attitude of the Soviet government to the social group of technical specialists in the conditions of the accomplished October revolution and the Civil war in the country. The political writings of V. I. Lenin as the leader of the Bolshevik party and the head of the country regarding the place of technical specialists in the social space of the new state were characterized. The motives of the authorities in implementing a change in the social status of technical specialists were identified. Through the use of the historical-genetic method, the study analyzes the consecutive statements of V. I. Lenin regarding this socio-professional group was carried out. As a result of this, the periodization of the development of their relationships was constructed. The construction of such a chronology is relevant, because it makes possible to assess the motives of the actions of the Bolshevik government from the point of view of a specific goal setting, not from the standpoint of the class struggle, but in the search for the most effective way to overcome it. At the beginning, the authorities tried to create pragmatic relations with engineers, but seeing their refusal to cooperate, they took a course to stigmatize and marginalize them as a social group. As a result of this discrediting, the only buyer of their services became the Soviet government, using them centrally in the most important fields of production and economy. The authorities were forced to abandon further marginalization in the face of the difficult situation on Civil war, the small number of remaining specialists and the low efficiency of their work. In this regard, the process of rehabilitation of engineers was initiated, authorized by V. I. Lenin at the VIII Congress of the Bolshevik party. The head of state in a short period managed to organize a campaign to discredit the specialists, after which they were forced to abandon the anti-Soviet rhetoric and begin to integrate into society on the terms proposed by the Bolsheviks. Keywords: engineers, technical specialists, intellectuals, V. I. Lenin, Bolsheviks, class struggle

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31

Lesser, Jeffrey. "The Immigration and Integration of Polish Jews in Brazil, 1924-1934". Americas 51, n.º 2 (octubre de 1994): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007924.

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The end of World War I marked the beginning of a new era in European migration to Brazil. The immigrants that had poured into the “país do futuro” (country of the future) now came at only a trickle and the number of entries fell by over fifty percent between 1913 and 1914 and by another sixty percent the year after. In 1918 fewer than 20,000 immigrants entered Brazil, a low that would not again be approached until 1936. Even so, between 1918 and 1919 the number of arrivals to Brazil's ports almost doubled, and in 1920 almost doubled again, reaching 69,000.Post-war immigrants to Brazil differed in many ways from the pre-war group, both in national origin and in their views of success and opportunity. Although Portuguese, Italians, Spanish, and German immigrants continued to predominate, between 1924 and 1934 East European immigration to Brazil increased almost ten times to more than 93,000, representing about 8.5 percent of the total. Most of the East Europeans who migrated to Brazil in the quarter century after World War I were those fleeing the upheavals created by the establishment of the state of Poland. At the same time quotas and other forms of restriction in the U.S., Argentina, and Canada increasingly led potential migrants to look towards Brazil. The frequently destitute East Europeans rarely enjoyed the support of their often powerless governments, a factor that made such immigrants attractive to Brazil's large landowners. In 1927, a contract between the Polish Government and Brazil's Secretary of Agriculture for the transportation of 2,000 Polish families was partially based on the belief that the mixing of “docile” East Europeans with more “volatile” Southern Europeans would “go a long way to obviate any labor trouble that might otherwise occur.” Whatever positive attributes the East Europeans might have presented to Brazilian elites in terms of “dividing and conquering,” the Lithuanian government complained that the condition of its 20,000 immigrants was “so pitiable … that (we) might be forced to repatriate them.”

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Murphy, Richard. "Walter Long and the making of the Government of Ireland Act, 1919–20". Irish Historical Studies 25, n.º 97 (mayo de 1986): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025359.

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From the autumn of 1918 until late in 1919 home rule was dead as a practical issue in British politics, and the government concerned itself with the administration in Ireland and the means by which republican violence might be stamped out. During the spring and summer of 1918 Lloyd George had attempted to follow what he called the ‘dual policy’ — home rule in return for military compulsion — and a cabinet committee, under the chairmanship of Walter Long, had drafted a home-rule bill which, in view of the deteriorating situation in Ireland, the cabinet had refused to take up. This bill had foreshadowed the basic outlines of the settlement which was to be embodied in the Government of Ireland Act more than two years later Despite the considerable historical attention given to Anglo-Irish affairs in the period 1918-22 comparatively little attention has been paid to the making of the Government of Ireland Act, though it was this piece of legislation which laid the basis for partition. The act is something of an historical aberration in that its application within nationalist Ireland was superseded within less than a year of reaching the statute book, for the treaty of 6 December 1921 effectively repealed it by granting full dominion status.

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Villegas Torres, Fernando. "Escuela de Bellas Artes del Perú (1919-1943). Heterogeneidad de lenguajes modernos y de vanguardia en la búsqueda de un arte nacional". Tradición, segunda época, n.º 21 (27 de diciembre de 2021): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/tradicion.v0i21.4490.

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La Escuela Nacional Superior Autónoma de Bellas Artes del Perú (ENSABAP) comenzó sus funciones en 1919; no obstante, su creación se realizó un año antes durante el segundo Gobierno de José Pardo y Barreda (1915-1919) con el nombre de Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes (ENBA). Los artistas nacionales Daniel Hernández (1856-1932) y José Sabogal (1888-1956) fueron los primeros directores de la institución entre los años de 1919 y 1943, años que nos interesa analizar para resaltar dos aspectos que evidenciaron las enseñanzas de los artistas maestros mencionados anteriormente: el proceso pedagógico y las características formales de la producción artística de los alumnos. Además, entender la institucionalidad artística; es decir, las actividades artísticas realizadas en distintos períodos que sirvieron para consolidar a la Escuela y, por tanto, a las artes en el país. Palabras claves: Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes, José Sabogal, Daniel Hernández, Institucionalidad artística, Arte Peruano Siglo XX, proceso de enseñanza en arte Abstract The Escuela Nacional Superior Autónoma de Bellas Artes del Perú (ENSABAP) started its activities in 1919; however, its creation took place one year earlier during the second Government of José Pardo y Barreda (1915-1919) under the name of Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes (ENBA). The national artists Daniel Hernández (1856-1932) and José Sabogal (1888-1956) were the first directors of the institution between 1919 and 1943, years that we are interested in analyzing in the present essay to highlight two aspects that marked the teachings of these previously mentioned artists: the pedagogical process and the formal characteristics of the artistic production of the students. In addition, to understand the artistic institutionality; that is to say, the artistic activities carried out in different periods that served to consolidate the School and, therefore, the arts in the country.

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THANKAPPANNAIR, AJAYAN. "Evolution of Federalism in Modern India". In Gremium. Studies in History, Culture and Politics, n.º 17 (28 de marzo de 2024): 121–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.61826/ig.vi17.438.

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Federalism existed in ancient and medieval India in different forms. Immediately after the acquisition of power by the British, the colonial master began to centralize powers into the hands of the supreme government at Calcutta. The centralization of power reached its zenith with the enactment of the Charter Act of 1833. It formed one of the main reasons of the rebellion of 1857. Consequent upon which, the British dropped centralization tendency and began to decentralize power with the passage of the Indian Council’s Acts of 1861and 1892 and the Government of India Acts in 1909, 1919 and 1935. It aimed to bring together the Indian states and the British directly administered provinces for the purpose of federalization. But, federalism was not materialized because the Indian states declined to join it despite many concessions to them. Therefore, the central administration continued up to 1947 in accordance with the provisions of the Government of India Act, 1919. However, provincial autonomy was introduced in 1937. On independence in 1947, the Constituent Assembly more or less borrowed federal provisions from the Government of India Act 1935 and added to the Constitution of India combining the characteristics of a unitary as well as a federal constitution.

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NAZARYAN, GEVORG. "THE INQUIRY’S QUEST TO SOLVE THE ARMENIAN QUESTION: 1917-1919". Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 16, n.º 1 (20 de febrero de 2018): 212–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v16i1.340.

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At the end of 1917 an official U.S. government body, known as The Inquiry, was created in order to prepare documents for the peace negotiations that were to follow World War I. The Inquiry was composed of around 150 academics and was directed by the presidential adviser Edward House. The suggestions made by the research body were incorporated into President Woodrow Wilson’s famous “Fourteen Points” which he delivered in the U.S. Congress on January 8th, 1918, defining the war aims of the United States during World War I and suggesting possible peace terms that would to follow the Great War. Point 12 of the “Fourteen Points” proclaimed that non-Turkish nations (which included Armenia) of the Ottoman Empire, should be given an opportunity for “autonomous development,” and accordingly The Inquiry was also tasked with defining the boundary of the future State of Armenia. In 1918 a number of reports were prepared by the research group which proposed the territory for the State of Armenia which extended from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea, covering mostly Armenian Highland and the coastal areas of the above noted seas. Members of The Inquiry also suggested a union of the above noted territory with Eastern Armenia, a scheme that was officially presented in 1919 during the Paris Peace Conference by the American delegation.

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Sheremeteva, Daria L. "Interviews with Pyotr Vologodsky, prime minister of the anti-Bolshevik governments, as a historical source (30 June 1918 - 22 November 1919)". Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n.º 480 (2023): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/480/20.

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The key political figure in the East of Russia during the Civil War was Pyotr Vasilyevich Vologodsky (1863-1925), the chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Provisional Siberian Government, then the Provisional All-Russian Government and the Russian Government. He left an abundance of sources of information, diverse in form and content, about his activities as the prime minister. Among them, a special place is occupied by interviews published in numerous and diverse periodicals of that time. A study of the periodical press published on the territory controlled by the Provisional Siberian Government, the Provisional All-Russian Government and the Russian Government of Admiral Kolchak revealed a complex of interviews with Prime Minister Vologodsky. The author examined the circumstances of their publication and analyzed the subject matter and the main content of the texts. During the eighteen months in the position of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, from 30 June 1918 to 22 November 1919, Vologodsky gave detailed political interviews to the Russian-language press at least 13 times and had at least five conversations with foreign correspondents. In addition, three political documents drawn up in the government and sanctioned by the Prime Minister were published in the form of an “interview with Pyotr Vologodsky”, as well as a series of socio-political articles by Andrei Adrianov. The author has established that the prime minister, mainly personally, without intermediaries, interacted with major influential socio-political periodicals that represented a wide ideological and political spectrum of the counter-revolution - from Social Revolutionaries to right-wing Cadets. At the same time, Vologodsky communicated more frequently and meaningfully with the editor of Sibirskaya zhizn' [Siberian Life] and the staff of Zarya [Dawn], who represented the so-called political “center” of the counter-revolution in Eastern Russia and personally supported the prime minister. Vologodsky gave key interviews in difficult political conditions, experiencing real or imaginary threats of resignation and the collapse of the Council of Ministers. In the mode of impulsive dialogue, he “responded” to the challenges of political opponents and “requested” the support of his proponents. Most of Vologodsky's interviews should be viewed primarily as a struggle for preserving the power of the Council of Ministers. In this context, publications in the press represent a complex of informative sources about the activities of the head of the anti-Bolshevik governments, including his opinions, political assessments and emotions relevant to that time, the level of understanding the situation, communication style and ways of using information.

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Teterin, V. I. "Restoration and Activity of the Land Committees in the Perm Province under the Government of A. V. Kolchak: November 1918 – July 1919". Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, n.º 5 (7 de noviembre de 2022): 617–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-5-617-625.

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During the Civil war, A. V. Kolchak's government had no time to resolve numerous practical issues. That is why his government restored the former public authority and self-government institutions. The local population was concerned about the land issue, but the government provided no answer. Instead, they restored land committees as per the legislation of the Provisional government. Their main task was to elaborate on the land reform. However, the status of the institutions was uncertain, and they were not easily restored in the region after the Soviet rule. Following the necessity to regulate land relations on the spot, the authorities had to reform the restored committees. The Decree of the Provisional government dated April 21, 1917, attributed these structures with both elements of public authority and local self-government. Kolchak's government tried to apply the experience of the Perm province in Siberia, so the local committees were transferred completely to the local self-government system as departments of the regional "zemstvos", or municipalities. Lacking respective powers, the local self-government failed to solve the land issue within the short period of Kolchak’s rule. In the wake of military losses, Kolchak's government set up the Land Council in May 1919. However, the Perm region was re-occupied by the bolshevists in June-July 1919, and all the institutions were replaced by the Soviet ones. Unfortunately, A. V. Kolchak’s agrarian policy received almost no scientific attention. This article features the activities of the land authorities in the Perm province during the regime of Kolchak’s government. Its scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive systematic study of the restoration of land committees in the Perm province and their further transformation. Archival data made it possible to define the place of land authorities in the system of state and public structures under the brief rule of A. V. Kolchak.

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McBride, Lawrence W. y Arthur Mitchell. "Revolutionary Government in Ireland: Dail Eireann, 1919-22." American Historical Review 102, n.º 3 (junio de 1997): 821. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171569.

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Švorc, Peter. "Русины і їх путь до Чехословакії (1918-1919)". Rocznik Ruskiej Bursy 14 (31 de enero de 2019): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rrb.14.2018.14.06.

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Rusyns and Their Way to CzechoslovakiaThe first great military conflict of the 20th century in Europe, World War I, also affected the area of north‑ eastern Slovakia and present‑day Transcarpathia and, to a great extent, those villages where Rusyns lived. These Rusyns were later, after the Russian army retreated, accused of supporting it and many were, thus, persecuted and victimised by the Hungarian government. That, later, played a considerable role in the way Rusyns thought of the future position of the territory they lived in. When the war ended, Rusyns considered several ways of changing their position in Central Europe. From their viewpoint, there were the following options: 1) Subcarpathian Rus as an autonomous part of historical Hungary, or Hungarian Republic; 2) Subcarpathian Rus as part of the Russian Empire; 3) Subcarpathian Rus΄ as part of a united Ukraine; 4) Subcarpathian Rus as an independent state; 5) Subcarpathian Rus as part of the Czechoslovak state. What came to pass was the fifth alternative. Based on the Treaty of Saint‑Germain from September 10th, 1919, the area of Subcarpathian Rus became part of Czechoslovakia with autonomous status.

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MADEIRA, VICTOR. "MOSCOW'S INTERWAR INFILTRATION OF BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, 1919–1929". Historical Journal 46, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2003): 915–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003352.

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The celebrated ‘Cambridge five’ have hitherto been believed to be the first long-term communist penetration agents in HM government, beginning with Donald Maclean in 1935. However, new research indicates that by 1919 another Cambridge man – like four of the ‘five’, a Trinity graduate – had already begun working for Moscow. This article is the first to examine how William Norman Ewer, known as ‘Trilby’ to his co-conspirators, organized networks in Great Britain and France to target the governments of those two powers. Under close Soviet supervision, Ewer's subordinates infiltrated half-a-dozen Whitehall departments, foremost among them Scotland Yard. Operating under the aegis of the home office, the Yard was a vital cog in the machinery of government set up to combat the ‘red menace’ in this country immediately after the First World War. By compromising the lead agency tasked with fighting them, the Bolsheviks thus created the requisite conditions for the metastasis in Great Britain of Soviet espionage in the 1920s.

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Parakhin, S. A. y V. B. Bezgin. "EXECUTION OF PEASANT REBELS AND RURAL HOSTAGES IN TAMBOV PROVINCE 1918-1921". History: facts and symbols, n.º 4 (8 de diciembre de 2021): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2021-29-4-113-124.

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The article examines the practice of using the supreme punishment - execution, used by the repressive bodies of the Soviet government in the fight against peasant protests in the Tambov province during the civil war. The research was carried out on the basis of archival sources introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The work uses historical-comparative and systemic methods. An analysis of the facts of the execution of peasants carried out by punitive agencies during the suppression of rural "riots" of 1918-1919 and the period of the struggle against the uprising of 1920-1921 in the Tambov province is given. The facts of extrajudicial killings in the form of public executions of peasant rebels and hostages from among the civilian population, which were resorted to by the military-party administration in the occupied regions, were established. The role of the institution of hostages as a repressive measure in the actions of government troops to suppress the peasant uprising has been clarified. It is concluded that if during the period of rural "riots" in 1918-1919 execution was applied only to their organizers, then during the peasant uprising of 1920-1921 this form of the death penalty for "active" insurgents was given a systemic character, and the shooting of hostages from among local residents became widespread.

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Бойко, Н. С., Р. Р. Сейтумеров y А. В. Черевко. "The role of party, Soviet organizations and the Council of Trade Unions in protecting the financial and political interests of the Soviet government in Russia in the period from 1918-1919 to (on the example of the Samara region)". Historical bulletin 7, n.º 2 (14 de marzo de 2024): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.58224/2658-5685-2024-7-2-201-207.

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статья посвящена изучению роли партийных, советских организаций и Совета профессиональных союзов по защите финансовых и политических интересов советской власти в России в период с 1918-1919 гг. по (на примере Самарской области). Очевидно, что устойчивый интерес к консолидации общества в государстве невозможен без обеспечения основ экономической деятельности государства, развития села и города, которые играют важную роль в обеспечении не только национальной и продовольственной безопасности, но также должны поддерживаться государством чтобы иметь возможность развиваться и обогащаться. the article is devoted to the study of the role of party, Soviet organizations and the Council of Trade Unions in protecting the financial and political interests of the Soviet government in Russia in the period from 1918-1919 to (using the example of the Samara region). It is obvious that a sustained interest in consolidating society in the state is impossible without ensuring the foundations of the state’s economic activity, rural and urban development, which play an important role in ensuring not only national and food security, but also must be supported by the state in order to be able to develop and enrich themselves.

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Janoczkin, Światosław. "История Лунинецкого местного самоуправления. 1842–1939 гг. – часть 2". Textus et Studia, n.º 2(26) (7 de octubre de 2021): 85–143. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.07205.

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A local government is an association of persons of public law, based on community of interests of residents of a territory determined as units of the administrative and territorial division. It is regulated and administered by organs chosen by residents on their own territory, under control of suitable government organs within the framework of authorizations determined in state law. It acts in its own name, on its own territory and on its own responsibility. It possesses assets and budget, earnings and expenses. The author of the elaboration set the task of examining of the formation and functioning of local government structures on the example of one region and the city of today’s Belarus – Łuniniec. In compliance with the announcement presented in the first number in 2021 of our periodical, we give the second part of history of Łuniniec local government (1842–1939) to your hands. There are presented following issues: history of the local government on area of Łuniniec district, in the interwar period, the administrative and territorial devision and population of Łuniniec area within the period of the Second Polish Republic; the creation and organization of the local government in Poleskie voivodeship in 1919–1926 and its structure, the authorities of the city in 1919–1926 and finance which the local government had at its disposal in 1919–1926.

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Medvedev, V. G. "Programs of White Governments on Legal Regulation of State Construction, Economy and Social Relations during the Russian Civil War". Siberian Law Herald 4, n.º 91 (2020): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2071-8136.2020.4.3.

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The main components of state-building programs and legal regulation of the socio-economic sphere of white governments at various stages of the Russian civil war are deal. The stages of the white movement, starting from the origin of its political and legal forms, are identified and their main content is presented. It is noted that the prehistory of the civil war was associated with the birth of the white movement, which was expressed in the revolt of General L. Kornilov, directed against bolsheviks extremism and the inaction of the left parties in strengthening the Russian state. How the growing influence of the bolsheviks in society and the inability of the Provisional government in the questions of public administration to meet the challenges of the time caused the movement of "autonomism" and "samostiynost" in Ukraine, Siberia, the cossacks regions and other regions on the outskirts of the former Russian Empire, within which the first state forms of the white movement were formed is analyzes. It is indicated that in the summer and autumn of 1918 under the leadership of left-wing parties in the Volga region, Siberia, the Northern region and the Far East, anti-soviet state entities were created, whose governments tried to continue the policy of the Vremennyy government under the slogan of the Constituent Assembly, which did not meet to the heat of socio-political confrontation and growing legal nihilism in society, which led to their collapse. It is determined that from December 1918 to June 1919 there was the highest rise of anti-soviet state construction, carried out under the leadership of the military leaders of the white movement. In this period government of the so-called "democratic counter-revolution", who tried to create an all-Russian authority of anti-soviet power in the person of the Directory, were forced to give way to the governments of "military dictatorships". It is revealed that the second half of 1919 and the subsequent period is associated with the collapse of anti-bolshevik state formations caused by military failures. It is concluded that these failures were due to the inadequacy of land and labor legislation, which did not meet the urgent interests of the general public, which formed the main contingent of the white armies. The article was carried out under the RFBR grant No. 20-011-00347 for 2020.

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Popov, Mikhail Valerievich y Ivan Mikhailovich Klimenko. "SECONDARY SCHOOLS AND TEACHING IN EKATERINBURG DURING WHITE GUARD GOVERNMENT (JULY 1918 - JUNE 1919)". Pedagogical Education in Russia, n.º 3 (2017): 132–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/po17-03-20.

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Prokip, Andrii, Vasyl Klok, Oleksandra Kendus y Yuriy Mykhalskyi. "THE ROLE OF PETRO BUBELA IN THE GENESIS OF UKRAINIAN-HUNGARIAN RELATION IN 1918 – 1919". Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, n.º 1 (48) (11 de junio de 2023): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(48).2023.280118.

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This article discusses the role of Petro Bubela in the emergence and development of relations between the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (WUPR) and Hungary in 1918 – 1919. After the collapse of the Habsburg Empire and the formation of new nation-states in Central and Eastern Europe, the problem of forming a new international relations system became acute. The genesis of Ukrainian-Hungarian interstate relations was important for both countries and the political situation in the region. Based on the analysis of archival materials and memoirs, the authors analyzed the stages of development of these relations. They concluded that the main problem for both sides was the issue of political affiliation in Transcarpathia. However, this issue was postponed due to the Polish-Ukrainian War of 1918 – 1919 and Budapest's military conflicts with its neighbors. The parties focused on economic and military cooperation. It was found out that аtaman Petro Bubela, who at that time was the Deputy Secretary of State for Military Affairs in the Western Region of the Ukrainian People's Republic (WRUPR) and was involved in the logistics and technical support of the Galician Army (GA) with military equipment, weapons, medicines and various goods for the needs of the army, was in contact with Hungary on these issues. It was found that Petro Bubela established relations with a representative of the Hungarian Soviet Republic (HSR), who arrived in Stanislaviv in 1919 thanks to the government of the Western Region Ukrainian People's Republic, signed a trade agreement with Hungary. It was installed that Petro Bubela personally corresponded with Kuhn Bela, the National Commissioner for Foreign Affairs of the Hungarian Soviet Republic (HSR). It was noted that one of the reasons for Petro Bubela's retirement from the position of Deputy Secretary in Military Affairs of the Western Region Ukrainian People's Republic in June 1919, as he claimed himself, it was the existence of links with Soviet Hungary's representative. Thus, we believe that the topic of Ukrainian-Hungarian relations in 1918 – 1919, the participation in their establishment of certain prominent representatives in the Western Region Ukrainian People's Republic (WRUPR), such as, in particular, Petro Bubela is the prospect and requires further researches.

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Chemakin, Anton A. "The Problem of Elections to the Crimean Regional Sejm during the Civil War". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 68, n.º 3 (2023): 636–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2023.305.

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The article is devoted to the failed elections to the Crimean Regional Sejm — the regional parliament of Crimea, which was to have been elected on April 6–8, 1919. The paper analyzes the course of the campaign, the features of the electoral law, and lists candidates from various political parties and national groups. The elections to the Sejm were a result of the compromise between the Constitutional Democrats and the Socialist Revolutionaries during the formation of the second Crimean regional government in the autumn of 1918. By the beginning of 1919, when the Red Army had approached the borders of Crimea, it became clear that it would be difficult to hold elections in the existing conditions. The issue of elections became one of the main factors of internal political instability in Crimea and caused the conflict between the liberal government, the socialist opposition, and the leadership of the White Movement. The election campaign was sluggish; absenteeism was predominant among most of the electorate (with the exception of Crimean Tatars), which was fueled by underground Bolshevik organizations actively campaigning for a boycott of the vote. Both the Constitutional Democrats, the Social Revolutionaries, and the Mensheviks understood all the risks associated with holding the elections under martial law, but they did not dare cancel them and deviate from democratic principles, although it was quite clear that the workers’ and peasants’ masses of Crimea did not need any Sejm. The vote was postponed (and actually canceled) only on April 1, 1919, after the Soviet military units reached Perekop.

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Denisova, Ekaterina A. "The peculiarity of the comic in M. Stogovskii’s feuilletons (1918–1919)". Philology 18, n.º 9 (2020): 185–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-9-185-193.

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Mikhail Stogovskii is the pseudonym of the now-forgotten Siberian author Mikhail Nikolaevich Ananyev. In 1918–1919 he regularly published his satirical texts in the newspaper Russian Speech. The newspaper was published in the Siberian city, which was then called Novo-Nikolaevsk. M. Stogovskii describes the absurdity of modern reality, so he often uses quotations from newspapers as epigraphs that define a comic position. During two years of work in the Novikolaevsk’s newspaper, there is a dynamic in his texts: from light humorous texts to sharp satire about the new political regime. M. Stogovskii preferred allegorical genres (fables, fairy tales), many of which are devoted to the topic of political struggle at the end of 1918 and at the beginning of 1919. By the end of 1919, the Bolsheviks and their political regime became the main object of ridicule, because Siberia was still under the control of the White Army during the publication of the newspaper Russian Speech. Bolshevism was perceived as an enemy movement, the authors faced the task of creating not just an entertaining text, but creating negative images of the leaders of Bolshevism, therefore caricature images of Lenin and Trotskii often appear in feuilletons. However, M. Stogovskii created a satire on all levels of society, including the local government and ordinary citizens. He skillfully mastered such comic techniques as irony and sarcasm, creating multi-valued, multi-level jokes and ridicule. This talent allowed M. Stogovskii to stand out among a large number of his contemporary feuilleton authors.

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Guston, David H. y Roy MacLeod. "Government and Expertise: Specialists, Administrators and Professionals, 1860-1919". Technology and Culture 32, n.º 3 (julio de 1991): 606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3106119.

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Lowe, Rodney y Roy MacLeod. "Government and Expertise: Specialists, Administrators and Professionals, 1860-1919." Economic History Review 42, n.º 3 (agosto de 1989): 414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596452.

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