Libros sobre el tema "German Economic situations"

Restrictions on academic freedom, persecution and armed conflict have forced many scholars into exile. So far, the professional trajectories of these scholars and their contributions to knowledge exchange have not been studied comprehensively. The contributors to this volume address the situations and networks of scholars in exile, the challenges they face in their host countries and the opportunities they use. These issues are highly relevant to discussions about the moral economies of higher education institutions and support programs. Although the contributions largely focus on Germany as a host country, they also offer telling examples of forced mobility in the Global South, including both contemporary and historical perspectives.

This chapter demonstrates the economic and political dualization of Europe, and a growing divergence between two groups of countries as a result of the economic crisis. The first group of countries in the north of Europe, concentrated around Germany, Austria, and the Nordic countries, along with certain eastern European countries having close economic ties to Germany, has steadily emerged from the crisis and resumed a positive economic and social path. The second group, however, comprised mainly of the southern and eastern periphery, remains stuck in negative economic and social situations following the crisis. The chapter shows that despite the seemingly uniform rise of populist anti-EU challengers across Europe, these challengers differ significantly in the grievances they raise. Radical right parties are dominant in the center of Europe, while radical left parties outperform the radical right in the periphery, a dynamic that constitutes a second, political, dualization of Europe.

This chapter describes the development of East German dance after the proclamation of national independence in 1949. This development was constructed within a larger debate about realism and the role of art-making in a socialist state. The importance of these questions inspired leading authors to attempt to define the meaning of realism in dance over a period of twenty years. These ideologies evolved along with the broader political and economic situation in the German Democratic Republic. The chapter focuses on the significant 1966 founding of the Tanztheater company at East Berlin's Komische Oper and the role played by its artistic director and chief choreographer, Tom Schilling. The unstable legacy of his work reveals that the question of how to create dances that are both politically effective as well as successful works of art has yet to be resolved.

To get a sense of the institutional variation across the three countries and six regions, this chapter discusses the electoral rules, regime types, and party systems in the given cases. The party systems vary in the extent to which they are nationalized, with some countries having important differences at the subnational level, such as regional parties that compete in a single region, and other countries having party systems that look similar across multiple arenas. To put the elections studied in context, the chapter also discusses the political and economic situation facing citizens of the different regions during the period under analysis. The analyses cover a period of financial stress in these countries, though variation is seen in how much different countries, and regions within countries, suffered from the global financial crisis that began shortly before the study. Parties and voters are expected to vary accordingly in their reaction to the crisis.

Well-being is a core concept for measuring the satisfaction of citizens with and in their social, political and economic situations. In particular, it is local conditions that are decisive for such an evaluation—and thus also for local welfare production. In addition to municipalities as state authorities, initiatives, non-commercial organisations, associations and federations are also decisive as important welfare producers. From a comparative perspective, the contributions in this volume shed light on various aspects and dimensions of local welfare production and their effects on citizens’ satisfaction. They examine examples from Russia and Germany, in particular the two cities Petrozavodsk and Tübingen as well as the Republic of Karelia and Baden-Württemberg: the theoretical foundations and social challenges, their attitudes and populations, participatory projects and measures of welfare production. With contributions by Daniel Buhr, Elena Chernenkova, Ksenija Chumak, Elizaveta Dibtceva, Kirill Fitisov, Rolf Frankenberger, Christopher Gohl, Stewart Gold, Polina Kopteva, Alisa Kruglova, Natalja Lavrushina, Irina Miljukova, Yuliya Petrovskaya, Maria Pitukhina, Denis Sachuk, Anni Schlumberger, Martin Seeleib-Kaiser, Ekaterina Shestakova, Ekaterina Shlapeko, Anna Simakova, Isabel Sinner, Irina Stepus, Carmen Thamm, Anatoly Tsygankov

With the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the United States’ long war on communism was replaced by a perpetual war on terror. The authors posit that this neo-imperialistic phase is but the latest development in a line of thought and action established after World War II. But, they say, 2005 is not 1945. Today, they argue, the United States uses its power to deplete the resources of the developing world, and to compel the rest of the world to remain dependent on American management of the global economy. Contending that this situation is ultimately untenable, they assert that the United States is entering a period of deep crisis. The best thing for American neo-imperialists to do to avert their worst nightmare—a strategic and economic alliance among Europe, Russia, China, and OPEC—would be to arrange for the orderly withdrawal of American power before it is too late for the human and environmental security of the world. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the Cold War slowly gave way to a new world order in which the United States was left as the lone superpower. But the organizing principle that would characterize the early 21st century was as yet unclear, until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Now it is clear that the long war on Communism has been replaced by a perpetual war on terror. Regardless of how long American troops remain in Iraq, and irrespective of further military actions, George W. Bush will continue to be a wartime president whose foreign policy is dominated by the Pentagon. And yet, the authors argue, this neo-imperialistic phase, with its emphasis on Eurasian oil supplies, is but the latest development in a line of thinking and acting in the world that was established by such men as Dean Acheson and Paul Nitze after World War II. But 2005 is not 1945, and the United States, despite Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney’s assertions, is not liberating Iraq and Afghanistan in the same way that U.S. forces liberated Germany and Japan; it is not reconstructing Iraq or the former Yugoslavia as it did when it rebuilt war torn western Europe with the Marshall Plan. The United States, with its thinly stretched military and deficit-laden economy, does not possess the means to do so today. Instead, the authors maintain, the United States is simply depleting the developing world’s natural resources, compelling the rest of the developed world to remain dependent on American management of the global economy. This situation is ultimately untenable, the authors argue, and as a result, the United States is entering a period of deep crisis. The best thing for American neo-imperialists to do to avert their worst nightmare—a strategic and economic alliance among Europe, Russia, China, and OPEC—would be to arrange for the orderly withdrawal of American power before it is too late for the human and environmental security of the world as a whole.

Almost every country throughout the globe has been affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. The virus's propagation has a disastrous effect on both human health and the economy as a whole. The COVID-19 global recession is the worst since World War II ended. According to the IMF's April 2021 World Economic Outlook Report, the global economy declined by 3.5 percent in 2020, 7 percent drop from the 3.4 percent growth predicted in October 2019. While almost every IMF-covered nation saw negative growth in 2020, the decline was more extreme in the world's poorest regions. The global supply system and international trade of all countries, including India, were affected by the nationwide lockdown in India and around the world to stop the pandemic from spreading. Since the beginning of 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic has had a negative impact on the global business climate. The COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in significant public health and economic problems in South Asian countries and the worst impacted being India, Bangladesh and Pakistan in recent years. The nationwide lockdown adopted by the countries was effective in slowing down the spread of the coronavirus in South Asia, but it came at a substantial financial and social cost to society. Manufacturing activities in Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines have shrunk sharply. Tourism, trade and remittances, and all major sources of foreign money for South Asian countries, have been substantially impacted. The COVID-19 spread has had a significant influence on global financial markets. The international financial and energy markets substantially dropped as the number of cases began to rise globally, primarily in the United States, Italy, Spain, Germany, France, Iran, and South Korea along with South Asian countries. Reduced travel has had a substantial impact on service businesses such as tourism, hospitality, and transportation. According to IMF, (space required after,) 2020 South Asian economies are likely to shrink for the first time in 4 decades. The pandemic has pushed millions into poverty and widened income and wealth disparities because of premature deaths, workplace absenteeism and productivity losses. A negative supply shock has occurred with manufacturing and productive activity decreasing due to global supply chain disruptions and factory closures. This resulted in a severe short-term challenge for policymakers, especially when food and commodity prices rise, exacerbating economic insecurity. Failure to achieve equitable recovery might result in social and political unrest, as well as harsh responses from governments that have been less tolerant of dissident voices in recent years. Almost every area of the Indian economy is being ravaged by the pandemic. But the scope and degree of the damage vary from sector to sector within each area. One of the worst-affected areas in India is the Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) sector. Apart from MSMEs, Agriculture and Agro-based industries, Banking companies and NBFCs and Social Sectors are also in jeopardy. The pandemic creates turmoil in the Capital Market and Mutual Funds industry. India's auto manufacturing and its ancillary sectors were badly hit during the initial stages of the pandemic when lockdown measures were adopted and the situation continued to remain subdued for many quarters. It is still uncertain whether this recession will have long-term structural ramifications for the global economy or will have only short-term financial and economic consequences. Additionally, the speed and the strength of the healing may be crucially dependent on the capability of the governments to accumulate and roll out the COVID-19 vaccines. In the context of the pandemic and its devastating impact on the Indian economy, an edited volume is proposed which intends to identify and analyse the footfalls of the pandemic on various sectors and industries in India. The proposed edited volume endeavours to understand the status, impact, problems, policies and prospects of the agricultural and agro-based industries, Banking and NBFCs, MSMEs, Social Sector, Capital Market and Mutual Funds during the pandemic and beyond. The proposed volume will contain research papers/articles covering the overall impact of the pandemic on various sectors, measures to be adopted to combat the situation and suggestions for overcoming the hurdles. For this, research papers and articles will be called from academicians, research scholars and industrialists having common research interests to share their insights relating to this area. It is anticipated that the volume will include twenty to twenty-five chapters. An editorial committee will be constituted with three chief editors and another external editor to review the articles following a double-blind review process to assure the quality of the papers according to the global standards and publisher's guidelines. The expected time to complete the entire review process is one month, and the publication process will start thereafter. The proposed volume is believed to be having significant socio-economic implications and is intended to cater to a large audience which includes academicians, researchers, students, corporates, policymakers, investors and general readers at large.

Growing up in Diverse Societies provides a comprehensive analysis of the integration of the children of immigrants in England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden, based on the ‘Children of immigrants longitudinal survey in four European countries’ (CILS4EU), including harmonised interviews with almost 19,000 14- to 15-year-olds. The book studies the life situation, social relations, and attitudes of adolescents in different ethnic minority groups, and compares these systematically to majority youth in the four countries. The chapters cover a wide range of aspects of integration, all addressing comparisons between origin groups, generations, and destination countries, and elucidating processes accounting for differences. The results challenge much current thinking and simplified views on the state of integration. In some aspects, such as own economic means, delinquency, and mental health, children of immigrants are surprisingly similar to majority youth, while in other aspects there are large dissimilarities. There are also substantial differences between ethnic minority groups, with the economic and cultural distance of the origin regions to the destination country being a key factor. For some outcomes, such as language proficiency or host country identification, dissimilarities seem to narrow over generations, but this does not hold for other outcomes, such as religiosity and attitudes. Remaining differences partly depend on ethnic segregation, some on socioeconomic inequality, and others on parental influences. Most interestingly, the book finds that the four destination countries, though different in their immigration histories, policy approaches, and contextual conditions, are on the whole similar in the general patterns of integration and in the underlying processes.

On 9 November 2021, 9th International Scientific-Practical Conference “Managerial Sciences in the Modern World” was opened. This year, the event took place in the online format because of the strained epidemiological situation. A total of about 450 specialists took part in the conference. “Managerial Sciences” has already become a kind of brand, with more than half a dozen different round table discussions, sections”, said Arkady Trachuk, Dean of the Faculty “Higher School of Management” at the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation, who moderated the plenary session. He said that the 2021 conference participants included representatives from Latvia, Republic of Fiji, Kuwait, India, Uzbekistan, and Russia. Russia was represented by seven regions: Moscow and Moscow Region, Bryansk-, Tver-, Saratov-, Arkhangelsk regions, Republic of Tatarstan and Krasnodar Territory. Delegates from 25 universities, including 6 foreign higher educational establishments, took part in the sections’ work. The central event of the first day of the conference was a plenary session during which presentations were delivered by representatives of Germany, Slovenia, Uzbekistan and Russia. The plenary session was opened by Arkady Trachuk. His presentation focused on the goals of introducing digital technologies in the Russian industry. The speaker presented the results of the research implemented by a team of scholars from the Department of Management and Innovation at the Faculty “Higher School of Management”. Alexander Brem, Head of Technological Entrepreneurship and Digitalisation at Stifterverband Consulting Company funded by Daimler Foundation (Germany), talked about artificial intelligence as an innovation management technology. The expert is convinced that artificial intelligence will become the core technology to drive the technological development in the 21st century. Jörg Geisler, head of Finance and Risk Management at S-Kreditpartner GmbH, expert on consumer lending at savings banks (Germany), dwelled on an important subject – “Risk management at times of digital innovation” by the example of the banking industry. Samo Bobek, Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Business (FEB) at the University of Maribor, Professor of e-business and information management (Slovenia), delivered a presentation on “Digital transformation impact on business models”. His presentation dealt with digital transformation of business models. Azizjon Bobojonov, Head of International Project Office, Associate Professor of the Department “Digital Economy and Information Technologies” at Tashkent State University of Economics (Republic of Uzbekistan), talked in his presentation “Reinventing the services in the digital age” about new discoveries in the service industry in the epoch of digital transformation. The plenary session was followed by thematic sessions in the following areas: • Change management and leadership • Business strategies and sustainable development • International management and business • Theoretical issues of management • Theory and practice of project management • Corporate governance and corporate social responsibility • Operations and business process management • Strategic financial management • Public sector management and efficiency problems • Major cities and urban agglomerations management • Real sector investment management • Crisis and business continuity management • Systems analysis in management • Knowledge and talent management • Sports digitalisation management • Digital marketing and marketing communications • Shaping innovation strategy in the conditions of the fourth industrial revolution.

Stages of Loss supplies an original and deeply researched account of travel and festivity in early modern Europe, complicating, revising, and sometimes entirely rewriting received accounts of the emergence and development of professional theatre. It offers a history of English actors travelling and performing abroad in early modern Europe, and Germany in particular, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These players, known as English Comedians, were among the first professional actors to perform in central and northern European courts and cities. The vital contributions made by them to the development of a European theatre institution have long been neglected. They are here introduced in their proper contexts for the first time. Stages of Loss explores connections real and perceived between diminishments of national value and the material wealth transported by itinerant players; representations of loss, waste, and profligacy within the drama they performed; and the extent to which theatrical practice and the process of canonization have led to archival and interpretive losses in theatre history. Situating the English Comedians in a variety of economic, social, religious, and political contexts, it explores trends and continuities in the reception of their itinerant theatre, showing how their incorporation into modern theatre history has been shaped by derogatory assessments of travelling theatre and itinerant people in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Stages of Loss reveals that the Western theatre institution took shape partly as a means of accommodating, controlling, evaluating, and concealing the work of migrant strangers.

The wind power development policy community faces a conundrum. On the one hand, as the most commercially viable form of utility-scale renewable energy, the wind power industry has experienced in excess of ten-fold growth in total installed capacity over the past decade. On the other hand, installed wind power capacity still accounts for less than 2% of global electricity-generation capacity, despite the prevalence of studies indicating that, in certain situations, wind power can be a cheaper form of electricity than most fossil fuel alternatives. Accordingly, the most puzzling aspect of wind power development policy can be summed up in the following manner: given the global imperative to facilitate an expedient transition away from CO2-intensive energy technologies and the commercial viability of wind power, what is stopping the wind power industry from capturing higher market shares around the world? In Wind Power Politics and Policy, Scott Valentine examines this question from two angles. First, it presents an analysis of social, technical, economic and political (STEP) barriers which research shows tends to stymie wind power development. Case studies which examine phlegmatic wind power development in Japan, Taiwan, Australia and Canada are presented in order to demonstrate to the reader how these barriers manifest themselves in practice. Second, the book presents an analysis of STEP catalysts which have been linked to successful growth of wind power capacity in select nations. Four more case studies that examine the successful development of wind power in Denmark, Germany, the USA and China are put forth as practical examples of how supportive factors conflate to produce conditions that are conducive to growth of wind power markets. By examining its impediments and catalysts, the book will provide policymakers with insight into the types of factors that must be effectively managed in order to maximize wind power development.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.