Literatura académica sobre el tema "Gerakan Tarekat (Indonesia)"

This study will discuss the history of Murabitun World Movement (MWM) in Indonesia and its activities, especially its economy of giving ideas, activities, and networks. MWM is a religious movement that was founded by Ian Dallas, or Abdul Qadir As-Sufi. The movement is fuelled by a sufi order called al-Shadhili al- Darqawiyya Habibi and based on the Maliki school. Mostly, sufi orders are based on asceticism. However, MWM have their own perspectives on Occidentalism, politics, and economy, particularly economy of giving. The movement views the Western civilization as a peril in human history. It also concludes that the Western’s capitalism order and paper moneys as a source of injustice in global economy and poverty in Muslim world. MWM’s mission is to bring back justice and fairness in global economy and politics by encouraging gold and silver coins (dinar and dirham) as real exchange currencies. In Indonesia, MWM’s ideas and activities have been promoted since 1998. A few years later it succeeds in bringing the ideas of using dinar and dirham to the Indonesian Muslim Scholars Society or ICMI annual conference. The leadership of MWM also could bring the President of ICMI, Adi Sasono, to visit Abdul Qadir As-Sufi in Morocco. MWM believes that a welfare state is a utopia if a country still follows capitalism and usury (riba). A state only can provide welfare to its citizens if they implement sixteen pillars of welfare in Islam. Most of these requirements are concepts in Islamic philanthropy. However, MWM has unique interpretations and practices regarding the Islamic philanthropy. The MWM in Indonesia became famous after the Indonesian government accused Zaim Saidi, the Emir of MWM in Indonesia, of violating the Currency Bill. However, he was released by the Court. Studi ini mendiskusikan sejarah Murabitun World Movement (MWM) di Indonesia dan aktivitasnya, terutama yang terkait dengan gagasan ekonomi kedermawanan, aktivitas-aktivitasnya, beserta jaringannya. MWM atau Gerakan Murabitun Se-Dunia adalah sebuah gerakan keagamaan yang didirikan oleh Ian Dallas atau Abdul Qadir As-Sufi. Gerakan ini dijiwai oleh tarekat tasawuf Syaidziliah Darqawiyah Habibi dan berdasarkan mazhab Maliki. Kebanyakan gerakan tarekat didasarkan oleh asketisme atau menjauhi kehidupan dunia. Namun, MWM memiliki pandangan tersendiri mengenai oksidentalisme, politik, ekonomi, dan filantropi Islam. Gerakan ini melihat bahwa peradaban Barat merupakan penyebab kehancuran dalam sejarah manusia. MWM juga menyimpulkan bahwa tatanan kapitalisme global Barat dan uang kertas sebagai penyebab dari ketidakadilan ekonomi dan kemiskinan di dunia Islam. Misi dari MWM adalah membangun kembali tatanan ekonomi dan politik dunia yang adil melalui gerakan kembali kepada koin emas dan perak (dinar dan dirham) sebagai alat tukar. Di Indonesia, pemikiran dan kegiatan MWM telah tumbuh sejak tahun 1998. Beberapa tahun setelahnya, MWM berhasil memasukan penggunaan dinar dan dirham dalam Musyawarah Nasional Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI). Para pelopor MWM di Indonesia bahkan dapat mengajak Ketua ICMI saat itu, Adi Sasono, untuk bertemu dengan Abdul Qadir As-Sufi di Maroko. MWM berkeyakinan bahwa negara kesejahteraan hanyalah impian jika masih mengikuti sistem kapitalisme dan riba. Sebuah negara hanya akan bisa memberikan kesejahteraan bagi rakyatnya jika dan hanya jika menerapkan enam belas pilar kesejahteraan dalam Islam yang sebagian besar pilarnya adalah konsep-konsep filantropi Islam. Namun, konsep-konsep filantropi Islam yang ditawarkan MWM dapat dikatakan cukup unik dibandingkan pemahaman mayoritas. MWM ramai dibahas di publik ketika Zaim Saidi, Amir MWM Indonesia, ditangkap oleh aparat yang berwenang karena dianggap melanggar Undang-Undang No. 1 tahun 1946 tentang Mata Uang. Namun, tuduhan tersebut tidak terbukti dan Zaim Saidi dibebaskan dari dakwaan oleh Pengadilan Negeri Depok.

The article attempts to analyze the existence of Tarekat Ṣiddîqîyah community in Surabaya focusing on its struggle and development process from minority to be relatively a well-established Sufi order, which has many branches in many areas in Indonesia. In Surabaya, Tarekat Ṣiddîqîyah has established four branches of caliphate, which locate in Tandes, Perumahan Pondok Candra, Karangrejo Wonokromo, and Manukan Kulon. It has also founded a branch that focuses on education in Nglampis Ngasem. The author finds that Tarekat Ṣiddîqîyah promulgated its teachings in Surabaya by spreading information manually, from person to person and coordination among its followers, and formation of spiritual organizations, namely YPS and Orshid. The advent of Ṣiddîqîyah to Surabaya has been done through infiltration, identification, coordination, and mobilization. In addition, the author finds that there have been various motives of Surabaya people in adhering Ṣiddîqîyah, such as improving their religious knowledge, joining a socio-spiritual community/fraternity, having a lifeline in the form of dhikr and wirid, and having prayer to prevent themselves from committing immoral deeds (tolak balak). The followers of Ṣiddîqîyah also claim that the tarekat has been able to fulfill their spiritual needs. Social interaction of Ṣiddîqîyah’s members amongst Surabaya people in general runs peacefully and harmoniously for they can assimilate and adapt to the local culture.

The history of Islamic dynamics in Indonesia has been widely seen through educational instruments, trade routes, and networks of tarekat scholars. Still few see the mass media as a motion instrument. In fact, growing Islamic thoughts and movements in a place, also possible occurred on the insiprasi elsewhere through the mass media. The character of mass media capable of arousing the public subconscious has been used by Muslim scholars to jointly build a line against colonialism and liberate the nation. The mass media of colonialism became a means of struggle. Wahana conveyed his aspirations to the government and also played a role in educating the community. Unlike now, where the mass media has become a larger industry, in the past, the print media media in particular became the foundation of the actual information rides for the intellectuals who have not put forward the industry side

Setidaknya ada beberapa hal penting dalam tulisan ini; pertama, perkembangan tarekat Naqsabandiyah pada abad 19 terjadi secara luas. Tidak hanya di Indonesia tetapi di hampir seluruh wilayah muslim. Hal ini disebabkan karena dominasi faham wujudiyah (tasawuf falsafi) yang melekat pada tarekat Syattariyah mulai ditinggalkan oleh masyarakat muslim akibat serangan gencar kaum tradisionalis (tasawuf sunni). Proses peralihan dalam kurun ini menyebabkan tarekat Naqsabandiyah menjadi diminati. Kedua, kritik pedas kaum tradisionalis juga dilakukan oleh para ulama fikih kepada bid’ah tarekat. Kesesuaian dengan al-Quran dan sunnah seperti yang menjadi landasan tasawuf sunni akhirnya membuat tarekat Naqsabandiyah (dan terekat non faham wujudiyah) diminati oleh masyarakat muslim. Ketiga, kekhawatiran pemerintah kolonial Belanda terhadap tarekat, terutama Naqsabandiyah saat itu, diarahkan kepada tarekat dalam arti politik, termasuk di dalamnya gerakan Pan-Islamisme. Tetapi sepanjang tidak berpolitik, pihak konial tidak membatasi tarekat.At least there are some important things in this article; First, the development of widespread Naqsabandiyah congregation in the 19th century. It happens not only in Indonesia but also in almost all Muslim lands. This is due to the dominance of ideology Wujudiyah (Sufism philosophical) attached to Syattariyah congregation begins to be abandoned by the Muslim community as a result of the onslaught of the traditionalists (Sufism of Sunni). The process of transition in this period leads Naqsabandiyah to be desirable. Second, harsh criticism of the traditionalists is also done by the jurists to heretical congregation. Compliance with the Quran and the Sunnah as the basis of Sufism Sunni finally made Naqsabandiyah congregation (and congregation of non wujudiyah’s thought) demand by the Muslim community. Thirdly, the Dutch colonial government fears the congregation, especially Naqsabandiyah. Then, it is directed to the congregation in a political sense, including the movement of Pan-Islamism. But as long as there are no politics, colonial party does not restrict the congregation.