Bibliografías temáticas / Gay liberation movement – united states – history

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Gay liberation movement – united states – history"

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Publicado: 26 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Gay liberation movement – united states – history"

Gandy-Guedes, Megan E. y Megan S. Paceley. "Activism in Southwestern Queer and Trans Young Adults After the Marriage Equality Era". Affilia 34, n.º 4 (19 de junio de 2019): 439–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109919857699.

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In 2015, marriage equality in the United States was a big win for the gay and lesbian movement. Marriage equality as a primary focus of the movement, however, was not without its critiques, particularly as an issue affecting mostly white, gay, economically secure individuals. Given the history of the movement, it is essential to ask what is next. Young queer and trans people represent the next generation of potential activists and advocates for queer and trans liberation, yet little empirical attention has been paid to their goals for the movement and motivations to be actively involved, particularly among young adults in rural, conservative states. Therefore, this study sought to understand the social, economic, and environmental issues deemed important by queer and trans young adults (aged 18–29), as well as their motivations to get involved in activism efforts. Data came from a mixed-methods program evaluation, which presents a picture of the issues and motivations that led study participants ( n = 65) toward activism in one conservative, highly rural, Southwestern state in the United States. The findings of this study are discussed in light of theoretical and empirical literature and then implications for the queer and trans movement, activists, and organizers are offered.

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Herrada, Julie. "Collecting Anarchy: Continuing the Legacy of the Joseph A. Labadie Collection". RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, and Cultural Heritage 8, n.º 2 (1 de septiembre de 2007): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rbm.8.2.287.

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The Joseph A. Labadie Collection at the University of Michigan is one of the oldest and most comprehensive collections of radical history in the United States, bringing together unique materials that document past as well as contemporary social protest movements. In addition to anarchism and labor movements, topics that were its original focus, the Collection today is particularly strong in civil liberties (with an emphasis on racial minorities), socialism, communism, colonialism and imperialism, American labor history through the 1930s, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or the Wobblies), the Spanish Civil War, sexual freedom, women’s liberation, gay liberation, the . . .

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Wenzel, Joshua I. "A Different Christian Witness to Society: Christian Support for Gay Rights and Liberation in Minnesota, 1977–1993". Church History 88, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2019): 720–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071900180x.

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The traditional narrative of religion and the gay rights movement in the post-1960s United States emphasizes conservative Christians and their opposition to gay rights. Few studies focus on the supportive role Christian leaders and churches played in advancing gay rights and nurturing a positive gay identity for homosexual Americans. Concentrating on the period from 1977 to 1993 and drawing largely from manuscript collections at the Minnesota Historical Society, including the Minnesota GLBT Movement papers of Leo Treadway, this study of Christianity and gay rights in the state of Minnesota demonstrates that while Christianity has often been an oppressive force on homosexuals and homosexuality, Christianity was also a liberalizing influence. Putting forth arguments derived from religious understandings, using biblical passages as “proof” texts, and showing a mutuality between the liberal theological tradition and the secular political position, the Christian community was integral to advancing gay rights and liberation in Minnesota by the early 1990s despite religious right resistance. These efforts revealed a Christianity driven to actualize the love of God here on earth and ensure human wholeness, freedom, and an authentic selfhood. Christian clergy, churches, and ordinary persons of faith thus undertook activity in three areas to ensure wholeness and freedom: political activity for civil protections; emotional, pastoral care for persons with AIDS; and as a source of self-affirmation and social comfort in the midst of an inhospitable society.

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Medeiros, Bruno. "Queerchronotopia". História da Historiografia: International Journal of Theory and History of Historiography 16, n.º 41 (5 de noviembre de 2023): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15848/hh.v16i41.2037.

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This paper joins the debate of a still-expanding literature on queer temporalities that, among other things, raises the question of a queer-specific construction of time. This specific temporality is what I call queerchronotopia. By setting the description of the historical worldview (as described by Reinhart Koselleck, Sepp Gumbrecht, and François Hartog) against queer methodologies developed by scholars like Paul B. Preciado and Jack J. Halberstam, this article claims that, since the last decades of the nineteenth century, definitions and embodiments of queerness and a queer-specific temporality are constantly revised in light of the temporal shift between two paradigmatic social constructions of time—the historical worldview and “our broad present”. First, we summarize how homosexuality goes from an ahistorical aberration at the end of the 19th century to the emergence of the historical homos at the beginning of the gay liberation movement in the 1970s. Second, we try to demonstrate how the appearance of identity temporalities as an aftereffect of identity politics in the 1970s unveils some of the fractures in the temporal experience anchored in the historical worldview. Lastly, we discuss how the latent “broad present” that had already shown some of its aspects in the aftermath of the gay liberation movement and civil rights era in the United States became more evident in the 1980s when the AIDS epidemic becomes increasingly intertwined with a concern with the health of the planet. Without dismissing the pessimist tone that has permeated the academic and intellectual discussions about the future of the planet and the catastrophic threats to human and nonhuman entities living in the Anthropocene, this article concludes by suggesting that the queer community and its activism, particularly in response to the AIDS epidemic, could teach us some lessons about how to live “with the trouble” in our present.

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Griffiths, Craig. ""Gay Equals Left?": Conservatism in Male Homosexual Politics in 1970s West Germany and the United States". German Yearbook of Contemporary History 7, n.º 1 (2023): 137–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gych.2023.a907662.

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Abstract: The history of gay liberation in the 1970s has primarily been told through the prism of radical or left-alternative activists, focusing on groups like the Gay Liberation Front in New York or the Homosexual Action West Berlin. Complicating this narrative, this article analyses "cultures of conservatism" in male homosexual politics, comparing the Federal Republic with the United States in the 1970s. Zooming in on discourses of responsibility and caution, while focusing on the identifications of some gay men as "ordinary" and "sensible," and their rejection of confrontation and flamboyance, this article shows that concepts such as "liberation," "emancipation," or even "gay power" have no fixed meanings, far less meanings that are inherently "radical" or "conservative."

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Yang, Junqi. "How Churches Defend Homosexual Rights in the U.S. in the 1960s". Communications in Humanities Research 28, n.º 1 (19 de abril de 2024): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/28/20230292.

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It is commonly considered that churches were usually opposers to the LGBTQ+ movements. Especially in the 1960s when churches played a negative role in the Gay Liberation Movement in the United States of America. But the fact seemed not to be that simple. As a matter of fact, in cities like San Francisco, some churches had started to play an active role in defending homosexual rights and they had a positive influence on homosexual acceptance among the American people. This paper discussed how specific churches defended homosexual rights in the United States of America in the 1960s by surveying what the Glide Memorial Church did in the 1960s. Through these resources, it can be easily found that the Glide Memorial Church, as a staunch supporter of the Gay Liberation Movement, helps defend homosexual rights in multiple ways including making sermons, holding public assemblies, etc. This research may be helpful to the LGBTQ+ movements today.

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Zafir, Lindsay. "Queer Connections". GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 27, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2021): 253–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-8871691.

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This article examines the gay French author Jean Genet’s 1970 tour of the United States with the Black Panther Party, using Genet’s unusual relationship with the Panthers as a lens for analyzing the possibilities and pitfalls of radical coalition politics in the long sixties. I rely on mainstream and alternative media coverage of the tour, articles by Black Panthers and gay liberationists, and Genet’s own writings and interviews to argue that Genet’s connection with the Panthers provided a queer bridge between the Black Power and gay liberation movements. Their story challenges the neglect of such coalitions by historians of the decade and illuminates some of the reasons the Panthers decided to support gay liberation. At the same time, Genet distanced himself from the gay liberation movement, and his unusual connection with the Panthers highlights some of the difficulties activists faced in building and sustaining such alliances on a broad scale.

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KIM, Jinhyouk. "The Health Care System Debate and the Health Care Policy of a Unified Nation Immediately after the Liberation". Korean Journal of Medical History 30, n.º 3 (31 de diciembre de 2021): 499–545. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2021.30.499.

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Immediately after the liberation, the health care system debate was studied focusing on the orientation of the American and Soviet medical systems, roughly divided into Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. However, the existence of people who are not explained in the American and Soviet health care systems’ orientation led to the need to reconsider the existing premise. Therefore, this study identifies the characters that were not explained in the perspective of existing studies, and reevaluates the arguments of Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. This paper raises the following questions: First, what is the background of the policy orientation that Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok had? Second, if there are people who made different arguments from Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok, what direction did they set and argue? third, how the orientations of Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok and etc. converge into the answer to the Joint Soviet-American Commission? In response to theses questions, this study confirms the following: first, Lee Yong-seol’s and Choi Eung-seok’s health care policies were established based on realism and empiricism. As a policyholder, Lee Yong-seol emphasized withholding medical state administration and raising the level of medical education and medical systems according to the condition at that time, although the American system was mobilized by Lee as the basis for his judgment and administrative assets. On the other hand, Choi Eung-seok aimed for a Soviet-style systems in health care but this was realistically put on hold. Choi insisted on the establishment of the Medical Service Associations and rural cooperative hospitals that appeared in Japan’s medical socialization movement. In summary, immediately after the liberation, Lee Yong-seol’s and Choi Eung-seok’s policy arguments were based on policies that could be implemented in Korea, and the American system and Soviet system served as criteria for the policy resources. Second, Jeong Gu-chung and Kim Yeon-ju show that the topography of the health care debate immediately after the liberation was not represented only by Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. Both Jeong and Kim were consequently led to medical socialization, which was the implementation of a health care system that encompasses social reform, but the context was different. Jeong drew the hierarchy of the health care system, which peaked in the United States, from the perspective of social evolution based on his eugenics, but the representation suitable for Korea was the Soviet model absorbed into his understanding. On the contrary, Kim argued that representations suitable for Korea should be found in Korea. As national medical care, Kim’s idea aimed at a medical state administration that provides equal opportunities for all Koreans. Third, the aspect of convergence to the Joint Soviet-American Commission reply proposal was complicated. Among the policies of Lee Yong-seol, the promotion of missionary medical institutions and the gradual planning of medical institutions converged into the three organizations’ proposal, and Choi Eung-seok’s policy was almost the same as that of the Democracy National Front and the South Korean Labor Party. However, the medical system of Japan, the colonial home country, appears to have been based on Lee Gap-soo, chairman of the Korean Medical Association in the colonial period, and the plan was in line with the use of the union system of the left-wing organizations’ proposal in the south. It was in accordance with a common task to expand health care from colonial conditions to different status.

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Saleh, Gunawan y Muhammad Arif. "FENOMENOLOGI SOSIAL LGBT DALAM PARADIGMA AGAMA". Jurnal Riset Komunikasi 1, n.º 1 (28 de febrero de 2018): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24329/jurkom.v1i1.16.

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The LGBT movement began in Western societies. The forerunner to the birth of this movement was the formation of the Gay Liberation Front (GLF) in London in 1970. The movement was inspired by previous liberation movement in the United States in 1969 which took place at the Stonewall. LGBT campaign focuses on the efforts of awareness to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people and the general public that their behavior is not an aberration so they deserve the sexual rights as everyone else. Theological issues during this indeed become an important point in the debate over homosexuality and LGBT in General. This research aims to know the LGBT within the paradigm of religion and social impact through social phenomenology study with a qualitative approach. This approach is considered able to reveal in depth. From the results of this research, it can be concluded that all religions (Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, and Buddhism) looked at LGBT is sexual behavior which is deviant and unacceptable by all existing religions, especially in Indonesia. It is also a social impact with an LGBT sexual behavior as a distorted structure will impact the community. Then it will also be damaging to the process of regeneration and descent so that the impact on the quality of human resources in the future.

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Miller, Carter. "The Postminimal is Political: Social Activism in the Music of Julius Eastman and Ann Southam". Nota Bene: Canadian Undergraduate Journal of Musicology 15, n.º 1 (18 de junio de 2022): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/notabene.v15i1.15033.

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The emergence of postminimalism around 1980 allowed composers to combine minimalist musical techniques with their own distinct compositional approaches. Some composers, including American Julius Eastman and Canadian Ann Southam, exercised a consciousness-raising approach to composition by infusing their postminimalist works with political messages relevant to the gay liberation and feminist movements of the late twentieth century. In the work Gay Guerrilla (1979), Eastman pursued an original compositional approach, which he called ‘organic music,’ to explore themes of heroism and courage in the work’s climax. These musical themes resonated with the post-Stonewall gay liberation movement in the United States, particularly the assassination of Harvey Milk in San Francisco. Additionally, the repetitive processes of Southam's Glass Houses No. 5 (1981) constitute a highly organised compositional approach wherein the same music is constantly repeated in different contexts. These tight patterns referenced the contemporary genre of 'women's music' by physically resembling patient and cyclic work done by hand – work traditionally completed by women – and by critiquing this collective experience of ‘women’s work.’ By including these political associations in their art, Julius Eastman and Ann Southam created consciousness-raising critiques of contemporary trends of North American social activism. Content Note: This paper discusses violence against the queer and trans community, including an assassination, and also mentions two musical compositions which use a racial slur in their titles.

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Tesis sobre el tema "Gay liberation movement – united states – history"

de, Souza Torrecilha Ramom. "The mobilization of the gay liberation movement". PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3661.

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This thesis examines the development and evolution of the gay movement. It raises the questions as to why the gay movement was not organized prior to the 1960's. The study starts in the 1940's and ends in 1970. It employs qualitative research methods for the collection and analysis of primary and secondary data sources. Blumer's description of general and specific social movements and Resource Mobilization Theory were used as theoretical frames of reference. The former explained the developmental stages in the career of the movement and the latter focused on the behavior of movement organizations.

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DeFilippis, Joseph Nicholas. "A Queer Liberation Movement? A Qualitative Content Analysis of Queer Liberation Organizations, Investigating Whether They are Building a Separate Social Movement". Thesis, Portland State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3722297.

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In the last forty years, U.S. national and statewide LGBT organizations, in pursuit of “equality” through a limited and focused agenda, have made remarkably swift progress moving that agenda forward. However, their agenda has been frequently criticized as prioritizing the interests of White, middle-class gay men and lesbians and ignoring the needs of other LGBT people. In their shadows have emerged numerous grassroots organizations led by queer people of color, transgender people, and low-income LGBT people. These “queer liberation” groups have often been viewed as the left wing of the GRM, but have not been extensively studied. My research investigated how these grassroots liberation organizations can be understood in relation to the equality movement, and whether they actually comprise a separate movement operating alongside, but in tension with, the mainstream gay rights movement.

This research used a qualitative content analysis, grounded in black feminism’s framework of intersectionality, queer theory, and social movement theories, to examine eight queer liberation organizations. Data streams included interviews with staff at each organization, organizational videos from each group, and the organizations’ mission statements. The study used deductive content analysis, informed by a predetermined categorization matrix drawn from social movement theories, and also featured inductive analysis to expand those categories throughout the analysis.

This study’s findings indicate that a new social movement – distinct from the mainstream equality organizations – does exist. Using criteria informed by leading social movement theories, findings demonstrate that these organizations cannot be understood as part of the mainstream equality movement but must be considered a separate social movement. This “queer liberation movement” has constituents, goals, strategies, and structures that differ sharply from the mainstream equality organizations. This new movement prioritizes queer people in multiple subordinated identity categories, is concerned with rebuilding institutions and structures, rather than with achieving access to them, and is grounded more in “liberation” or “justice” frameworks than “equality.” This new movement does not share the equality organizations’ priorities (e.g., marriage) and, instead, pursues a different agenda, include challenging the criminal justice and immigration systems, and strengthening the social safety net.

Additionally, the study found that this new movement complicates existing social movement theory. For decades, social movement scholars have documented how the redistributive agenda of the early 20th century class-based social movements has been replaced by the demands for access and recognition put forward by the identity-based movements of the 1960s New Left. While the mainstream equality movement can clearly be characterized as an identity-based social movement, the same is not true of the groups in this study. This queer liberation movement, although centered on identity claims, has goals that are redistributive as well as recognition-based.

While the emergence of this distinct social movement is significant on its own, of equal significance is the fact that it represents a new post-structuralist model of social movement. This study presents a “four-domain” framework to explain how this movement exists simultaneously inside and outside of other social movements, as a bridge between them, and as its own movement. Implications for research, practice, and policy in social work and allied fields are presented.

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Pope, Kailyn. "Upending the "Racial Death-Wish": Black Gay Liberation and the Culture of Black Homophobia". DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2021. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2319.

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This thesis analyzes the origin and impact of Black homophobia found in activist spaces of mid- to late-twentieth-century American society. Black gay Americans were subjected to intersecting forms of systemic and cultural oppression that were exceedingly hard to escape due to both the homophobia in Black spaces and the racism in gay spaces. Black gay activists and artists thus had to create their own avenues of expression where they and others could fully embrace what it meant to be Black and gay. This work utilizes a Black feminist framework to explore the roots of Black homophobia and how this type of bigotry was able to so deeply infiltrate Black activist spaces like the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Panther Party. Black homophobia originated as a response to White supremacist domination of the Black body, and was able to spread through the community for generations through paths such as hypermasculinity, the Black church, and misogynoir. The experiences and voices of Black gay activists and artists are at the forefront of this work in an effort to shine a light on a group often overlooked by Black history and LGBTQ history alike. This thesis works to fill in one of the many gaps present in the historiography pertaining to Black gay life in America, though more contributions can and should be made in order to shift the field away from its historic focus on the White gay male. An investigation of Black gay exclusion from Black and gay activist spaces offers valuable insight into how Black gay activists and artists persevered and cultivated their own spheres of inclusion within a society that fundamentally opposed virtually every part of their identities.

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Edmundson, Joshua R. "THE ONE EXHIBITION THE ROOTS OF THE LGBT EQUALITY MOVEMENT ONE MAGAZINE & THE FIRST GAY SUPREME COURT CASE IN U.S. HISTORY 1943-1958". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/399.

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The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history. Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.

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Tiemeyer, Philip James. "Manhood up in the air : gender, sexuality, corporate culture, and the law in twentieth century America". 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/15916.

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This project analyzes the sexual and gender politics of flight attendants, especially the men who did this work, since the 1930s. It traces how and why the flight attendant corps became the nearly exclusive domain of white women by the 1950s, then considers the various legal battles under the 1964 Civil Rights Act to re-integrate men into the workforce, open up greater opportunities for African-Americans, and liberate women from onerous age and marriage restrictions that cut short their careers. While other scholars have emphasized flight attendants' contributions in battling sexism in the courts, this project is unique in expanding such consideration to homosexuality. Male flight attendants' status as gender pariahs in the workforce (as men performing "women's work")--combined with the fact that many of them were gay--made them objects of "homosexual panic" in the 1950s, both in legal proceedings and in various forms of extra-legal intimidation. A decade later, aspirant flight attendants were participants in some of the first cases brought by men under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Their victories in the courts greatly benefited the gay community, among others, which thereby enjoyed greater freedom to enter a highly visible, public-relationsoriented corporate career. As such, my project helps to recast the legal legacy of the civil rights movement as a three-pronged reform, confronting homophobia as well as racism and sexism. Beyond legal considerations, Manhood Up in the Air also examines how both labor unions and the airlines negotiated a legal environment and public sentiment that largely condoned firing homosexuals, while nonetheless accommodating gay employees. This form of accommodation existed in the 1950s, though much more precariously than in the post-Stonewall decade of the 1970s. Thus, the project records the pre-history to the current reality, in which both corporations (with airlines at the forefront) and labor unions have become core supporters of the contemporary gay rights movement.
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Orlando, Lisa J. "Politics and pleasures : sexual controversies in the women's and lesbian/gay liberation movements". 1985. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2489.

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Fleming, Tamara. "Radical pacifism and the black freedom movement: an analysis of Liberation magazine, 1956 - 1965". 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/4149.

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This study explores radical pacifists’ intellectual engagement with the black freedom movement by examining the New York-based magazine Liberation between 1956 and 1965. It argues that two priorities shaped Liberation’s responses to the movement: the concern to promote the philosophy and practice of nonviolent direct action, and the concern to advocate radical social change in the United States. Until 1965 Liberation promoted the civil rights movement as a potential catalyst for the nonviolent reconstruction of U.S. democracy. Liberation became a forum for exploring the common ground as well as the tensions between radical pacifist priorities and those of various black freedom activists. The tensions are particularly apparent in Liberation’s reflections on the challenges of linking peace activism with the freedom struggle in the early 1960s, and in its 1964-65 debate over civil rights leaders’ strategy of coalition with the Democratic Party in the context of the escalating war in Vietnam.

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Libros sobre el tema "Gay liberation movement – united states – history"

Queer America: A people's GLBT history of the United States. New York: New Press, 2011.

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Goldenberg, Linda. We're here: A history of lesbian and gay pride in the United States. New York: F. Watts, 1998.

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1963-, Burns Kate, ed. Gay rights. San Diego, Calif: Greenhaven Press, 2006.

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1948-, Williams Walter L. y Retter Yolanda 1947-2007, eds. Gay and lesbian rights in the United States: A documentary history. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2003.

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Oliver, Trager, ed. Sexual politics in America. [New York]: Facts on File, 1994.

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Witt, Lynn. Out in all directions: A treasury of gay and lesbian America. New York: Warner Books, 1997.

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Witt, Lynn. Out in all directions: The almanac of gay and lesbian America. Editado por Thomas Sherry y Marcus Eric. New York: Warner Books, 1995.

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Witt, Lynn. Out in All Directions. New York: Grand Central Publishing, 2009.

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Hoffman, Amy. An army of ex-lovers: My story of gay liberation. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2007.

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Atkins, Gary. Gay Seattle: Stories of exile and belonging. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2003.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Gay liberation movement – united states – history"

"THE HOMOSEXUAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES: A TRADITIONALLY OVERLOOKED AREA OF AMERICAN HISTORY". En The Gay Past, 177–206. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315866109-19.

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Grundy, David. "‘A Gay Presence’". En Never By Itself Alone, 157–77. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197654842.003.0006.

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Abstract In the early 1970s, the nationwide upsurge of Gay Liberation saw a concurrent blooming of gay poetry. Addressing Boston-based queer anarchist group Fag Rag and the related Good Gay Poets Press, the chapter focuses on texts by Charley Shively which advance a frank, explicit, and sex-positive view of sexuality, before turning to John Wieners’ work of the 1970s: radically performative, formally disjunctive, and centred in working-class, non-neurotypical, and queer lived experience. Feminist, anti-racist, and anti-imperialist in its focus, and intent on challenging conventional understandings of family, private property, and the state, such work, as Michael Bronski puts it, ‘conceptualised a new way to be gay’. Emblematic of the utopian sexual politics of the pre-AIDS era, the writings of Wieners and Shively are a vital component of post-Stonewall queer history in the United States.

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Newsome, W. Jake. "Introduction". En Pink Triangle Legacies, 1–19. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501765155.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides a background of the Nazi persecution of queer people, highlighting the transformation of the symbol of the pink triangle. Originating as a concentration camp badge, the pink triangle was used by the Nazi SS (Schutzstaffel) to identify men imprisoned in concentration camps for being gay. For those men, the pink triangle meant torture, degradation, humiliation, and in all too many cases, death. Decades later, gay activists—first in West Germany and then in the United States—imbued the symbol with new meaning as they fought for legal and social equality. Embodied in the pink triangle, history became a tool to combat discrimination in the present as gay activists used it to press the governments of West Germany and the United States to distance themselves from the violent and murderous antihomosexual policies of the Third Reich. In the context of gay activism, queer communities transformed the pink triangle from a badge of damnation, shame, and imprisonment into a visual marker of resistance, pride, and liberation. The chapter then considers the role of the politics of memory in negotiations over the rights of citizenship for queer people.

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Fredrickson, George M. "Introduction". En Black Liberation, 3–13. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195057492.003.0001.

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Abstract This book might be considered a sequel to my earlier study White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History, but it is not one that I planned or expected to write when that work was published in 1981. White Supremacy compared the attitudes, ideologies, and policies associated with white or European domination over blacks and other people of color in the history of both societies. In the introduction, I acknowledged the “obvious limitations” of this approach: “Comparative studies of non white responses and resistance movements would be enormously valuable and should be done. But a useful prelude to such a work is awareness of what non whites were up against.…”At the time, nothing was further from my mind than writing my own study of the other side of the black-white confrontation. I thought of White Supremacy as a one-shot excursion into comparative history involving South Africa, after which I would revert to my previous vocation as simply an historian of the United States with a special interest in black white relations. But two things happened to change my mind. The first was my growing sense of the unlikelihood that anyone else would undertake a study such as the one I had proposed. It eventually dawned on me that the broad understanding of South African history that I had acquired in writing White Supremacy had prepared me exceptionally well to carry on such work and that if I did not do it no one else was likely to in the foreseeable future. The second new consideration was the remarkable course of events in South Africa in the 1980s. I watched with fascination as a massive resistance movement challenged white supremacy as it had never been challenged before. Like most other observers writing in the previous decade, I had not expected such a development; my studies of the ideas and institutions associated with white domination had made it seem that the apartheid regime was backed by sufficient white power and determination to make it, if not invulnerable, at least in control of the situation for several years to come. As events unfolded in South Africa, I became intensely curious about the history of the black opposition-how it had developed, what its governing ideas were, and how it compared with the African-American freedom struggle that had been central to my public consciousness since the 1950s and that I had long wanted to study and write about.

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Garretson, Jeremiah J. "The Spread and Intensification of Gay and Lesbian Identities". En The Path to Gay Rights, 69–95. NYU Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479822133.003.0003.

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The historical narrative of the book starts in this chapter through a recap of the primary events in LGBTQ movement history in the United States leading up to the 1990s. The origin of the concept of ‘homosexuals’ in the medical research of the late 1890s, the firing of lesbians and gays during the Cold War for fears of communist association, the founding of Mattachine society, the development of distinctive lesbian and gay subcultures and urban communities in the 1970s, and the rise of AIDS and the LGBTQ community’s response in the form of ACT-UP in the 1980s are all discussed. ACT-UP’s response to the crisis proved to decisive turning-point in LGBTQ history. The chapter ends by presenting data showing that, by targeting the national news media, ACT-UP normalized media coverage of AIDS and LGBTQ issues, leading to increases in coming out.

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Jacquet, Catherine O. "Introduction". En The Injustices of Rape, 1–13. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653860.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the frameworks and visions of the two major social movements that took up antirape organizing in the mid-to-late twentieth century United States – the black freedom movement and the women’s liberation movement. The dominant discourses on rape emanating from these movements privileged either narrowly defined racial or gender oppression. Many activists challenged these frameworks and pushed for an intersectional approach to the larger antirape agenda. The chapter gives a brief history of antirape activism in the decades prior to situate the work of mid-twentieth-century activists into a larger historical context. A brief chapter outline for the book is also included.

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"People's Songs and People's War". En Third Worlds Within, 91–112. Duke University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478059158-004.

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This chapter traces the organizational history and creative output of Paredon Records, a US-based company created by two veteran Jewish activists with roots in the worlds of folk music and the Old Left, Barbara Dane and Irwin Silber. Founded in 1970, Paredon released fifty records generated by political movements across the world, including Palestine, Greece, El Salvador, Angola, the Dominican Republic, Northern Ireland, Haiti, Mexico, and the United States. Dane and Silber envisioned Paredon as raising awareness inside the United States about national liberation struggles taking place overseas, as well as providing an ongoing organizing role within societies abroad. In addition to the 1973 album A Grain of Sand, which became a key text of the Asian American movement, Paredon produced records covering struggles in Thailand, the Philippines, China, and Vietnam. This chapter explores these releases as an example of a musical tricontinental solidary in the face of American imperialism.

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Shaked, Nizan. "Conceptual Art and identity politics: from the 1960s to the 1990s". En The Synthetic Proposition. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992750.003.0002.

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This chapter asks how a precisely articulated set of practices, defined by artists in the 1960s as Conceptual Art, evolve into a broad notion of conceptualism, and how the latter had expanded into its present forms. It shows how, in the United States context, some of the most important strategies of conceptualism developed through the influence of contemporaneous politics, more specifically the transition from Civil Rights into Black Power, the New Left, the anti-war movement, feminism, and gay liberation, as well as what later came to be collectively named “identity politics” in the 1970s. A range of artists who have self-defined as conceptualists synthesised Conceptual analytic approaches with an outlook on identity formation as a means of political agency, and not as a representation of the self, a strategy that significantly expanded in the 1970s. Two major aspects of identity politics have impacted the field. The first, activist and administrative, consisted of protests against existing institutions, the developments of action groups and collectives, and the subsequent formulation of alternative spaces. The second was the bearing that it had on artistic strategy, form, and subject matter. This chapter focuses on practices that took a critical outlook on identity formation.

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Dettlaff, Alan J. "Abolition". En Confronting the Racist Legacy of the American Child Welfare System, 142–72. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197675267.003.0008.

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Abstract Chapter 7 provides a history of abolitionist efforts in the United States and presents a vision for abolition of the child welfare system as the only solution for ending the harm and oppression that result from child welfare intervention. This chapter begins with the origins of abolition during the era of slavery and presents the argument that the goals of the early abolitionists were never fully met as liberation for Black people was never achieved. This chapter then describes the modern abolition movement and situates abolition of the child welfare system as part of this overall movement toward abolition of carceral systems and institutions. The chapter then turns to the work of imagining that is needed to bring about change and the work that can begin today to realize this change. It concludes with the hope that abolition inspires and a vision for the world we wish to see.

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Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "Mission, Migration, and Contested Authority". En Global Faith, Worldly Power, 70–96. University of North Carolina Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469670591.003.0003.

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This chapter analyzes the history of Protestantism in Haiti and the formation of the AME Church’s missionary station in Port-au-Prince at the end of the nineteenth century. Beginning with the Haitian emigration movement of the 1820s, the chapter shows how the AME Church’s relationship to Haiti changed over time. As other scholars have discussed, African Americans’ participation in the United States’ missionary impulse at the end of the nineteenth century was both distinct from and like that of the United States’ white majority. Black church leaders distinguished themselves from whites in that they proudly used both Christian theology and foreign missions to fight for Black liberation at home and abroad. However, like white Americans, most African American clergy also believed in Protestant Christian supremacy. Consequently, AME leaders’ demands for the “racial uplift” of Black people across the world advanced the colonial project inherent in white Americans’ Christian missionary enterprise. With this African American perspective in mind, this chapter also shows that AME missionaries in Haiti had to interact with various people groups with whom they forged ecumenical ties. Such ties suggest that a distinct story might be told if events that occurred in Haiti formed the center of analysis.

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