Literatura académica sobre el tema "French Revolution (1789-1815) – Influence – Europe"
Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros
Consulte las listas temáticas de artículos, libros, tesis, actas de conferencias y otras fuentes académicas sobre el tema "French Revolution (1789-1815) – Influence – Europe".
Junto a cada fuente en la lista de referencias hay un botón "Agregar a la bibliografía". Pulsa este botón, y generaremos automáticamente la referencia bibliográfica para la obra elegida en el estilo de cita que necesites: APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
También puede descargar el texto completo de la publicación académica en formato pdf y leer en línea su resumen siempre que esté disponible en los metadatos.
Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "French Revolution (1789-1815) – Influence – Europe"
1
Lenkiewicz, Tomasz. "Wpływ europejskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego w sferze idei i wartości na tożsamość współczesnej Europy". Cywilizacja i Polityka 15, n.º 15 (26 de octubre de 2017): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5460.
Texto completoResumen
Europe is distinguished by its cultural and civilizational difference, defined throughout the history as a Latin, Christian, European and Western civilization. The ideological breakthrough in the development of this civilization has been, first of all, caused by the French Revolution (1789-1799), that refined values and ideas of the European communities. Contemporary character of the Western civilization (revealing the crisis of the axiological layer), was shaped in a long historical process, being under the influence of ideas considered to be the most important in particular historical epochs.
2
Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19th Century)". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 6(45) (28 de diciembre de 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.
Texto completoResumen
Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.
3
Tupan, Maria-Ana. "Romantic Healers in Old and in New Worlds". Volume-1: Issue-9 (November, 2019) 1, n.º 9 (7 de diciembre de 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.9.1.
Texto completoResumen
The revision of Romanticism in the last two or three decades went deeper than any other revolution in the canonization of western literature. Tom Wein (British Identities, Heroic Nationalisms and the Gothic Novel.1764-1824), Gary Kelly (English Fiction of the Romantic Period), Virgil Nemoianu (Taming Romanticism), or Michael Löwy and Robert Sayre (Romanticism Against the Tide of Modernity) demystified the uncritical association of this literary trend with the revolutionary political ethos in 1789 France, casting light on the conservative, pastoriented yearnings of the major representatives. Such considerations, however, do not apply to the American scene, where politics and poetics, unaffected, or at least not directly affected by the Reign of Terror and the Napoleonic wars remained faithful to the ideas of the French Revolution. Whereas Europe turned conservative, with the Great Powers forming suprastatal networks of influence (The Holy Alliance at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 bonding the Kingdom of Prussia, the Austrian and Russian empires, joined a few years later by France and the United Kingdom), America built a political system grounded in the rights of the individual and pursued ” dreams” of personal and national assertiveness (the ”city on the hill,” “from rags to riches”) in opposition to the European ”concert of nations” model. Our paper is pointing to a necessary dissociation of meliorist plots and narratives of healing in the romantic canon on either part of the Atlantic instead of subsuming them under a common poetics/politics heading.
4
Anisimov, Oleg V. "The House of Bourbon and Сonstitutional Revolutions in Southern Europe". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 68, n.º 1 (2023): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2023.111.
Texto completoResumen
The article examines the transfer of ideas and practices of constitutionalism from Spain to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in 1812–1820. On the basis of dispatches of the Russian envoy in Naples Gustav Stackelberg, the author analyses the features of the revolutionary events of the summer — autumn of 1820. The immediate objects of Count Stackelberg’s observation in Naples were the situation of the Bourbon monarchy and the new constitutional government; their relations with the Carbonari society; relations within the diplomatic corps and among representatives of the great powers. The article also examines texts of constitutional acts that formed the main milestones of the development of constitutionalism in Southern Europe: the Bayonne Statute of 1808, the Cadiz Constitution of 1812, the Sicilian Constitution of 1812, the French Charter of 1814, and the “constitution of Murat” of 1815. An attempt is made to compare the constitutional revolutions in Spain and Italy in 1820–1823: contradictions of domestic politics, the struggle of the Liberal Party and the opposition, support for the army, parliamentary activity, the fight against separatist movements, complications in foreign policy and opposition to the Holy Alliance, the role of Kings Ferdinand VII of Spain and Ferdinand I of Naples in the development of constitutional practice. This approach corresponds to modern trends in the history of the Restoration era, in which the concept of the “liberal international” is tested against Russian diplomatic sources. G. Stackelberg did not just observe the Neapolitan Revolution; he noted obvious parallels with the Spanish Revolution and reported on any attempts of covert contacts of revolutionaries from all over Europe. His political ideal was the French Charter of 1814, the application of which to the Neapolitan political situation he wanted to see in order to avoid the worst consequences of the intervention of the Austrian Empire. The author concludes that the borrowing of the Spanish constitution by the Neapolitans took place within the prepared framework, becoming a logical stage in the development of constitutionalism in countries close to each other not only in spirit, but being for a long time in the orbit of the French revolutionary and Napoleonic despotic influence. The article also shows that Stackelberg modernized the pattern of the era about the “pan-European conspiracy” and created its more moderate version based on his observations of the development of the constitutional revolution in Naples.
5
Nowak, Mariusz. "Historical Writing in the Service of Politics. Socio-political Changes of the Nineteenth Century in Western Europe from the Perspective of the Work of the Krakow Conservative, Henryk Lisicki (1839–1899)". Res Historica 56 (21 de diciembre de 2023): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2023.56.281-300.
Texto completoResumen
The article presents the views of Henryk Lisicki, a publicist and historian, actively cooperating with Krakow’s conservatives (Stańczycy). It focuses on the issue presented in his literature (and representative of his native environment), of the attitude of conservatives toward the nineteenth-century democratization processes. In his views, he revealed criticism of the legacy of the Great French Revolution of 1789. However, the article indicates that in his works Lisicki did this from a moderately conservative position. As a result, he argued for the possibility of adapting the deposit of „traditional values” resulting from the natural law to the reality forming in the Old Continent, under the influence of changes caused by the aforementioned revolution. The article also signals the political construct preferred by moderate conservatives (which is an alternative to the personal rule of a ruler or republic), in the form of a constitutional monarchy, which was exemplified by Victorian England. The text also points to representative elements of the moderately conservative worldview, which is a reception of conservative and liberal ideals.
6
Vasetsky, Viacheslav. "Changes in the legal sphere as a result of large historical Events". Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, n.º 34 (1 de agosto de 2023): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/1563-3349-2023-34-129-138.
Texto completoResumen
The paper presents the results of a study of the impact of large-scale historical events on significant changes in the legal field. Today, an event of such a scale is the war waged by the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which, after the undoubted defeat of the Russian Federation in many spheres, will have significant consequences, including in the legal sphere. The war in Ukraine has all the signs of an event of aglobal scale. Socio-political events in the turning points of history are at the same timethe source of development in the legal sphere. This trend can be observed at almost all historical stages, and therefore research in this direction is an urgent problem. The purpose of the paper is to study the impact of significant events in certain turning points in Modern and Recent history that took place on the European continent, which were the origin of changes in the legal sphere and had a long-term eff ect. Sinceit is currently impossible to predict exactly what changes will occur after the defeat of the Russian Federation, which legal institutions and in what direction they will apply, what consequences such changes will lead to in interstate relations and within the country, the above consideration is limited only to some historical events, which can be considered as an example of the origins of significant changes in the legal sphere of a doctrinal nature. The socio-political events in Europe in the XVII centuries, the results of the Thirty Years' War and the significance of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 in terms of influencing the development of legal doctrine of New history is analyzed. Thirty Years 'War in Europe in the XVII century ended with the signing in 1648 at the same time in Münster and Osnabrück peace treaty, which was called the Peace of Westphalia in1648. It is emphasized that the Peace of Westphalia contains a number of provisions of a doctrinal nature. This treaty was the source of modern international law and had along-term impact on the development of relations between states. Large-scale historical events of the late 18th - early 19th centuries in Europe are undoubtedly associated with France. This is the Great French Revolution of 1789-1794, this is also the period of the Napoleonic Wars, finally, this includes the Vienna Congress of 1814-1815, at which, after the defeat of Napoleonic France, the winners under the slogan of returning to the continent of peace and tranquility and the desire to restore monarchies redrawn the continental political map of Europe. The lawmaking activity of Napoleon is noted, on whose initiative and under his leadership alarge volume of codification works was carried out. Civil (1804), Commercial (1807), Criminal Procedure (1808) and Criminal (1810) codes were adopted. It is noted that French civil law and the principles implemented by it significantly influenced civil-lawrelations in Europe. In modern history during the 20th century events took place, the result of which were changes aimed at preventing the horrors of the First and Second World Wars in the future. But the creation of the relevant institutions, organizations, legal framework and other factors was not enough to prevent the threat of a new world conflict, to guarantee danger not only for Ukraine, but also for the whole world. In the light of the events in Ukraine, based on historical analogies, a conclusion is made about the expectation of significant changes in the legal sphere for future security in the world and in our country. Key words: Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, origins of law,historical analogies, Peace of Westphalia, French Civil Code.
7
DOYLE, WILLIAM. "THE FRENCH REVOLUTION BETWEEN BICENTENARIES". Historical Journal 40, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1997): 1123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007589.
Texto completoResumen
The revolution in provincial France. Aquitaine, 1789–1799. By A. Forrest. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. Pp. vi+377. £45.Fair shares for all. Jacobin egalitarianism in practice. By J.-P. Gross. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xv+255. £30.Europe under Napoleon, 1799–1815. By M. Broers. London: Edward Arnold, 1996. Pp. xii+291. £15.99.
8
DINCECCO, MARK. "Fragmented authority from Ancien Régime to modernity: a quantitative analysis". Journal of Institutional Economics 6, n.º 3 (20 de mayo de 2010): 305–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137410000032.
Texto completoResumen
Abstract:This paper performs a systematic analysis that examines institutional fragmentation in terms of customs tariffs within states west of the Rhine from 1700 to 1815 and between states east of the Rhine from 1815 to 1871. Internal customs zones are measured in two ways: physical size and urban population. Both methods use 175 sample cities as described by De Vries (1984) in England, France, the Netherlands, and Spain as the basic unit of account. The results indicate that customs zones west of the Rhine were small prior to the French Revolution but grew dramatically from 1789 onwards. They thus provide definitive evidence of divided authority in Ancien Régime Europe. The measurement of external customs zones uses 117 sample cities in the German and Italian territories. The findings indicate a remarkable degree of institutional consolidation between states east of the Rhine over the 1800s.
9
Meloni, Giulia y Johan Swinnen. "The Political and Economic History of Vineyard Planting Rights in Europe: From Montesquieu to the European Union". Journal of Wine Economics 11, n.º 3 (23 de noviembre de 2016): 379–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jwe.2016.18.
Texto completoResumen
AbstractIn 2008, the European Union (EU) voted to liberalize its system of planting rights, which has strictly regulated vine plantings in the EU. However, after an intense lobbying campaign, the liberalization of the planting rights system was overturned in 2013, and new regulations could create an even more restrictive system. European wine associations have complained about the detrimental effects of the new regulations. There is a precedent in history. In 1726, the French political philosopher and landowner Montesquieu complained to the French king about the prohibition on planting new vines. Montesquieu was not successful in his demands to remove the system of planting rights. Old and recent history suggests that political forces against liberalization of planting rights are very strong. Only the French Revolution in 1789 led to a fundamental liberalization of planting rights. The “liberal period” of the nineteenth century was sustained by the combination of the French Revolution's liberal ideology, the thirst of Napoleon's armies for wine, and diseases that wiped out most of the French vineyards.That said, in the past and the present, enforcement of planting rights is a major problem. In fact, despite the official restrictions, Montesquieu managed to plant his vines, allowing him to become a successful wine producer and merchant, to travel, and to spend time thinking, discussing, and ultimately writing up his ideas that influenced much of the Western world's constitutions. (JEL Classifications: K23, L51, N43, N54, Q18)
10
Sultana, Zakia. "Napoleon Bonaparte: His Successes and Failures". European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 6, n.º 2 (10 de junio de 2017): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v6i2.p189-197.
Texto completoResumen
Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821), also known as Napoleon I, was a French military leader and emperor who conquered much of Europe in the early 19th century. Born on the island of Corsica, Napoleon rapidly rose through the ranks of the military during the French Revolution (1789-1799). After seizing political power in France in a 1799 coup d’état, he crowned himself emperor in 1804. Shrewd, ambitious and a skilled military strategist, Napoleon successfully waged war against various coalitions of European nations and expanded his empire. However, after a disastrous French invasion of Russia in 1812, Napoleon abdicated the throne two years later and was exiled to the island of Elba. In 1815, he briefly returned to power in his Hundred Days campaign. After a crushing defeat at the Battle of Waterloo, he abdicated once again and was exiled to the remote island of Saint Helena, where he died at 51.Napoleon was responsible for spreading the values of the French Revolution to other countries, especially in legal reform and the abolition of serfdom. After the fall of Napoleon, not only was the Napoleonic Code retained by conquered countries including the Netherlands, Belgium, parts of Italy and Germany, but has been used as the basis of certain parts of law outside Europe including the Dominican Republic, the US state of Louisiana and the Canadian province of Quebec. The memory of Napoleon in Poland is favorable, for his support for independence and opposition to Russia, his legal code, the abolition of serfdom, and the introduction of modern middle class bureaucracies. The social structure of France changed little under the First Empire. It remained roughly what the Revolution had made it: a great mass of peasants comprising three-fourths of the population—about half of them works owners of their farms or sharecroppers and the other half with too little land for their own subsistence and hiring themselves out as laborers. Industry, stimulated by the war and the blockade of English goods, made remarkable progress in northern and eastern France, whence exports could be sent to central Europe; but it declined in the south and west because of the closing of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. The great migrations from rural areas toward industry in the towns began only after 1815. The nobility would probably have declined more swiftly if Napoleon had not restored it, but it could never recover its former privileges. Finally we can say that many of the territories occupied by Napoleon during his Empire began to feel a new sense of nationalism.
Tesis sobre el tema "French Revolution (1789-1815) – Influence – Europe"
1
Haegele, Vincent. "La famille Bonaparte et la gestion de l’héritage révolutionnaire : enjeux politiques et économiques au sein de l’espace européen". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021SORUL029.
Texto completoResumen
La Révolution française s’inscrit dès ses débuts dans un cadre international : tout au long des années 1780, les réformes entreprises dans les pays voisins de la France, mais aussi les crises politiques comme celle vécue par les Provinces-Unies, ont eu un large écho dans le débat politique intérieur. La signature du traité de commerce franco-anglais de 1786 est considérée comme une erreur politique dans un contexte qui voit l’opinion publique française s’alarmer du décrochage subi par l’économie du pays face au rival britannique. La Révolution remet en cause les bases fondamentales de la société française mais aussi ses rapports avec les puissances voisines, dont le langage diplomatique n’est plus compréhensible. L’entrée en guerre, en 1792, est inéluctable. Victorieuse sur le terrain militaire, la France n’est cependant pas pour autant épargnée par les crises politiques engendrées par les expérimentations constitutionnelles successives mises en place. En 1800, Napoléon Bonaparte s’empare du pouvoir et entreprend de consolider l’héritage révolutionnaire, à l’intérieur des frontières, mais aussi à l’extérieur. Bien qu’il prétende fermer le cycle commencé en 1789, Napoléon lui donne une nouvelle dimension dont la finalité est bien de construire un Empire. Cela sous-entend de reconstruire l’appareil diplomatique et de doter les États alliés ou satellites d’institutions inspirées du modèle qu’il incarne en reprenant à son profit les codes et symboles de la monarchie. Pourtant ce modèle n’est pas sans faiblesse. Le présent travail cherche à présenter le rôle de la famille Bonaparte dans l’appropriation des idées révolutionnaires et dans leur transmission à travers l’EuropeFrom its beginning, the French Revolution was the part of an international framework: throughout the 1780s, reforms and crisis in the foreign countries had a large echo in the internal political debate. The conclusion of the Franco-British commercial treaty in 1786 has been seen as a major political error by a growing part of the French public opinion. People were alarmed by the capability of the country’s economy to face the weight of British rival. The Revolution soon questions the fundamental bases of French society but also its relations with foreign powers, whose diplomatic language is no longer understandable. In 1792, the entry into the war was inevitable. Glorious in the military field, France was not however spared by the political crises engendered by the successive constitutional experiments. In 1800, the general Napoleon Bonaparte seized power and consolidated the revolutionary legacy, within the borders, but also abroad. Although he claimed to close the cycle started in 1789, Napoleon gave it a new dimension whose purpose was to build an Empire beyond natural borders. This implied a new diplomatic organisation and endowing allied or satellite states with institutions inspired by the model he personally embodied by using the codes and symbols of the monarchy for his own benefits. Yet this model was not without weakness. This work aims to present the role of the Bonaparte family in the appropriation of revolutionary ideas and in their transmission across Europe
2
Constantini, Laurent. "Les Constitutions des Républiques soeurs, illustration d’un modèle français pour l’Europe ?" Thesis, Paris Est, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PEST2002.
Texto completoResumen
Les Républiques soeurs, sont les républiques créées, aux Pays-Bas, en Italie, et en Suisse, pendant la Révolution, grâce à l'intervention militaire française et dont la constitution s'inspire fortement de celle du Directoire. Parmi ces dix constitutions datées de 1796 à 1799, certaines ont été simplement octroyées par la France, d'autres ont été adoptées plus librement. A ce moment où les puissances européennes font face à l'expansion de la Grande nation, celle-ci veut être entourée de républiques faites à son image, alliées, et même dociles, afin de se constituer un glacis protecteur. Ces constitutions sont donc établies grâce à la force des armes françaises, mais elles sont censées réaliser la liberté des peuples révolutionnés. Ces derniers, libérés d'une tutelle étrangère, ou d'un système inégalitaire, doivent connaître une émancipation à travers l'idéal républicain exprimé dans les constitutions. Or, la Constitution de l'an III, qui leur a servi de modèle, est elle-même la traduction d'un dilemme. Les Thermidoriens veulent clore l'épisode jacobin, tout en maintenant les acquis républicains. Les Républiques soeurs sont ainsi souvent décrites comme le lieu des expérimentations constitutionnelles qui ne peuvent être menées en France. Il s'agit donc, à travers une analyse constitutionnelle, de comparer les traductions de l'idéal républicain dans ces textes, et d'en montrer les différences par rapport au modèle français de 1795, afin de mesurer leur possibilité d'adaptation. Cette recherche des originalités des Constitutions des Républiques soeurs devant l'apport de l'idéal républicain, nécessite de passer par les thèmes qui constituent cet idéal, à savoir ceux de l'égalité, des droits, des libertés, de la garantie des droits, de la citoyenneté, de la souveraineté, de la représentation, et de la séparation des pouvoirsThe Sister Republics were created in Italy, Switzerland and the Netherlands through military intervention, during the French Revolution, and their constitutions are very much alike that of the Directoire. Of these ten Constitutions, adopted between 1796 and 1799, some were simply granted by France while others were passed on a more autonomous basis.At a time when the European powers were unable to contain the expansion of the Great nation, the latter wanted to surround itself with Republics built in its image, allied, even docile so as to surround itself in a protective glacis. These Constitutions were, thus, set up thanks to the French army's action, although they were meant to enforce the freedom of these revolutionized peoples. Freed from foreign dominion or from a non-equalitarian regime, they would experience emancipation through the republican ideal expressed in their constitutions. However, the Constitution de l'an III, upon which they were designed, was itself the expression of a dilemma. Thermidorians wanted to put an end to the Jacobin episode, while maintaining the gains of the republican regime. The Sister Republics are, hence, often described as the place of the constitutional experiments which could not be done in France. It is then question, through constitutional analysis, to compare the various translations of the republican ideal found in those texts, and to show the differences between them and the French model of 1795, so as to find out how adaptable they are. This investigation into the originality of the Constitutions of the Sister Republics in front of the republican ideal, will deal with the themes which are constitutive of this idea : equality, rights, liberties, protection of rights, citizenship, sovereignty, political representation and separation of powers
Libros sobre el tema "French Revolution (1789-1815) – Influence – Europe"
1
Arnold, James R. The aftermath of the French Revolution. Minneapolis, MN: Twenty-First Century Books, 2009.
Buscar texto completo
2
Arnold, James R. The aftermath of the French Revolution. Minneapolis, MN: Twenty-First Century Books, 2009.
Buscar texto completo
3
The social quest: The expanded vision of four women travelers in the era of the French Revolution. New York: P. Lang, 1991.
Buscar texto completo
4
Adickes, Sandra. The social quest: The expanded vision of four women travelers in the era of the French Revolution. New York: P. Lang, 1991.
Buscar texto completo
5
Cruise, O'Brien Conor. The long affair: Thomas Jefferson and the French Revolution,1785-1800. London: Pimlico, 1998.
Buscar texto completo
6
Cruise, O'Brien Conor. The long affair: Thomas Jefferson and the French Revolution, 1785-1800. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996.
Buscar texto completo
7
Napoleon and the Revolution. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
Buscar texto completo
8
Eagles, Robin. Francophilia in English society, 1748-1815. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.
Buscar texto completo
9
1951-, Yarrington Alison y Everest Kelvin, eds. Reflections of revolution: Images of Romanticism. London: Routledge, 1993.
Buscar texto completo
10
T, Dickinson H., ed. Britain and the French Revolution, 1789-1815. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.
Buscar texto completoCapítulos de libros sobre el tema "French Revolution (1789-1815) – Influence – Europe"
1
Dukes, Paul. "The French Revolution and Napoleon, 1789–1815". En Paths to a New Europe, 150–86. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-80206-3_6.
Texto completo
2
Dukes, Paul. "The French Revolution and Napoleon, 1789–1815". En A History of Europe 1648–1948: The Arrival, The Rise, The Fall, 175–212. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18027-1_7.
Texto completo
3
Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. "The Early Search for a National Past in Europe (1789–1820)". En A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0020.
Texto completoResumen
In the nineteenth century, the allure of the past of the Great Civilizations was soon to be contested by an alternative—that of the national past. This interest had already grown in the pre-Romantic era connected to an emerging ethnic or cultural nationalism (Chapter 2). However, its charm would not be as enticing to the lay European man and woman of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, who were much more under the influence of neoclassicism (Chapter 3). The Western European nations had no monuments comparable to the remains of Greece, Rome or Egypt. Before the Roman expansion into most of Western Europe in antiquity, there had been few significant buildings, apart from unspectacular prehistoric tombs and megalithic monuments whose significance was unrecognized by the modern scholar. Roman remains beyond Italy were not as impressive as those found to the south of the Alps. Because of this it seemed much more interesting to study the rich descriptions the ancient authors had left about the local peoples and institutions the Romans had created during their conquest. Throughout the eighteenth century the historical study of medieval buildings and antiquities had also increasingly been gaining appeal. In Britain their study instigated the early creation of associations such as the Society of Antiquaries of 1707, but even this early interest did not lead to medieval antiquities receiving attention in institutions such as the British Museum, where they would only receive a proper departmental status well into the nineteenth century (Smiles 2004: 176). In comparative terms, the national past and its relics were perceived by many to be of secondary rate when judged against the history and arts of the classical civilizations. During the French Revolution and its immediate aftermath, for example, the national past would not be as appreciated by as many people and antiquarians as that of the Great Civilizations (Jourdan 1996). This situation, however, started to change in the early nineteenth century. There were three key developments in this period, all inherited from Enlightenment beliefs, which were the foundation for archaeology as a source of national pride. The effects of these would be seen especially from the central decades of the century.
4
O'Hanlon, Tríona. "The Cultural Response to Moore’s Irish Melodies in Nineteenth-Century Paris". En The Oxford Handbook of Irish Song, 1100–1850, C21P1—C21N73. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190859671.013.21.
Texto completoResumen
Abstract This chapter considers the cultural response to Thomas Moore’s Irish Melodies in nineteenth-century Paris. In focusing on collected editions of the lyrics, French song imitations, and French song translations published between 1819 and 1880, it brings new perspectives to the debate on Moore’s work. It identifies the publishing and creative networks responsible for influencing his reception in France, and analyzes the mechanisms by which the Irish Melodies, and individual songs from the collection, were adapted, re-worked, and reimagined for European audiences. The Irish Melodies clearly resonated with Parisian-based creatives; Moore’s fusion of sentimental themes, poetry, and song aligned with the aesthetics of French Romanticism, while the political songs reflected an emerging sense of national identity post-Revolution (1789). However, translating Moore proved challenging, even for those who had a profound understanding of Irish culture and the idiom. The unauthorized publication of the lyrics in English by Galignani was a key moment, and preceded the publication of the first French translation by four years. As Paris quickly became a centre for the publication of the Melodies, and various re-workings thereof, Moore’s success, and that of the song collection, must be attributed to the activities of the publishing and cultural networks which responded by exploiting and exploring various modes for dissemination. In bringing attention to lesser known sources (musical and textual), this chapter is innovative in its approach, and demonstrates the reciprocal impacts and influences between Irish art song, its derivatives, and cultural activity in nineteenth-century Europe.