Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "France-Lebanon relations"

This article focuses on the political narrative in Lebanon before and after the Israeli war against Lebanon in 2006. It revolves around the subject of national unity as a sine qua non condition for success for the Lebanese resistance led by Hezbollah. A major consequence of the narrative on national unity is the need to build a modern state and establish a cohesive defence policy. The paper also examines the impact of the war on Lebanon's economy and on its relations with the rest of the world (the USA, France, Syria, Arab countries, and Iran).

Lebanon’s experiment with power sharing dates back to 1861 and 1864. Règlement, the law regulating relations between of all the ethnic-religious groups of Lebanon (Maronite Christians, Sunni Muslims, Christian Greek Orthodox, Greek Catholics, the Shi’a Muslims, and the Druze) was a novel, very interesting solution for multi-ethnic society of Lebanon. This society was divided along confessional lines concentrating in distinct geographical regions. The Ottoman governor had to be a appointed by Constantinople, non-Lebanese Catholic with the authorization of the five foreign guarantors (from England, France, Germany, Austria and Russia). Each of the six mentioned communities was allotted two seats on the twelve-member administrative council that helped the governor rule. According to the Règlement, all members of the administrative and judiciary councils as well as local officials of smaller counties were to be nominated and chosen by the leaders of the respective communities and appointed by the government. The Règlement Organique transformed Mount Lebanon into a fully autonomous Ottoman province with political institutions based on power sharing among its various denominations under an Ottoman-European consortium protectorate giving a half century communal peace (1864–1920) to Mount Lebanon.

The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or USJ, dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This centre for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. In his audience of 25 February 1881, Pope Leo XIII conferred the title of Pontifical University on the USJ.This article deals with the history of the USJ, the first great French-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria”. (The term Syria is used henceforth to represent the geographical entity of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which includes Syria and Lebanon of the present.) The underlying reasons for the creation of Saint-Joseph University of Beirut have to do with its being located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France. By the 1870s, the Ottoman Empire was being preserved chiefly by the competition between the European powers, all of whom wanted chunks of it. The Ottoman territory, like the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, encompassed a great many ethnic groups whose own nationalism was also stirring. Under Ottoman rule, the region of the Levant developed economic and religious ties with Europe. Open to the West, it became a hotbed of political strife between various foreign nations including France, Russia and Britain. These powerful countries assumed the protection of certain ethnic and religious groups, with France supporting the Christian Maronites and Britain supporting the Druzes.

This article focuses on Italian foreign and security policy (IFSP). It looks at three examples of the country's policy-making which reveal its poor results as a security provider, namely: Italy's tardy reaction to the violence in Libya in 2011, its prompt reaction to the Lebanon crisis in 2006, and its efforts to be included in the diplomatic directorate, the P5 + 1, approaching relations with Iran in 2009. The article considers whether government action has bolstered the reliability of IFSP and also discusses the country's FSP in terms of its basic differences from that of its partners in the European Union, France, Britain and Germany, envisaging how Italy could react to build more credibility. Italy's policy is observed through a three-pronged analytical framework enriched by concepts of the logic of expected consequences. The article concludes that IFSP is predictable, but it must still reveal that it is reliable, and explains why this is the case.

The article explores official development assistance flows from European countries to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and highlights certain specifics and the logic of redistribution of resources and roles between the largest European donors throughout the 2010s – since the Arab Spring, which transformed the political landscape of the entire region. This trend is explained by uneven dynamics of the donor activities of three states with a direct access to the Mediterranean – France, Italy and Spain ‒ and other countries. This dynamic seems to be caused by differences in domestic economic and political environment and dissimilarities in motivation and strategy which manifested themselves in allocation of resources between MENA and other regions, humanitarian and non-humanitarian assistance, various sectors, sub-regions and recipient countries. The Arab Spring made these dissimilarities even more acute and created an illusion of a conscious 'division of labour'. However, leading European powers – Germany, France and the United Kingdom – compete actively with each other as well as with non-European actors. A wide range of new and unexpected challenges such as a recent destabilization in the countries to a lesser extent affected by the Arab Spring (Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq), escalation of tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, a devastating explosion in the Beirut port etc., notwithstanding mid- and long-term consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, might make this competition even more dynamic.

The definition of the “Syrian crisis of 1860” is based on a series of bloody clashes and pogroms that broke out on the territory of Mount Lebanon and Damascus. These events had such a resonance in Europe that the government of the Ottoman Empire was forced to agree to the arrival of the French expeditionary force and the creation of an international commission consisting of representatives of five European powers — Britain, France, Russia, Austria and Prussia. The results of the commission's work turned out to be quite balanced and successful, ensuring the peaceful development of the region until the First World War. For Russia, participation in the European Commission has become a landmark event: this was one of the first episodes when, after the defeat in the Crimean War, she was able to fully perform in the ranks of the European concert, although, of course, not in the first roles. The purpose of this article is to analyze the role played by Russian diplomacy in resolving the Syrian conflict, and how participation in the work of the European Commission affected Russia's relations with other European powers.

On the basis of the archival materials from the Foundation of the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries of the State Archives of the Russian Federation, the author considers the process of the book exchange in 1944–1946 between Soviet Orientalists and their Egyptian colleagues. That exchange played an important part in the Soviet-Egyptian relations, the genesis of which was interrupted with the beginning of the “Cold War”. The book transaction was carried out largely due to the activities of the Soviet Egyptologist, TASS correspondent M.A. Korostovtsev, who was sent to Egypt at the very beginning of the establishment of the diplomatic relations between the USSR and Egypt. The documents of the above Foundation cover the contacts between the Orientalists within the framework of the major institutions: the French Institute of Oriental Archeology in Cairo and the Permanent Archaeological Mission of France in Lebanon, on the one hand, and the USSR Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences, on the other. As part of the shipment, the Soviet side sent the works on Iranian studies by V.V. Bartold, Arabic studies by I.Yu. Krachkovsky, the textbooks on the History of the Ancient East by B.A. Turaev and V.V. Struve, the works of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences, the copies of the Journal of Ancient History for 1937–1941, as well as the five-volume edition of works by N.Ya. Marr. The article is based on the archival documents that are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

The article examines the initial period of the mandate administration of Iraq by Great Britain, the anti-British uprising of 1920. The chronological framework covers the period from May 1916 to October 1921 and includes an analysis of events in the Middle East from May 1916, when the secret agreement on the division of the territories of the Ottoman Empire after the end of World War I (the Sykes-Picot agreement) was concluded before the proclamation of Faisal as king of Iraq and from the formation of the country՚s government. This period is a key one in the Iraqi-British relations at the turn of the 10-20s of the ХХ century. The author focuses on the Anglo-French negotiations during the First World War, on the eve and during the Paris Peace Conference on the division of the territory of the Ottoman Empire and the ownership of the territories in the Arab zone. During these negotiations, it was decided to transfer the mandates for Syria (with Lebanon) to the France, and Palestine and Mesopotamia (Iraq) to Great Britain. The British in Iraq immediately faced strong opposition from both Sunnis and Shiites, resulting in an anti-English uprising in 1920. The author describes the causes, course and consequences of this uprising.

The article analyzes the Middle East policy of the leading EU member states in the period of the Iraqi and Lebanese crises. The author notes that the war in Iraq caused disagreements between France and Germany and the United States, but in general it did not affect the high level of relations between these countries. The Iraqi crisis contributed to increased tensions in the Middle East. In order to resume Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, a Quartet of international mediators (the United States, the UN, the EU, and Russia) was created, which introduced a “road map” for settlement. But soon there emerged differences in the Quartet on its separate points. They increased because of the actions of Israel on the implementation of the “unilateral disengagement” plan. During the war in Lebanon, the EU member states called for the introduction of UN peacekeepers into the country. The US authorities did not agree with this and proposed to introduce a NATO peacekeeping contingent in Lebanon. In turn, France did not support the American plan, considering it unproductive. The Lebanese crisis revealed differences between France and the United States, preserved since the beginning of the war in Iraq. Within the framework of the EU Middle East strategy, the principles of European policy were developed, among which priority was given to assistance in the establishment of a Palestinian state and assistance to Palestinians in the transition period. The EU launched a plan for the reconstruction and development of the Palestinian state, the Future for Palestine, which would provide financial assistance to the Palestinian government, upbringing and educational measures for Palestinian youth, psychological assistance to victims of the Second Palestinian Intifada, etc. After the victory in the presidential election, the new US administration appealed to the conflicting parties to resume negotiations. New moments in the US approach to the Middle East settlement were met with approval in the European Union. Aware at the same time that the initiative right to the Middle East settlement still belongs to the United States, the leading EU member states had difficulty in putting forward their settlement plan, so they were limited to supporting the American program. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, in New York and Washington, the influence of political Islam in the Arab world increased markedly, to which the US authorities did not react properly. On the contrary, they sought to thoroughly reconstruct the “Greater Middle East” on the basis of Western democracy. The complex and contradictory nature of the processes developing in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the threat of the US military force against Iran, testified to this. In this difficult situation, issues related to the promotion of the Middle East peace process became even more urgent. The article concludes that the Quartet of international mediators should have made efforts to reach a comprehensive agreement as soon as possible, opening the way to peace in the Middle East.

In 2017 the International Court of Justice (ICJ or Court) made only procedural decisions, one on preliminary objections, one on counterclaims, and two on provisional measures. Three other new applications were made to the Court, all linked to earlier cases: Malaysia applied for the revision, and interpretation, of the judgment in the Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh case; and Costa Rica brought a case against Nicaragua concerning their land boundary in the area of Los Portillos, the latest in a long line of cases between the two states. Judges Ronny Abraham (France), Dalveer Bhandari (India), Antonio Cançado Trindade (Brazil), and Abdulqawi Yusuf (Somalia) were reelected to the Court, and one new judge, Nawaf Salam (Lebanon) was elected. The UK failed to secure the reelection of its judge, Christopher Greenwood. For the first time since the establishment of the ICJ, the UK will have no judge on the Court. This failure may be taken as an indication of its declining influence in international relations, arguably attributable in part to Brexit, and it marks the end of the convention that each permanent member of the Security Council will have a judge of its nationality on the Court. Nor was the UK able to prevent a request by the UN General Assembly (passed by ninety-four in favor to fifteen against, with sixty-five abstentions) for an Advisory Opinion on the legal consequences of the separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965—a sensitive issue for the UK, and one that has already been the subject of much litigation.

After the defeat of France in the summer of 1940, Great Britain was left face to face with the Nazi Germany. It managed to endure the first act of the ‘Battle of Britain’, but could not wage a full-scale war on the continent. Under these conditions, the defense of the British positions in the Mediterranean and in the Middle East became a top priority for W. Churchill’s cabinet. The author examines three episodes of Great Britain’s struggle for the Middle East in 1941 (Iraq, Syria, Iran), framing them into the general logic of the German-British confrontation during this period.The author emphasizes that potential assertion of German hegemony in the Middle East could have made the defense of Suez almost impossible, as well as the communication with India, and would have provided the Reich with an access to almost inexhaustible supplies of fuel. Widespread antiBritish sentiments on the part of the local political and military elites could contribute greatly to the realization of such, catastrophic for Britain, scenario. Under these circumstances, the British government decided to capture the initiative. The paper examines the British military operations in Iraq and Syria. Special attention is paid to the complex dynamics of relations of the British cabinet with the Vichy regime and the Free France movement. As the author notes, the sharpest disagreements aroused on the future of Syria and Lebanon, and the prospects of granting them independence. In the Iran’s case, the necessity of harmonizing policies with the Soviet Union came to the fore. The growing German influence in the region, as well as the need to establish a new route for Lend-Lease aid to the USSR, fostered mutual understanding. After the joint Anglo-Soviet military operation in August-September 1941, Iran was divided into occupation zones. Finally, the paper examines the UK position with regard to the neutrality of Turkey. The author concludes that all these military operations led to the creation of a ‘temporary regime’ of the British domination in the Middle East. However, the Anglo-French and Anglo-Soviet rivalries had not disappeared and, compounded by the growing US presence in the region, laid basis for new conflicts in the post-war period.

This study argues that France has recently sought to reassert itself as a power in the Middle East, North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean (MENA), especially in its former colonies. In this context, France's quest for "Pax Mediterranea" under the leadership of Emmanuel Macron, which has intensified its political-military initiatives in the MENA region, is analyzed through the rivalry between Paris and Tehran in Lebanon, Iraq and Syria, which are considered as Iran's spheres of influence in the Middle East. In this context, it is possible to explain the ups and downs of France-Iran relations from a realist perspective based on geopolitical competition, concrete threat perceptions and military-economic factors. Within the framework of neo-realist theory, which emphasizes the need to prevent the rise of regional hegemonic powers, this study argues that France's concern about Iran's growing influence in the region, the conflict of interests they face at the regional level and Iran's efforts to acquire nuclear weapons are the most important reasons for the unfriendly relations between the two countries.

Although coercion literature has traditionally focused on two-actor dyads, coercion in three-actor settings is a prevalent yet understudied strategy in International Relations. Such cases of “triangular coercion” represent a phenomenon whereby a coercer who lacks direct leverage over a resilient target coerces a third party who does possess leverage over the target, and to whom the target is vulnerable, and manipulates it into a clash of interests with the target. By forcing an otherwise uninvolved intermediary to align with the coercer, a coercer can alter the balance of vulnerability vis-à-vis its otherwise resilient target and enhance its susceptibility to coercion, albeit by extension. Existing scholarship tackles triangular coercion from different angles and mostly focuses on actor typology. This article seeks to promote our understanding of this strategy by proposing a conceptual model that distills its logic into the abstract components of vulnerability, resilience, and leverage. To demonstrate the dynamics of triangular coercion, the article draws on three empirical cases: Israel’s failed attempts to force Lebanon to rein in Hezbollah in the 1990s, Nazi Germany’s successful manipulation of Britain and France into coercing Czechoslovakia in 1938, and the Soviet Union’s success at forcing the United States to coerce Israel in 1973.

The global confrontation between the Axis and Allied powers during World War II accelerated decolonization in the Middle East. Axis propaganda supporting certain nation-state aspirations pushed the British to support nationalist Lebanese and Syrian leaders’ claims to independence from the French. After declaring independence, the leaders of the new Lebanese and Syrian governments sought to further secure their national interests by asking the Soviet Union and United States for help, establishing diplomatic relations with both countries in 1944. This calculated move proved effective. Josef Stalin, at the Potsdam Conference in July 1945, opposed the continuously privileged status France enjoyed in the region and, in 1946, Soviet representatives advocated in the UN Security Council for the removal of French and British troops. US representatives also supported Syrians’ right to determine their government, but in more moderate and cautious ways.

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