Tesis sobre el tema "Foreign economic relations"
Siga este enlace para ver otros tipos de publicaciones sobre el tema: Foreign economic relations.
Crea una cita precisa en los estilos APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard y otros
Consulte los 50 mejores tesis para su investigación sobre el tema "Foreign economic relations".
Junto a cada fuente en la lista de referencias hay un botón "Agregar a la bibliografía". Pulsa este botón, y generaremos automáticamente la referencia bibliográfica para la obra elegida en el estilo de cita que necesites: APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
También puede descargar el texto completo de la publicación académica en formato pdf y leer en línea su resumen siempre que esté disponible en los metadatos.
Explore tesis sobre una amplia variedad de disciplinas y organice su bibliografía correctamente.
1
Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.
Texto completoResumen
Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to
the beginning of this century. From the beginning
Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature
Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials
and also as a potential market for its finished products
Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which
became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which
were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron
ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of
Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and
other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular
in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads
on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British
colonial administration. For example, the British
enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited
rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a
quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the
late 1930s.
2
Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.
Texto completoResumen
The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic
achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic
power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage
and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In
the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of
four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific
Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations
between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing
emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment.
That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent
for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly
apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA),
because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese
involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that
made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial
focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political
objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic
relationship.
3
Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.
Texto completoResumen
Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy.
This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.
4
Bonnor-Hay, Jenelle. "The politics of Asia-Pacific economic co-operation". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128786.
Texto completoResumen
The focus of this thesis is on the political agenda underlying AsiaPacific
economic co-operation. These agenda will be explored with
reference to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, and an
attempt made to assess the feasibility of the APEC forum by examining the
discrepancies between the stated objectives of APEC and the implicit
political factors behind each participant's position.
5
Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion". Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.
Texto completo
6
Wan, Chi Shun. "Economic aspects of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1964". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29867.
Texto completoResumen
The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation,
and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding.
After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined
through the reappraisal of three major areas.
Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable.
The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed
in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated.
The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and
the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care.
Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored.
Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor
as well, because they produced a domestic political and social
situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished.
Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China
gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure
applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
7
Wainer, Gwen. "Economic sanctions : an effective tool of foreign policy". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2000. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/210.
Texto completoResumen
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
8
Mills, Jason. "Sino-American economic relationship after the global economic slowdown". Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/33994.
Texto completoResumen
The continued funding of America's persistent trade and fiscal deficits has sparked debate among international economists. One controversial explanation argues that East Asia is pursuing "Bretton Woods II" and funding American deficits as part of a greater development policy. This paper examines the Chinese policy response to the global economic crisis and finds that China's policy actions provide evidence for "Bretton Woods II." Furthermore, the Sino-American relationship is now characterized by codependence which has implications for the policy decisions of each country.
9
Gillies, David 1952. "Commerce over conscience : Canada's foreign aid programme in the 1980s". Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61150.
Texto completoResumen
This study is an examination of recent changes in the organisation and activity of Canada's foreign aid programme. Three conceptually distinct categories form the theoretical framework of the study: (a) contending approaches to the study of international relations; (b) contending conceptions of economic growth and development; and (c) contending approaches to the aid policy-making process. The study examines the multiple objectives underlying Canada's aid programme, develops and interprets a series of "aid quality" indices, and undertakes a detailed examination of the aid policy process. Emphasis is placed on tracing the specific combination of domestic "push" and international "pull" factors which have pressured Ottawa into initiatives promoting a closer linkage of the aid and trade facets of government activity. Attention is also drawn to the impact of these initiatives on the developmental objectives of the programme.The principal finding of the study is that while Canada's aid programme has until recently been able to maintain a precarious balance between the opposing forces of philanthropy and self-interest, there are now unmistakable signs of a deliberate effort to tilt the programme in a more commercial direction. In this trend, the single case of Canada mirrors a more general pattern towards an increasingly commercial orientation in most donor aid programmes.
10
Smith, Hevina N. "Economic dependence and Malawi's foreign policy posture toward South Africa". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65917.
Texto completo
11
Muniz, Blanca P. "EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations". Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.
Texto completo
12
Ng, Hei Lin. "China foreign aid to Africa : features and implications". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1465.
Texto completo
13
Marong, Alhagi. "Economic integration and foreign direct investment in West Africa". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20540.
Texto completoResumen
Economic integration and foreign direct investment were adopted by developing countries particularly in Africa, as strategies for economic development. For these countries, economic integration became not only a tariff issue, but a strategy for development; hence the term "developmental regionalism". This thesis is a study of the concept of developmental regionalism in West Africa. It concentrates on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which was formed in 1975.It is argued that as a strategy for development, the ECOWAS integration effort was inadequate because of undue reliance on tariff reductions--- so called "negative integration" measures. It is suggested that to facilitate a more cohesive integration program, countries in the region ought to adopt positive integration measures in the form of common policies on money and payments, industrialization and most significantly, a common policy on investments.
With respect to investment regulation, it is my argument that because liberalization of investment laws at the national level failed to attract the desired flow of foreign investment to the region, ECOWAS Member States ought to harmonize their regulatory framework with a view to ultimately adopting a single legal regime for international investment.
As a framework for analysis, I adopt the criteria of economic efficiency. This is a cost/benefit analysis of the transformations that occur as the result of contractual transactions. Where the costs to the parties exceed or are likely to exceed the benefits of the transaction, it is said to be inefficient. Using these criteria, I argue that in order to inject a level of fairness in investor/host state relations, and to avoid the costs of FDI to host societies exceeding the gains therefrom, international law ought to make binding prescriptions to govern corporate conduct. Based on this reasoning, I suggest a framework for improving the investment climate in West Africa.
14
Platten, Andrew B. "The People's Republic of China's economic growth and foreign policy". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FPlatten.pdf.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Lyman Miller. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.37-39). Also available in print.
15
Knoetze, Christopher. "Feasting on foreign aid : a political economic examination of foreign aid's potential role in perpetuating chronic hunger and starvation in Malawi". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20050.
Texto completoResumen
Foreign aid to Malawi has the ability to perpetuate the country's fifteen-year long hunger crisis. For millions of Malawians, chronic starvation is attributable to their inability to access food available on internationalised markets. Bilateral foreign aid to the Southern African state is aimed at stimulating development which, if successful, should also lift the country beyond threat of chronic, long-term malnourishment for the poorest of its citizens. Donor's, however, measure developmental aid's success along a narrow set of indicators - such as economic growth - dictating the direction of policy for recipient nations wishing to maintain the inflow of aid. For Malawi, this is all but inevitable as foreign aid accounts for 40% of government revenue. As a result of this dependency on external income, Malawi's government has targeted economic growth in order to maintain its aid support. Economic growth in Malawi has been fuelled by public spending and is unsustainable in the long term. The rapid growth was accompanied by high levels of inflation and the further entrenchment of a perennial trade accounts deficit, leaving the national currency weak. In addition, the majority of public spending reinforces the country's economic identity of an agricultural state, ensuring that 90% of Malawians who rely on agriculture for an income will remain poor due to the imbalance of trade. The indirect perpetuation of an agricultural economy, alongside unsustainable and unstable growth, has led to a situation where most Malawians cannot afford to buy food.
16
Yao, Ning. "BRICS cooperation mechanism and its impacts on global economic governance". Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335238.
Texto completo
17
Brochard, Patrick. "Political economy of China's foreign trade". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63312.
Texto completo
18
Dreier, Tina y Rhodes University. "China's African FDI safari : opportunistic exploitation or muturally beneficial to all participants". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001455.
Texto completoResumen
When implemented within a favourable legislative framework, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can produce domestic growth-enhancing spillovers in host countries. Other potential positive effects include the provision of investment capital, the creation of local employment and the transfer of sophisticated technology or advanced knowledge. African nations in particular have been historically reliant on externally-provided funds. Prevailing low income levels, marginal savings rates and the absence of functioning financial markets necessary to provide local start-up capital continue to keep Africa reliant on foreign inflows. Considering China’s increasing financial commitments to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) over the last decade, this study examines the state of current Sino-African investment relationships. Specific attention is paid to the outcomes of this strategic bilateral alliance in order to determine whether or not a mutually beneficial investment relationship has evolved. The distinct nature and structure of, the motivation behind and the most significant determinants of Chinese FDI to SSA are all analysed in accordance with traditional FDI theories. A case study approach is used to establish whether China’s contemporary interest in SSA differs from historical investments and to also investigate country-specific commonalities and differences. Of particular relevance to SSA are resource-backed Chinese loans that finance major infrastructure projects in host nations. Interestingly, a lot of the Sino-African investment packages resemble similar deals struck between China and Japan in the 1970s. The results of this study indicate that China’s investment motives seem more diverse than initially expected. Resource-seeking, profit-seeking and market access-seeking reasons appear to be the most important motives. After establishing the Top- Ten recipients of Chinese FDI in SSA, these nations are then classified into three major categories: resource-, oil- or agricultural-rich nations. Undiversified resource- or oil-rich economies are found to have secured the largest shares of Chinese FDI. This study suggests that China’s contemporary “African Safari” is an unconventional way of providing financial assistance. Rather than solely supplying FDI, China finances a diverse mix of instruments, the most important being concessional loans, export credits, zero-interest loans and the establishment of Special Economic Zones. A profound difference to traditional Western investment packages is China’s non-interference approach. Accordingly, Beijing not only refrains from intervening in host countries’ domestic affairs but also refuses to attach formal conditionalties to its loans. China’s “financial safari” into Africa has produced many positive as well as negative effects in host countries. Nevertheless, it would seem that the positive effects outweigh the negative and China’s FDI could contribute to sustainable development in SSA
19
Angliss, John. "Turkish-british Economic Relations 2002-2012: An Intensely Political Relationship". Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615531/index.pdf.
Texto completoResumen
Over the last ten years Britain and Turkey have sustained an unusually harmonious
economic relationship. However, this has not been the outcome of undirected free
markets and the effective exploitation of comparative advantage. Instead, it has come
about as the result of a series of political compromises. This analysis looks at how
the relationship has evolved on a variety of political levels: through international
organisations, state-to-state diplomacy, the direct state sponsorship of British
business in Turkey and the varied political relations of British multinationals inside
Turkey. At each level, activist British governments have used political methods to
promote British business, even sometimes at the expense of their reputation or other
strategic interests. Complementing this is a structural power imbalance between the
two countries, which has helped open up Turkey&rsquos markets to British capital.
20
Botha, Ilana. "China in Africa : friend or foe? : China’s contemporary political and economic relations with Africa". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3405.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).
21
Zhang, Jianxin. "U.S. - China Bilateral Trade 1972 - 1992". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278694/.
Texto completoResumen
The main task of this thesis is to investigate economic implications of U.S.- China trade. The study period covers from 1972 to 1992. Data are available from International Financial Statistics, Survey of Current Business, Statistical Yearbook of P.R.China. Various hypotheses are employed to explain the basis and gain of trade, the impact of trade on both economies, and the major determinants of bilateral trade flows. This thesis contains five parts: I. Introduction; II. Outlook; III. Theoretical Analysis; IV. Empirical Study; and V. Conclusion. The major findings of this thesis are that both countries have gained advantages from trade and have also faced some unpleasant problems; several widely recognized theories serve as good approaches to understand these issues; the time series distributed lag models are helpful in explaining the determinants of trade flows.
22
Jordaan, Johannes Cornelius. "Foreign direct investment and neighbouring influences". Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2004. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-04182005-094319.
Texto completo
23
Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.
Texto completoResumen
This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In
many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the
ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception
of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should
become ‘unimaginable’.
24
Ryan, Bernard. "Political Islam and the Shaping of Iranian Foreign Relations". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1229.
Texto completoResumen
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
25
Ho, Choong Sin. "The critical importance of the Soviet role in Vietnam's economic reforms - fact or fallacy?" Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/118455.
Texto completoResumen
At its Sixth National Party Congress in December 1986, a
drastic leadership change occurred in the Communist Party of
Vietnam (CPV). Truong Chinh, Pham Van Dong and Le Due Tho
all stepped down from top Party positions, accepting most of
the blame for the country's appalling socio-economic condition.
The new leadership that replaced them, led by Nguyen Van
Linh, is now faced with the task of reforming the country's
ailing economy.
To do this, it has embarked on a wide-ranging series of
economic reforms. As these reforms gain momentum in the
second half of the 1980s, it has seen the concomitant rise of a
new class of leaders in the Politburo labelled as "reformers",
the most prominent of whom are the country's new leader,
Nguyen Van Linh, and the State Planning Commission
Chairman. Vo Van Kiet.
26
Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). "A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.
Texto completoResumen
This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.
27
Sithole, Abel Moffat. "The People’s Republic of China’s “strategic partnerships” with South Africa : 1998-2013". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97006.
Texto completoResumen
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of the People‘s Republic of China (PRC) as an economic superpower has become one of the most significant developments in world affairs in recent times. As the PRC has grown in economic significance, it seeks to translate this to all areas of its relationship with the rest of the world. Africa and African countries are a region where the PRC‘s involvement and engagement has elicits major consternation, especially from Western countries. However, this region, relative to its geographic and population size, natural endowments, and engagement with other regions andWestern countries in particular, remains insignificant in the PRC‘s external relations. South Africa enjoys very good diplomatic relations with the PRC, disproportionate to its significance with regard to the PRC‘s quest for resource that fuels its phenomenal economic resurgence. South Africa and the PRC‘s relationship has, within a decade, grown in depth and complexity that supersedes despite major asymmetries between them. South Africa is the first developing and African country with which the PRC established a comprehensive strategic partnership. While the concept of a ‗strategic partnership‘ remains unclear in international relations, it conveys a relationship of significance and stature that supplements ordinary bilateral relationships, although the latter are better defined and binding than the former. Clearly, the Chinese government attaches great importance to its relationship with South Africa. The advent of democracy and a thriving pluralistic socio-economic and cultural society that is admired despite the challenges it faces, makes South Africa an exemplar and desirable partner. South Africa‘s international stature and role in the international system, matches the PRC‘s objectives in this regard, making South Africa a good foil for PRC. However, this study contends that there are reasons that are beyond the well-worn natural resource extraction and diplomacy arguments that make South Africa attractive to the PRC. It uses asymmetry theory of international relations to explore and elucidate this. It explores what underpins, motivates and accounts for the rapid progression of this relationship and the implications this may have on their relationship in the future This thesis uses Womack‘s (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) terminology and methodology to look at how South Africa and the PRC concentrate on areas of complementarity and cooperation and seek and foster mutual understanding and appreciation of each other‘s societies and histories. The thesis explore how they work to actively convert hostility to friendship and adroitly manage the relationship to prevent it drifting from friendship to hostility, as well as using what Womack calls routinization, neutralization and diplomatic ritual, in managing their partnership. From the perspective of asymmetry theory, the PRC and South Africa are complementary. South Africa is the largest; most sophisticated, developed and diversified economy in Africa and the developing world. It possesses or has access to technical and managerial knowhow that the PRC would have difficulty accessing elsewhere. South Africa remains a strategic maritime and naval route for the PRC‘s trade and accesses to key resources on the African continent and elsewhere. The study finds that asymmetry theory is useful in understanding how South Africa and the PRC manage their relationship. Asymmetry theory provides a framework to analyse the motivations and dynamic interactions that drive the progression of their diplomatic relations. The findings of the thesis imply a diplomatic relationship between South Africa and the PRC that is based on more than just the PRC‘s need for resources and diplomatic support in the international system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onlangse toetrede van die VolksRepubliek van China (VRC) tot die geledere van die ekonomiese supermoondhede het een van die mees beduidende verwikkelinge in wêreldaangeleenthede geword. Soos die VRC ekonomies belangriker geword het, is gepoog om hierdie sukses te herhaal op ander terreine van die land se buitelandse betrekkinge met die res van die wêreld. Afrika en Afrika lande is ‗n streek waar die VRC se betrokkenheid en verbindnisse groot konsternasie ontlok het, veral vanaf Westerse lande. Maar hierdie streek, relatief tot sy geografiese en demografiese grootte, natuurlike hulpbronne en betrokkenheid by ander streke en veral Westerse lande, bly onbeduidend in die VRC se buitelandse betrekkinge. Die aandag wat Suid Afrika van die VRC geniet is disproporsioneel in vergelyking met die belang van die VRC se soeke na hulpbronne om haar fenomenale ekonomiese groei te stook. Die verhoudinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC het in die bestek van ‗n dekade gegroei in diepte en kompleksiteit wat als oorskadu ten spyte van groot ongelykhede tussen hulle. Suid- Afrika is die eerste ontwikkelende land met wie die VRC ‗n omvattende strategiese vennootskap gesluit het. Terwyl die konsep van ‗n ‗strategiese vennootskap‘ onduidelik bly in internasionale betrekkinge, vergestalt dit betrekinge van beduidenis en statuur wat gewone bilatirale betrekkinge aanvul, alhoewel laasgenoemde beter gedefinieer en bindend is as eersgenoemde. Dit is duidelik dat die Chinese regering groot belang heg aan betrekkinge met Suid-Afrika Die oorgang na demokrasie en ‗n florerende plurale sosio-ekonomiese kulturele samelewing wat bewonder word ten spyte van die uitdagings wat dit in die gesig staar, maak van Suid- Afrika ‗n navolgingswaardige en wenslike vennoot. Suid-Afrika se internasionale statuur en rol in die internasionale stelsel pas die VRC se doelwitte in hierdie opsig en maak van Suid- Afrika ‗n goeie skerm floret vir die VRC. Maar, hierdie tesis betoog dat daar ook ander redes is buiten die wel bekende natuurlike hulpbron onttrekking en diplomatieke argumente wat Suid-Afrika vir die VRC aantreklik sou maak. Womack se ongelykheidsteorie in internasionale betrekkinge word gebruik om dit te ondersoek en toe te lig. Ongelykheidsteorie is nog nie voorheen in studies oor hierdie betrekkinge gebruik nie. Hierdie tesis verskaf dus ‗n belangrike alternatiewe metode om hierdie betrekkinge te bestudeer. Die tesis ondersoek Suid-Afrika en die VRC se betrekkinge na aanleiding van Womack (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) se terminologie en metodologie en fokus op gebiede waar die twee lande mekaar komplimenteer en kan saamwerk; wedersydse verstaan van, en waardering vir, mekaar se mense en geskiedenisse kan koester; om aktief vyandigheid te omskep in vriendskap en om verhoudings so bedrewe te bestuur dat vriendskap nie in vyhandigheid verander nie; en om ook wat Womack roetiene, neutraliteit en diplomatieke ritueel noem te gebruik in die bestuur van hul vennootskap. Deur die lens van ongelykheidsteorie kyk die tesis na wat die vinnige progressie wat hierdie betrekkinge onderskraag, motiveer en verklaar. Vanuit die perspektief van ongelykheidsteorie vind die VRC Suid-Afrika komplimenterend. Dit is die grootste, mees gesofistikeerde, ontwikkelde en gediversifiseerde ekonomie in Afrika en die ontwikkelende wêreld. Dit besit of het toegang tot tegniese en bestuurskennis wat die VRC moeilik elders toegang toe sou kon kry. Suid-Afrika bly ‗n strategiese maritime en vloot roete vir VRC handel en toegang tot sleutel hulpbronne op die Afrika kontinent en elders. Een van die bevindings van die studie is dat ongelykheidsteorie ‗n nuttige metode is om die bestuur van die verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC te verstaan. Dit verskaf ‗n raamwerk vir die analise van die motiverings en dinamiese interaksies wat die vordering van hul diplomatieke betrekkinge bepaal. Die bevindings van die tesis impliseer dat die diplomatieke betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC nie net op die VRC se behoefte aan bronne en diplomatieke steun in die internasionale stelsel gebaseer is nie.
28
Que, Wen Jun. "String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.
Texto completo
29
Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.
Texto completo
30
Jia, Meng Qi. "Promoting stability and sustainability of China's natural resource investments in Africa through BIT approach". Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3959453.
Texto completo
31
Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. "A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling: Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany". PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.
Texto completoResumen
Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.
32
Kovalenko, Yulia, Diana Stepanova, Юлія Олександрівна Коваленко y Діана Степанова. "Management of foreign economic relations of the enterprise on the basis of sustainable development". Thesis, National aviation university, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/53446.
Texto completoResumen
Коваленко Ю., Степанова Д. Управління зовнішньоекономічними зв'язками підприємства на основі сталого розвитку // Сучасні проблеми менеджменту: матеріали XVII Міжнародної науково-практичної конференції. - Національний авіаційний університет. - Київ, 2021. - С. 38-39Foreign economic activity is one of the most important factors in the development of the national economy. No country in the world will be able to independently develop its own production processes, ensure economic growth without effectively using the benefits of the international division of labor and the combined international scientific and technological potential. This is especially relevant in modern conditions when the processes of international economic integration, the international division of labor, globalization of the world economy are developing intensively. Foreign economic activity promotes the development of promising areas of export potential. It is due to foreign economic activity that our country solves the problem of lack of energy, new machines, and equipment, technologies, some consumer goods.
Зовнішньоекономічна діяльність є одним з найважливіших факторів розвитку національної економіки. Жодна країна у світі не зможе самостійно розвивати власні виробничі процеси, забезпечувати економічне зростання без ефективного використання переваг міжнародного поділу праці та об'єднаного Міжнародного науково-технічного потенціалу. Це особливо актуально в сучасних умовах, коли інтенсивно розвиваються процеси міжнародної економічної інтеграції, міжнародного поділу праці, глобалізації світової економіки. Зовнішньоекономічна діяльність сприяє розвитку перспективних напрямків експортного потенціалу. Саме за рахунок зовнішньоекономічної діяльності наша країна вирішує проблему нестачі енергії, нових машин і обладнання, технологій, деяких споживчих товарів.
33
Quan, Wei. "Sino-US strategic and economic dialogue mechanism : is it a trouble-shooter or just empty talk?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595576.
Texto completo
34
Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.
Texto completoResumen
Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
35
Yang, Zi Wei. "Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.
Texto completo
36
Yuvaci, Abdullah. "International Politics, Special Interests and Foreign Trade Policy: A Study of Turkish-American Textile Trade Relations". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1271800423.
Texto completo
37
Yang, Dexin 1960. "Transaction efficiency, division of labour and foreign direct investment". Monash University, Dept. of Economics, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7614.
Texto completo
38
Di, Mauro Francesca A. "Essays on foreign direct investment and economic integration: a gravity approach". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211356.
Texto completo
39
Leung, Wai Man. "The exchange rate system of China : an empirical study with institutional factors". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/721.
Texto completo
40
Dai, Ke. "Theoretical analysis of US's foreign aid". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595544.
Texto completo
41
Traylor, John Christopher 1960. "American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
Texto completoResumen
The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
42
Liu, Qianqian. "China's strategy towards East Asian regional cooperation since the Asian financial crisis". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609782.
Texto completo
43
Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. "GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
44
Kwak, Tae Woon. "International transmission of economic disturbances under floating exchange rates". The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1278526152.
Texto completo
45
Legge, Mikaya Modi Lubajo. "Diplomatic relations and their impact on development: the case of South Sudan and Uganda". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/15365.
Texto completoResumen
Since Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed in 2005, its border with Uganda has become a hub of activities. These economic activities have been enhanced by ethnic and political relations, but also by diplomatic relations between the two countries. Contrasting developments on the Ugandan side of the border with those on the South Sudanese side, this research draws on empirical fieldwork to examine the impact of diplomatic relations on the development between both countries since 2005, with international trade as the main aspect of development. The study sets out to show how trade between both countries has been affected by the diplomatic relations between them. The post-CPA demand for goods and state-building processes created a range of economic opportunities for traders. This was particularly the case for Ugandan large-scale traders who, as a result, became an important and empowered group. These factors have further been enhanced by good diplomatic relations between both countries, and as a result South Sudan has become Uganda’s most important trading partner as well as a destination for many Ugandans to conduct their trade. Simultaneously, post-conflict problems have emerged in South Sudan such as insecurity, weak government institutions run by incompetent officials, corruption, high foreign exchange rate, cultural diversity, mistrust and poor infrastructure. These problems have emerged as major challenges to trade and investment by Ugandan traders in South Sudan with traders as well as government officials agreeing that these challenges present major setbacks to trade and investment in South Sudan. Ugandan small-scale traders in particular have become more vulnerable to expressions of authority on the part of South Sudan’s post-CPA state, in which state or individual military might is used effectively to control trade. The current conflict, which began in December 2013, has added a new dimension to the list of impediments to trade as insecurity and economic instability have precipitated an atmosphere of uncertainty among many traders and investors. Despite all those challenges, Ugandan traders as well as government officials still view South Sudan as a business destination of choice. Overall, the study confirms that diplomatic relations have enhanced international trade between South Sudan and Uganda by way of solving trade disputes, investment promotion and influencing leadership on policy matters.
46
Riley, Joseph. "Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.
Texto completoResumen
This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.
47
"Pushing the envelope for transnational political advocacy: unconventional channels in EU-DPRK relations". 2008. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5893677.
Texto completoResumen
Chung, Lok Wai.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-271).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Abstract / --- p.i
Acknowledgments/ --- p.iii
Table of Content / --- p.iv
List of Tables / --- p.ix
Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 1. --- Theoretical background --- p.2
Chapter 2. --- Research questions --- p.6
Chapter 3. --- Explanatory Variables and Hypothesis: --- p.7
Chapter 4. --- Main Findings --- p.9
Chapter 5. --- Research methodology --- p.10
Chapter 6. --- Research significance --- p.11
Chapter 7. --- Structure of the thesis --- p.12
Chapter Chapter One: --- Literature Review --- p.15
Chapter 1. --- Debate between ideas and interests in International Relations --- p.16
Chapter 1.1. --- Conceptualization --- p.17
Chapter 1.2. --- How idea affects policy: three pathways? --- p.19
Chapter 1.3. --- Interest matter? --- p.20
Chapter 1.4. --- How is it formed? --- p.22
Chapter 1.5. --- End of idealism and rationalism debate? --- p.23
Chapter 2. --- Debate between epistemic community with other communities --- p.28
Chapter 2.1. --- How expert group works --- p.31
Chapter 2.1.1. --- Uncertainty --- p.31
Chapter 2.1.2. --- Cause and effect relationships --- p.32
Chapter 2.1.3. --- Define self-interests --- p.33
Chapter 2.1.4. --- Formulate policy --- p.33
Chapter 2.2. --- Difference between epistemic community with other groups --- p.33
Chapter 2.3. --- How to affect policy --- p.35
Chapter 2.4. --- Transnational Advocacy Network --- p.38
Chapter 2.4.1. --- What is network --- p.38
Chapter 2.4.2. --- What is transnationalism --- p.40
Chapter 2.4.3. --- What is transnational advocacy network? --- p.42
Chapter 2.4.4. --- How Transnational Advocacy Network works? --- p.44
Chapter 2.4.5. --- What conditions do advocacy networks have influence? --- p.46
Chapter 3. --- Application to the North Korea case --- p.47
Chapter Chapter Two: --- North Korea Economy: General Review and Trend Development --- p.50
Chapter 1. --- History of North Korea --- p.50
Chapter 2. --- Overview: From 50s to 2002 --- p.52
Chapter 1.1. --- Economic Philosophy: Juche --- p.53
Chapter 1.2. --- 70-80s --- p.55
Chapter 1.3. --- After the Cold War --- p.56
Chapter 1.4. --- Famine: 1995 --- p.58
Chapter 1.5. --- 2002 Reform --- p.58
Chapter 1.5.1. --- Prices rising and increase in wages based on performance --- p.60
Chapter 1.5.2. --- Enhancement of self-management of enterprises --- p.61
Chapter 1.5.3. --- Devaluation of exchange rate --- p.62
Chapter 1.5.4. --- Farm reform --- p.62
Chapter 1.5.5. --- Attracting foreign direct investment --- p.63
Chapter 3. --- North Korean Economy in 2005-2007 --- p.63
Chapter 3.1 --- Lack of substantial changes --- p.64
Chapter 3.1.1. --- Slow down the rapid change --- p.64
Chapter 3.1.2. --- Focus on security/nuclear issue --- p.65
Chapter 3.1.3. --- Adverse feedback from the July Reform --- p.67
Chapter 3.2. --- Detrimental Economic Situation --- p.70
Chapter 4. --- Conclusion --- p.71
Chapter Chapter Three: --- EU-DPRK Relations: From Governmental to Non-Governmental … --- p.73
Chapter 1. --- EU-Asia Relations: In general --- p.73
Chapter 2. --- EU-DPRK: Historical review --- p.76
Chapter 2.1. --- Cold War Era --- p.76
Chapter 2.2. --- Post Cold War era --- p.78
Chapter 2.3. --- After 9-11 --- p.80
Chapter 3. --- EU-DPRK Relations: Governmental Level --- p.82
Chapter 3.1. --- EU Perspective --- p.82
Chapter 3.1.1. --- Motives --- p.82
Chapter 3.1.2. --- Strategy: Quiet and Engagement diplomacy --- p.83
Chapter 3.1.3. --- Political perspective --- p.85
Chapter 3.1.3.1. --- Political dialogue --- p.85
Chapter 3.1.3.2. --- Diplomatic recognition --- p.87
Chapter 3.1.3.3. --- Nuclear and security problem --- p.88
Chapter 3.1.4. --- Economic perspective --- p.89
Chapter 3.1.4.1. --- Trade --- p.89
Chapter 3.1.4.2. --- Economic Assistance --- p.91
Chapter 3.1.4.3. --- Food aid --- p.91
Chapter 3.1.4.4. --- Technological Transfer --- p.93
Chapter 3.2. --- DPRK Perspective --- p.96
Chapter 3.2.1. --- Motives --- p.96
Chapter 3.2.2. --- Strategy: Pragmatic but gradually open --- p.98
Chapter 3.2.2.1. --- Pragmatic policy --- p.98
Chapter 3.2.2.2. --- Open Policy --- p.100
Chapter 4. --- EU-DPRK relations: Non-Governmental Level --- p.103
Chapter 4.1. --- NGOs and North Korea --- p.104
Chapter 4.2. --- Humanitarian NGOs in North Korea --- p.105
Chapter 4.2.1. --- Period: 1995-1998 --- p.106
Chapter 4.2.2. --- Period: 1998 -1999 --- p.108
Chapter 4.2.3. --- Period: 1998 to present --- p.110
Chapter 4.3. --- Debate among European NGOs: Hard-landing vs. Change through Rapproachment? --- p.111
Chapter 5. --- Conclusion --- p.114
Chapter Chapter Four: --- Pushing the envelope: new forms of political advocacy generated by NGOs: analysis on the two EU-DPRK Workshops organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation --- p.116
Chapter 1. --- FNF and the expert group generated by it --- p.117
Chapter 1.1. --- Shared Normative and Principled Belief --- p.119
Chapter 1.2. --- Shared Causal Belief --- p.122
Chapter 1.3. --- Shared Notions of Validity --- p.125
Chapter 1.4. --- A Common Policy Enterprise --- p.126
Chapter 2. --- "Experts groups in FNF matters: How did the ideas developed, transferred and influenced the policymakers in North Korea" --- p.128
Chapter 2.1. --- Transnational actor characteristics --- p.131
Chapter 2.1.1. --- Participants of the expert group --- p.131
Chapter 2.1.1.1. --- Workshop in 2004 --- p.132
Chapter 2.1.2. --- Consensus among community members --- p.134
Chapter 2.1.3. --- Density among members --- p.136
Chapter 2.1.4. --- Resources of FNF --- p.137
Chapter 2.2. --- The specific need of policy suggestion from North Korea --- p.140
Chapter 2.2.1. --- The existence of uncertainty --- p.141
Chapter 2.3. --- Communication Process --- p.145
Chapter 2.3.1. --- Networking Building --- p.145
Chapter 2.3.1.1. --- Seminar --- p.145
Chapter 2.3.1.2. --- Study Tour/ Training seminar --- p.147
Chapter 2.3.2. --- Channels --- p.149
Chapter 2.3.2.1. --- Conference --- p.149
Chapter 2.3.2.2 --- Presentation --- p.151
Chapter 2.3.2.3. --- General Discussion and working groups --- p.152
Chapter 2.3.2.4. --- Field Visit --- p.154
Chapter 2.3.2.5. --- Lunch/Coffee Break and Dinner --- p.155
Chapter 2.4. --- Institutionalization of advice --- p.155
Chapter 2.5. --- Communication strategies --- p.158
Chapter 2.6. --- Policies recommendation and ideas shared during the two conferences --- p.160
Chapter 2.6.1. --- Workshop on Economic Reforms and the Development of Economic Relations between the EU and the DPRK (31 August to 4 September 2004) --- p.160
Chapter 2.6.2. --- Second Workshop on Economic Reform and the Development of Economic Relations between the EU and the DPRK (12-14 October 2005) --- p.171
Chapter 3. --- Conclusion --- p.188
Chapter Chapter Five: --- The Distinctive Path of North Korean Reform and the Policy Impacts of the Expert Group --- p.190
Chapter 1. --- Similarities between North Korea and Central and Eastern Europe --- p.190
Chapter 2. --- From ideas to policy: What are policy impacts from the expert group to the North Korea economic reform? --- p.195
Chapter 2.1 --- IT and software development --- p.195
Chapter 2.1.1. --- Case one: Nosotek --- p.196
Chapter 2.1.2. --- Case two: Pyongyang International Technology and Infrastructure Exhibition (PITIE) 2006 --- p.198
Chapter 2.2. --- The strengthening of the small and medium enterprises (SMEs)in mining industry --- p.200
Chapter 2.3. --- Policies to attract FDI --- p.204
Chapter 2.4. --- Legal development --- p.205
Chapter 2.4.1. --- Case one: Pyongyang Law Office --- p.206
Chapter 2.4.2. --- Case two: Birindelli & Associati --- p.207
Chapter 2.4.3. --- "Law on the Assessment of Environmental Effects in North Korea (Mar. 10, 2006)" --- p.208
Chapter 2.5. --- Trade fairs --- p.210
Chapter 2.5.1. --- The Pyongyang Autumn International Trade Fair (PAITT) 2006-2008 --- p.211
Chapter 3. --- Conclusion --- p.212
Conclusion: --- p.214
Chapter 1. --- Research Implications --- p.215
Chapter 1.1. --- Revisit the debate between scholarship and policy-making in Political Science --- p.215
Chapter 1.1.1. --- Bridge-Building Perspective --- p.216
Chapter 1.1.2. --- Independence Perspective --- p.218
Chapter 1.2. --- Revisit of the theory of epistemic community and transnational advocacy network --- p.221
Chapter 1.3. --- Re-examine the debate between shock therapy and gradualism --- p.223
Chapter 1.4. --- Re-evaluate the importance of EU on North Korea --- p.225
Chapter 2. --- Conclusion --- p.227
Appendix 1: Participants of the two EU-DPRK Workshops --- p.229
Appendix 2: Debate between shock therapy and gradualism approach in economic transformation --- p.240
Chapter 1. --- Shock therapy --- p.241
Chapter 1.1. --- Agent analysis --- p.242
Chapter 1.2. --- Programs analysis --- p.243
Chapter 1.2.1. --- Price liberalization --- p.243
Chapter 1.2.2. --- Privatization --- p.243
Chapter 1.2.3. --- Institutional design --- p.244
Chapter 1.2.4. --- Monetary policy --- p.245
Chapter 1.2.5. --- Fiscal Policy --- p.245
Chapter 1.2.6. --- International trade --- p.246
Chapter 1.3. --- Ideas analysis --- p.247
Chapter 2. --- Gradualism --- p.249
Chapter 2.1. --- Agent analysis --- p.250
Chapter 2.2. --- Progress analysis --- p.251
Bibliography --- p.254
48
"Beyond containment: market derivation of United States foreign policy toward China". 1997. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073060.
Texto completoResumen
by Gordon C.K. Cheung.Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-265).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest dissertations and theses, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
49
Okamoto, Jiro. "Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN". Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149958.
Texto completo
50
Saito, Tadashi. "Trade without diplomatic relations : a comparative study of China-Japan and China-Australia trade relations in the 1960s". Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128709.
Texto completoResumen
This sub-thesis deals with Sino-Japanese and Sino-Australian trade
relations from 1960 to 1972. During this period, both Japan and Australia
maintained trade ties with China (the People's Republic of China), although
they had broken off diplomatic relations with her.1 The main interest here
is how and why these trade relations were maintained without diplomatic
relations. This, then, is a study of trade relations between states which
have no diplomatic relations.