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Vincett, Giselle Louise. "Feminism and religion : a study of Christian feminists and goddess feminists in the UK". Thesis, Lancaster University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509086.
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Danyluk, Angie. "Living feminism and orthodoxy orthodox Jewish feminists /". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ27343.pdf.
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Whitcher, Rochelle S. "The effects of western feminist ideology on Muslim feminists". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FWhitcher.pdf.
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Oliveira, Adelaide Suely de. "Reconstituindo Histórias Sobre o Feminismo Brasileiro na Esfera do Governo: Um olhar sobre as décadas de 1970 e 1980". Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/16908.
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Dissertação Suely Oliveira Mestrado 10.12.pdf: 1455767 bytes, checksum: ea56d4426651e4053c81cfd67fed0273 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-09T14:06:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Suely Oliveira Mestrado 10.12.pdf: 1455767 bytes, checksum: ea56d4426651e4053c81cfd67fed0273 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-27
Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar as condições materiais e simbólicas que levaram grupos organizados de mulheres feministas à institucionalização no âmbito do Estado e/ou governo no Brasil nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Adotamos como base o entendimento do feminismo como uma prática e pensamento crítico – é uma prática política e um pensamento com suas ideias, teorias e posições políticas – que critica a ordem como o mundo está organizado (ÁVILA, 2013). Argumentamos que o movimento feminista brasileiro não somente propôs, criou, idealizou organismos, serviços e equipamentos públicos. Ele foi, paulatinamente, para dentro dos três níveis de governo, a partir dos anos oitenta, passando a partícipe e a executar, ele mesmo, as políticas públicas. Metodologia - Trata-se de um estudo de base qualitativa, no qual foram realizadas seis entrevistas semi-estruturadas com mulheres feministas: a) Que vivenciaram os primeiros momentos de institucionalização nos governos; b) Que entraram nos governos (ou defenderam que as feministas tomassem parte nos governos); feministas que estiveram contra por um determinado período e depois entraram nos governos. A caracterização inicial do problema é feita a partir do marco conceitual de gênero que dialoga com teóricas feministas e se organiza em três eixos, a saber: 1) o conceito de patriarcado; 2) o sistema sexo-gênero e, 3) o conceito de feminismo de Estado. Como metodologia de análise nos inspiramos na técnica de análise de conteúdo temático-categorial de Laurence Bardin (2000). Resultados - Em linhas gerais, as análises do material apontam que o que inaugura a relação institucionalizada do movimento feminista com o Estado é a criação dos conselhos de direitos para as mulheres; que o feminismo está influenciando transformações no aparelho do Estado, ainda que seja no contexto de um Estado patriarcal.
This mastership dissertation aims to analyse the material and symbolic contidions that lead organized groups of feminist women to institutionalisation in the scope of the State and/or governments in 1970´s and 1980´s Brazil. We adopted as basis the understanding of feminism as a praxis and a critical thinking - it is a political praxis and a thought with its ideas, theories and political positions - which criticizes the disposition the world is organized (ÁVILA, 2013). We maintain that the brazilian feminist movement not only proposed, created, idealized organisms, services and public equipament. It went slowly within the three levels of government, from the 1980´s on, becoming a main participant and executing, the movement itself, the public policies. Methodology - this is a study of qualitative basis, in which six semi-structured interviews have been carried through with feminist women: a) That have experienced the first moments of government institutionalisation; b) That took part in governments (or that deffended that feminists should take part on the governments); feminists that were against their participation but later took part in governments. The initial characterization of the problem is held on the conceptual mark of gender that dialogues with feminists theorists and that is organized in three axis, namely: 1) the concept of patriarchate; 2) the system sex-gender and, 3) the concept of State feminism. As methodology of analysis we were inspired by Laurence Bardin´s (2000) technique of analysis of the thematic-categorial content. Results - Conscisely, the analysis of the material indicates that the creation of the council for women´s rights has inaugurated the institutionalised relationship between the feminist movement and the State; that feminism is influencing transformations in the State institutions, although it is still the context of a patriarchal State.
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Claesson, Ida. "What are feminist fussing about? : Feminists attempts for full Citizenship". Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-1058.
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Is citizenship gendered? The answer to this question for most feminist theorists has to be a resounding ‘yes’. For them citizenship has always been gendered in the sense that women and men have stood in different relationship to it, to the disadvantage of women. In recent years citizenship has been combined to gender by a number of feminists. Their work is all about the importance to reconstruct citizenship because they believe it fails to engage or to include women. This thesis examines the limitations of citizenship as it is in its current construction. The discussion clearly indicates the need to use gender and difference as categories of analysis in the creation of an inclusive conception of citizenship. The thesis will focus on the theoretical project and particularly on three debates around the ‘engendering of citizenship’. Discourse analysis is used as textual analysis in order to compare these three alternative models to citizenship. The aim is to investigate what solutions they find to include women into public life. One can appreciate that citizenship is a complex problem and so are the debates concerning it. It is important that feminists discuss this question carefully so that citizenship does not loose its meaning.
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Lwin, Laura. "Feminism is so 70s, we're all post feminists now". Thesis, Lwin, Laura (2011) Feminism is so 70s, we're all post feminists now. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2011. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/6739/.
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Postfeminism could be considered an ongoing development in the history of feminism. Alternatively, it can be seen as a form of antifeminism or faux feminism. The following thesis is a reaction against the postfeminist sentiment which argues that feminism is an ideology of the past, or in need of significant reconfiguration. Rather, I argue that feminism continues to be an exciting movement capable of bettering the lives of Australian women. Feminism is an emancipatory ideology which seeks to free women from patriarchy by employing strategies such as protest and consciousness raising. Feminist activism has brought many changes to women’s lives, including woman suffrage, workplace reform, and the institution of equal opportunity and anti-discrimination legislature. Such achievements show that feminism is worthwhile, despite the criticism of authors such as Naomi Wolf, Christina Hoff Sommers, and Camile Paglia who suggest that today’s feminism ought to move in a different direction from that of the Second Wave. However, women continue to experience injustices similar to those identified by feminists of the 70s, such as the existence of informal barriers which negatively impact women’s political participation, the lack of women in decision making positions in business, and the physical violence that women are subjected to. Modern day women ought to embrace feminism and seek to achieve the goals such as those laid out by Aune and Redfern in Reclaiming the F-Word: The New Feminist Movement – liberating women’s bodies; ending violence against women; transforming politics and work; and reclaiming feminism.
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Whittier, Nancy Elaine. "Feminists in the "post-feminist" age : collective identity and the persistence of the women's movement". The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1240665565.
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Whittier, Nancy. "Feminists in the "post-feminist" age : collective identity and the persistence of the women's movement /". The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487759436327303.
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Blaisure, Karen R. "Feminists and marriage: a qualitative analysis". Diss., Virginia Tech, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37416.
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Feminist critiques have demonstrated the problematic nature of marital and family life for women. Feminism has deconstructed traditional marriage and made apparent the potential overwhelming cost to women in financial, emotional, and physical dimensions. However, the experience of feminists who choose heterosexual marriage has not been addressed through research. What is not known is the extent to which such feminists are transforming marriage into a relationship that values both spouses.
This study examined the influence feminism had on the marriage of heterosexual partners who were both self-identified feminists at the time of the study and prior to marriage. The guiding focus of the research asked what happens when feminists, dedicated to equality and the valuing of both spouses, choose to marry. Thus, the following research questions were posed: How do couples describe the impact of their feminist beliefs on their marriages? To what extent do couples talk about having a double consciousness of marriage, i.e., a realization of choosing a relationship that can lead to the devaluation of the woman? How do couples describe and interpret equality and inequality in their marriages? How does gender organize the couples' marriages and lives?
The conceptual framework informing this study was a combination of feminist and general systems perspectives, A general systems perspective provided concepts such as system, process, and context while a feminist perspective elaborated on these concepts to illuminate the sociohistorical and cultural contexts in which women and men live and the power differentials within marriages. A feminist postmodern perspective highlighted the social construction of relationships and gender and the diversity of women's experience while also proposing a political agenda, i.e., criteria of what is liberating for women and a critique of the gendered nature of power differentials.
Qualitative interviewing was the main method of data collection. Participants were recruited through referrals and advertisements placed in regional newspapers and regional and state newsletters of the National Organization for Women. Ten couples participated in the study. Criteria for inclusion in the study included the following: both the woman and the man assumed the label feminist prior to marriage; they believed women had historically and culturally been devalued and they worked against that devaluation in their own relationship; they were married for at least 5 years; and they were willing to be interviewed jointly and individually. The 20 participants (10 couples) were white, highly educated, and middle- to upper middle-class. They ranged in age from 30 to 77 years old. Length of marriage ranged from 5 to 22 years; the average was 11 and 1/2 years.
A mixture of being raised by parents exhibiting behaviors typically associated with the other gender, the impact of the second wave of feminism as it hit college campuses in the late 1960s and 1970s, and the observation or direct experience of discrimination either in the classroom or in the workplace created a fertile soil in which the origins of feminist beliefs were encouraged to take root. Sharing similar world views was crucial in the couples' development of a relationship in which the woman felt safe to critique direct and observed instances of gender injustice. Men also initiated and participated in this criticism, thereby indicating their support of feminism.
The blend of traditional and feminist ideological roots produced a reclamation of marriage. Couples described feminism as influencing their beliefs about equality within marriage by providing standards for interaction and motivating women to demand appropriate treatment and men to demand more from themselves in terms of relationship work. They discussed the double consciousness of married heterosexual feminists by relating their strategies for interacting with one another and the larger society. Through the process of communication, the couples built equality, but at times, i.e. through discourse, they also concealed inequality. Participants’ lives were organized by the gendered experiences of feminism as life-saving for women and life-enhancing for men.
Moments of subordination and moments of empowerment were present in these marriages. The women described their attempts at going beyond the false dichotomy of children or career and the stereotype of the super woman to a form of marriage that required a second adult in the home who was willing to take on parenting and household responsibilities. These attempts were easy for some couples and more of a struggle for others. However, in all of these marriages, evidence existed of women's and men's dedication to equality and choices for women, awareness of the privileged status of men in society, and arrangement of their relationships to benefit women as well as men. Feminism provided the ideological and practical guidance to couples for this reclamation of marriage.Ph. D.
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Wang, Bin. "Chinese Feminism: A History of the Present". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17730.
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This thesis’ subtitle, “a history of the present,” has been chosen to highlight the purposes of my research on Chinese feminism. First, I aim to give a close account of the development of contemporary Chinese feminism in media and popular culture, in academia, in student societies, and in social organizations. Second, by exploring the history and historiography of pre-2000 Chinese feminism, I aim to unravel how politics has impinged upon the writing of this history and how feminist history in China might practically engage with the past to articulate politics in the present. The first part of this thesis traces the emergence of Chinese feminism in various ways, considering the impact of publications like Women’s Bell in the early twentieth century, and discussing how different voices, such as anarcho-feminism and “traditional” feminism, were marginalized by late Qing and May Fourth “liberal” feminisms bound up with a male-centered nationalism. From the 1920s on, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) inherited some of these ideas about “women’s rights,” while denouncing others, and later put a different vision of women’s liberation into practice, especially in the period from 1949 to the late 1970s in the People’s Republic of China. My thesis argues for conceptualizing this past as a history of socialist feminism and for locating socialist feminists among women cadres, cultural workers and labor models of this period. While various gains or losses of Chinese socialist feminism remain to be debated today, my thesis will also consider how, in the 1980s and 1990s, a post-Mao generation of feminists identified what they perceived as socialist feminism’s obvious shortcomings and spearheaded new forms of feminist discourse and practice in women’s literature, women’s studies and women’s activism. The second part of this thesis, while also referencing Chinese feminism’s connections to its immediate past, focuses more explicitly on the present landscape, drawing primarily on fieldwork conducted with Chinese feminist academics and students and with urban feminist activist groups operating outside the university context. By first examining the current state of Chinese youth and their relations to feminism, these chapters discuss possible reasons why young Chinese people do not often identify with feminism. Here I want to make a case for broadening the category of feminism by discussing its two likely popular forms, imbricated respectively with consumer and celebrity culture. However, this part of the thesis focuses more centrally on feminist academics, students, and activists, who are collectively the most active force in contemporary Chinese feminism. After the post-Mao generation, an intermediate generation became feminists largely through educational institutions, and after finishing graduate school many have found ways to expand academic feminism in Chinese universities. Academic feminists, however, take varied positions themselves with respect to the relation between research and activism, some offering help to student feminists organizing vigorous student societies on campus. Outside university campuses, some young graduates have grown up to be China’s most devoted feminist activists, working in crucial feminist organizations, whose core practices, including their use of social media, their activist strategies, and their relations to LGBT groups, will be elaborated. This is an interdisciplinary project centered on Chinese feminism and inspired by scholarship in Gender Studies, Cultural Studies, Women’s and Gender History, and Historical Theory. It does not aim to construct an overarching theoretical framework that might explain the present forms of Chinese feminism. Instead, I draw on a range of theoretical frameworks, including scholarship focused on the relations between history and history-writing, on intellectual work in popular culture, on relations between feminist theory and practice, and on the conceptualization of tradition and modernity. I am thus also engaging, implicitly and explicitly, with the cultural politics of relations between leftists and liberals, and between such critical axes as modernism and postmodernism. Overall, I aim to demonstrate how, for Chinese feminism, different meanings of “history of the present” ultimately converge in the ongoing relevance of historical ideas and practices, and in the ways Chinese feminists who write about history, or engage in other kinds of research or activism, continue to engender the present and the future.
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ARAUJO, Raissa Barbosa. "Jovens feministas do Nordeste: um novo segmento político do movimento feminista brasileiro". Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2013. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/17105.
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Dissertação Raissa versão final pdf 12deDezembro2015.pdf: 1532546 bytes, checksum: 229ec4153eff63b3d73b720ebcb3e875 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-14T14:18:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Raissa versão final pdf 12deDezembro2015.pdf: 1532546 bytes, checksum: 229ec4153eff63b3d73b720ebcb3e875 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-22
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Partindo do princípio que os estudos acadêmicos não devem assumir posturas imparciais, mas politicamente situadas, esta pesquisa é marcada pela perspectiva feminista de ciência, bem como de ciência qualitativa. Esse trabalho resulta de uma pesquisa de mestrado realizada por uma estudante do Programa de Pós Graduação em Psicologia da UFPE. Buscou-se problematizar questões que referenciaram a chegada e participação de mulheres jovens no movimento feminista brasileiro. Foi resgatada a trajetória de um novo sujeito político do feminismo, as jovens feministas - com foco na atuação das militantes nordestinas. As jovens feministas apresentaram-se publicamente como um segmento do movimento feminista em 2005, no X Encontro Feminista Latino Americano e do Caribe. Desde então participaram e promoveram atividades nacionais através da Associação Brasileira de Jovens Feministas (ABJF), como também atividades locais em diferentes estados do país. Por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas foram entrevistadas quatro jovens nordestinas; duas pernambucanas, uma paraibana e uma cearense. Através dos percursos apresentados pelas próprias jovens, problematizou-se questões relacionadas à geração e ao território que marcaram a atividade política destas. A partir das entrevistas foi possível observar que as jovens feministas tencionam internamente o movimento feminista apresentando pautas da juventude, enquanto no movimento de juventude, apresentam pautas feministas. As jovens colocam em xeque o status e a legitimidade de se fazer política, desestabilizam lugares e propõem debates geracionais.
This work is based on the principle that academic researches should not assume unbiased postures, but politically situated. This research is characterized by the feminist perspective of science as well as qualitative science. This work results from a research performed by a student of the Graduate Studies Program in Psychology UFPE. The purpose of the work was to discuss the beginning of participation of young women in the Brazilian feminist movement. The trajectory of a new political subject of feminism, the young feminists - focusing on the action of militants from the Northeast - was recuperated. The young women feminists presented herself publicly as a segment of the feminist movement in 2005 on the X Feminist Conference of the Latin American and the Caribbean. Since then they participated in national activities and also promoted by the Brazilian Association of Young Feminists (ABJF) as well as local activities in different states of the country. Through semi-structured interviews were interviewed four young people from the Northeast of Brazil, two from Pernambuco, one from Ceará and one from Paraíba. Based on the pathways presented by each participant, it was discussed issues related to the generation and territory that marked the political activity from them. From the interviews it was observed that young feminists tend to cause internal tension in the feminist movement, introducing the agenda of youth movement, and in the youth movement, presenting feminist movement agenda. The young women put in check the status and legitimacy on the ways of making politics, destabilizing the structures and proposing generational debates.
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Gärdemalm, Elin. "Rabiata rabiesfeminister, orakade gaphalsar och andra aggressiva avarter : En studie av innehåll och argumentation i fyra feministiska bloggar". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-85398.
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The purpose of this essay is to study how feminists portray themselves and their opinions about gender issues and other political matters in popular feminist blogs. The blogs that are studied are Lady Dahmer, Fanny Åström, Hanapee and Genusfolket. The overall essay questions are: How does the feminist bloggers present themselves? Which subjects are discussed in the feminist blogs? Which rhetorical devices does the feminist bloggers use? The theories that are used to answer the essay questions are the four spheres where there are inequality between the sexes, theories about third wave feminism, the rhetorical concepts ethos, logos and pathos and the SPADER-model for writing good argumentation. A descriptive method is used to study how the bloggers present themselves, a quantitative content analysis is used to count which subjects the bloggers write about and a qualitative rhetorical text analysis is used to study the rhetorical devices the bloggers use. The result shows that the two bloggers Lady Dahmer and Fanny Åström describe themselves with provocative words while the other blogs have more neutral descriptions. The provocative language was interpreted as a sign of the harsh debate climate that surrounds feminists. The results also shows that the bloggers write about different feminist and political subjects; Lady Dahmer writes mostly about family and relationships, Fanny Åström writes mostly about politics, Hanapee writes mostly about politics and objectifications of women and Genusfolket writes mostly about violence and sexual abuse of women. All bloggers write about racism and this can be related to the third wave feminist notion of intersectionality and antiracist activism. They also debate feminism as an ideology and meet the harsh criticism they get. This can be related to earlier studies that show that feminists get a lot of harsh criticism in the media and on the Internet and that feminists meet this critique. The rhetorical analysis shows that the bloggers all use some rhetorical devices from the SPADER-model but none of them use statistics or expert quotes in their argumentation. Instead they use personal experience and examples to make their points. The bloggers use mostly pathos-arguments in their texts. They show ethos to different extent and it is most abundant in the analyzed text from Genusfolket.
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Carastathis, Anna. "Feminism and the political economy of representation : intersectionality, invisibility and embodiment". Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=105369.
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It has become commonplace within feminist theory to claim that women's lives are constructed by multiple, intersecting systems of oppression. In this thesis, l challenge the consensus that oppression is aptly captured by the theoretical model of "intersectionality." While intersectionality originates in Black feminist thought as a purposive intervention into US antidiscrimination law, it has been detached from that context and harnessed to different representational aims. For instance, it is often asserted that intersectionality enables a representational politics that overcomes legacies of exclusion within hegemonic Anglo-American feminism. largue that intersectionality reinscribes the political exclusion of racialized women as a feature of their embodied identities. That is, it locates the failure of political representation in the "complex" identities of "intersectional" subjects, who are constructed as unrepresentable in terms of "race" or "gender" alone. Further, largue that intersectionality fails to supplant race- and class-privileged women as the normative subjects of feminist theory and politics. [...]Dans la théorie féministe, l'énoncé selon lequel la vie des femmes est structurée par de multiples systèmes d'oppression qui se croisent est devenu un lieu commun. La présente thèse conteste l'accord général que le modèle théorique connu comme « l'intersectionalité » explique adéquatement l'oppression. Alors que l'intersectionalité a ses origines dans le féminisme noir comme intervention spécifique dans la loi antidiscriminatoire des États-Unis, elle a depuis été arrachée à ce contexte et consacrée à d'autres buts. Par exemple, on affirme souvent que l'intersectionalité permettrait une politique de représentation qui surmonte l'héritage d'exclusion du féminisme hégémonique anglo-américain. Je soutiens que l'intersectionalité réinscrit l'exclusion politique des femmes racialisées, cette fois comme caractéristique de leurs identités incarnés.[...]
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Barrow, Margaret. "Temperate feminists : : the British Women's Temperance Association 1870-1914". Thesis, University of Manchester, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488221.
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Hubler, Katherine E. "Man's Duty to Woman: Men and the First Wave of German Feminism, 1865-1919". Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3769.
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Thesis advisor: Devin O. PendasThesis advisor: Paul Breines
"Man's Duty to Woman: Men and the First Wave of German Feminism, 1865-1919" charts the modernization of gender relationships in Imperial Germany through an exploration of German men's engagement with both organized feminism and the so-called "Woman Question." An examination of German men's contributions (as well as challenges) to feminist newspapers, women's suffrage societies, women's educational and vocational organizations, and the discourse of expanding women's civil and political rights illuminates not only the ways in which German men helped shape the "first wave" of German feminism, but also the process by which German men were, in turn, shaped by feminism and women's breach of a male-defined public sphere during the second wave of the Industrial Revolution. While Germany is better known for its misogynistic intellectual legacy of thinkers like Arthur Schopenhauer and Friedrich Nietzsche, as well as the maxim of "Kinder, Küche, und Kirche" (children, kitchen, and church) used to describe the so-called "women's sphere," my dissertation demonstrates that the cause of German women's rights enjoyed a broad base of male support during the Imperial era and that women's reforms were pivotal to progressive liberal, socialist, and conservative social policies. My examination of male allies, therefore, counterbalances and critiques the longstanding view of Imperial German society and German men as fundamentally hostile to women's rights. Male allies of German feminism, I contend, were motivated by a twin mission to genuinely improve the lives of and opportunities for women in the industrial economy, and to utilize feminine energies--both spiritual and biological--for their own ideological designs. While these male allies retained some degree of principled commitment to expanding women's opportunities in Germany society over time, they were opportunistic men, as well, who sought to harness and direct the power of the "eternal feminine," a power which the moderate female-led feminist movement celebrated and deployed in their own work. My dissertation also considers the ways in which German men reconciled their own masculine identity with their support of reforms that ultimately undermined male hegemony. In the late 1870s, after female leaders took the helm of women's educational and vocational associations and began to embrace the rhetoric of maternalist feminism, men committed to women's reforms were forced to carve out new forms of pro-woman and feminist advocacy within, or alongside of, woman-led feminist organizations. As a result, male allies of German feminism developed a variety of masculinities. Although a few feminist men like Karl Heinzen, Georg von Gyzicki, and Hanns Dorn advocated a gentler, egalitarian masculinity that rejected most aspects of traditional masculinity, the majority of male friends of first wave feminism embodied a hyper-masculinity to balance their commitment to increasing women's social, economic, and (in some cases) political power. The act of becoming a "modern German man" in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century necessarily entailed figuring out how to retain one's manliness and maintain refuges of male authority in a world in which women were becoming ever more powerful and visible. Male allies of German feminism represent an essential case study in this project of modernizing masculinity
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
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Keough, Kate. "Economic restructuring ; who pays the price? : feminists and regulation theory /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ark37.pdf.
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Shehabuddin, Sarah Tasnim. "Going beyond Conflict: Secular Feminists, Islamists, and Gender Policy Reform". Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10607.
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Today, most Muslim-majority countries must contend with two realities: Islamists’ increasing access to political participation on the one hand and domestic and international pressures for women’s rights on the other. This dissertation seeks to identify the conditions necessary for resolving tensions between Islamist demands for political inclusion and secular feminists’ demands for the institutionalization of women’s rights in Muslim-majority countries. Attempts at gender reform have not only been rare, but have also usually excluded either secular feminists or Islamists due to state actors’ inability or unwillingness to resolve conflict between them. In some contexts, however, power holders have initiated inclusive consultative arrangements, mechanisms (commissions, committees, and mediation) that enable both secular feminists and Islamists to participate in gender policy-making processes, in spite of divergent ideological preferences, and thereby generated more broadly supported reforms. This dissertation argues that attempts at conflict resolution between secular feminists and Islamists are more likely to arise in the context of an autonomous state where the power holder needs the support of both groups. Such a state has both the flexibility and willingness to include both Islamists and secular feminists in the policy-making process. In states that do not enjoy autonomy from non-state actors, the state is less likely to have the flexibility to adopt policy-making processes that do not serve the politicized interests of dominant actors. I build this argument by conducting a comparative historical analysis of state development and relations among power holders, secular feminists, and Islamists, as well as drawing on interviews with politicians, bureaucrats, scholars, and activists in Morocco and Bangladesh. In both of these countries, secular feminists and Islamists have had antagonistic relations and ideological differences, but both groups participated in gender policy reform in Morocco, whereas in Bangladesh, multiple attempts at gender policy-making have excluded one group or the other. I then assess the extent to which an argument based on state autonomy and political alliances explains variation in the inclusiveness of gender policy-making processes in four other Muslim-majority countries (Jordan, Malaysia, Turkey, and Pakistan).Government
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Sandvik, Fanny. "Feminists and Catholics : Perspectives on the Abortion Debate in Bolivia". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Latinamerikainstitutet, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-144213.
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This thesis is analysing the abortion debate in Bolivia and questions a supposed contradiction of being simultaneouslyfeminist and Catholicregarding opinions on abortion. By analysing texts from three important actors in the abortion debate in Bolivia, the studyshows on what arguments and discourses that are used within the debate, as well asconsideringthe interesting role of Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (CDD -Catholics for the Right to Decide),that isa feminist organisation fighting for a complete decriminalisation of abortion in Bolivia, but are also Catholics. The two other actors analysed are Colectivo Rebeldía as a representative of the feminist movement, and the Catholic Church asthe greatest abortion opponent. The thesis has a feminist perspective and use a critical discourse analysis in orderto provide different perspectives on the abortion debate in Bolivia. The results indicate that the rights discourse is frequently used by all three actors, although promoting different rights.Whereas the Church promotes the foetus’ right to life, the twofeminist organisations speak of rights in terms of a woman’s right to decide.The Church is using a conservative traditional language and aims to maintain status quo, whereas the feminist organisations use a variety of discourses with the objective of social transformation. Moreover, the fact that the organisation CDD is both feminist and Catholic, might not seem that contradictive when explainedwith the help of feminist theology.
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Bryson, Brenda J. "The experiences of African American women in feminist domestic violence organizations /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/11183.
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Tolley, Rebecca. "Review of Sing, Whisper, Shout, Pray! : Feminist Visions for a Just World. Edited by M. Jacqui Alexander, Lisa Albrecht, Sharon Day, and others". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2003. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5602.
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Wilson, Angela 1979. "After the riot : taking new feminist youth subcultures seriously". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81521.
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This thesis argues that in North America since the late 1980s, young women's interest in feminism has been expressed through participation in feminist music subcultures. The project provides an overview of the studies of culture, musical subculture, and gender and music making, as well as an historical context of feminism and a discussion of the relationship between second and third wave feminism.The first case study explores Riot Grrrl's roots in the DIY activism of DC hardcore punk, its links to the female-oriented indie music scene of Olympia, Washington, and the subculture's use of alternative media. The second study examines efforts to integrate queer politics into third wave feminism through lesbian punk rock music subculture. The final study of electronic feminist punk rock examines how young feminists use alternative media such as zines, internet message boards, web sites, music making, and performance to educate young women about sexual abuse and homophobia.
Analysis of the Riot Grrrl, lesbian punk rock, and electronic feminist punk rock subcultures demonstrates how young women claim spaces for their own feminist politics, even if they have gone relatively undetected by the mainstream culture.
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Mettifogo, Mariarosa. "Feminists between theory and practice : Mary Wollstonecraft, George Sand, and Neera /". For electronic version search Digital dissertations database. Restricted to UC campuses. Access is free to UC campus dissertations, 2005. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Chapman, Alexis J. "Sisternity : religious inspiration and the political identities of early American feminists /". Connect to online version, 2006. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2006/162.pdf.
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Conners, Deborah E. "Feminists Researching Fathering: What do we see through a reconciliation lens?" Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28563.
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A reading of the fathering discourses in the Canadian equality feminist communities and the profeminist fathering communities reveals conflicting interests and beliefs, despite a shared goal of "gender equality." This thesis argues that identity conflict theory, most often applied to intractable ethnic and religious conflict, is relevant to the epistemological conflict between equality feminist and profeminist fathering communities. Further to this, it is demonstrated that the literature on the reconciliation of identity conflict can illuminate the challenges and potential for the uptake of a feminist research model focused on reconciliation of this gender-based conflict. Movement along the path toward a reconciliation approach can be seen within equality feminist research communities. The use of a peace and conflict lens to examine gender conflict in Canada draws attention to work being done by reconciliation scholars. This work may provide a map for forward movement toward the reconciliation of gender issues.
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Johnson, Ross Freya. "What state are we in? : activism, professional feminists and local government". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/56863/.
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This thesis examines the particular sphere of gender equality working in UK local government in relation to feminist ideas and activism. In doing so it addresses questions about the nature and legacy of the Women's Liberation Movement (WLM), as well as how we should understand those engaged with feminist issues but organised in apparently non-traditional ways and locations. It also considers the significance of national legislation in shaping how this area of work has developed, with reference to the most recent Equality Acts. Taking as my starting point classic debates about organising for social change within the WLM, I undertook a qualitative comparative analysis of local government gender equality working. This examined three councils during the period in which they first created municipal feminist women's initiatives, and the present day. To do this I undertook interviews with those working during both time periods, and gathered contemporary and archival texts relating to the councils' work on gender equality. I suggest that the council gender equality initiatives, and those working within them, present an interesting way to complicate several boundaries; those usually defining the feminist movement and its organising; social movements in relation to the state; and feminist activity in relation to professionalism. I argue for the significance of the municipal feminist initiatives for present day work on gender equality, particularly in terms of their organisational position and form. I explore the utility of, and problems with, recent legislative developments in relation to gender equality, suggesting they have played an important role in standardising the work that takes place. I also examine the processes through which the concepts and practices of local government gender equality working have developed. In doing so I argue for the non-linear way this takes place and the importance of individual workers in shaping this arena. Finally, I present the idea of the ‘professional feminist' as a way to understand the workers who identify as feminists. This challenges the terms of the early WLM but does so through drawing out and reconciling professionalism with feminist ideas.
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Lemke, Clare R. "Femme Feelings: Mapping Affective Affinities between Femme and Third Wave Feminists". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1306179604.
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Muttaqin, Farid. "Progressive Muslim Feminists in Indonesia from Pioneering to the Next Agendas". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1213212021.
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Hamper, Margaret Bertucci. "The Prostitution Narrative: Revolutionaries, Feminists, and Prostitutes in Early American Literature". OpenSIUC, 2010. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/240.
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This work is a study of the prostitute in early antebellum America as she exists in the literary world. I argue that the prostitute is a metaphor operating on two levels: she is symbolic both of a failed democratic state and the feminist as imagined by a hysteric patriarchy. Looking especially at Charles Brockden Brown's Ormond and Arthur Mervyn, Susanna Rowson's Charlotte Temple, and a variety of newspaper and journal articles, I explore the ways in which the prostitute embodied the belief that female independence was unnatural and could only result in the widespread vice of the very component of society whose political duty it was to raise virtuous male citizens and the fear that the fate of the French Revolution could reproduce itself in America.
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Espinoza, Ibacache Jacqueline. "Del conocimiento a la reivindicación del trabajo sexual: Discursos jurídicos estatales y saberes de las trabajadoras sexuales del Norte de Chile". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666748.
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Para deconstruir categorías que estigmatizan a las trabajadoras sexuales y hacer inteligibles sus prácticas, nos propusimos como objetivo de la investigación reivindicar el trabajo sexual a partir de las prácticas discursivas del Estado de Chile sobre prostitución, comercio sexual y trabajo sexual y el conocimiento de las trabajadoras sexuales en Iquique, norte de Chile. Para ello, realizamos una investigación de tipo etnográfico sobre la vida cotidiana de las profesionales del sexo y sus escenarios laborales.
En primer lugar, sostenemos que el Estado al establecer la prostitución, el comercio sexual y el trabajo sexual como un problema, promueve una performatividad de sexo/género que naturaliza las fronteras de las prácticas sexuales, los cuerpos y el deseo, pero no solo de estas mujeres, sino de todas las mujeres. Cuando no es más que un efecto de sus prácticas discursivas y materialidades sedimentadas.
En segundo lugar, visibilizamos su vida cotidiana. Un hacer desapercibido porque es rutinario y mundano. Una acción localizada y contingente, compuesta por racionalizaciones del sentido común y métodos utilizados por las trabajadoras sexuales para producir y mantener el orden social y moral de sus escenarios de trabajo. Donde la performatividad de sexo/género actúa de manera aguda. Evidenciamos a través de su agencia, cómo las trabajadoras sexuales generan, promueven y resisten dinámicamente, en lugar de ubicarlas como víctimas predefinidas del sistema heteropatriarcalIn order to deconstruct categories that stigmatize sex workers and make their practices intelligible, we set ourselves the objective of researching to vindicate sex work from the discursive practices of the State of Chile on prostitution, commercial trade and sex work and the knowledge of women workers sex in Iquique, northern Chile. To do this, we conducted an ethnographic research on the daily life of sex workers and their work scenarios. First, we argue that the State in establishing prostitution, sex trade and sex work as a problem, promotes a gender performativity that naturalizes the boundaries of sexual practices, bodies and desire, but not only these women, but of all women. When it is merely an effect of their discursive practices and sedimented materialities. Second, we make visible your daily life. A make unnoticed because it is routine and mundane. A localized and contingent action composed of rationalizations of common sense and methods used by sex workers to produce and maintain the social and moral order of their work scenarios. Where the performativity of gender acts acutely. We demonstrate through your agency, how sex workers generate, promote and resist dynamically, instead of locating them as predefined victims of the heteropatriarchal system
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O'Brien, Susan. "The Ferals, the Droopers and the feminists : exploring the relevance of feminism to a group of young women at Roseworthy College /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09aro12.pdf.
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Carrillo, Rowe Aimee. "Troubling alliances under the sign of feminism : whiteness, institutionality and relationality in the postcolonial academy /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8194.
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Albertson, W. Cory. "Survival Feminists: Identifying War’s Impact on the Roles of Vietnamese Refugee Women". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/sociology_theses/24.
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Although the Vietnam War has long passed, it still defines the lives of many Vietnamese refugee women who endured its aftermath. This thesis examines how war and the refugee process has shaped the memories and changed the roles of Vietnamese refugee women age 55 and older. Based on 10 life history interviews with Vietnamese women living in Atlanta, this study finds they structured their narratives by awarding the period after the Vietnam War with the most prominence. Also, the research shows the greatest amount of role change and role strain occurred during this time. With the absence of their husbands in the war’s aftermath, the women experienced great familial and financial instability, forcing them to add the role of head of the household. I argue that during this period, they exhibited resiliency, shrewdness, and entrepreneurial spirit on a familial scale—a culmination of events I define as survival feminism.
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Hunt, Karen. "Equivocal feminists : the Social Democratic Federation and the woman question 1884-1911". Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328459.
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Albertson, W. Cory. "Survival feminists identifying war's impact on the roles of Vietnamese refugee women /". unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07102009-150021/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.Title from file title page. Jung Ha Kim, committee chair ; Donald C. Reitzes, Denise A. Donnelly, committee members. Description based on contents viewed November 3, 2009. Includes bibliographical references ( p. 80-83).
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Dyer, Anton. "John Stuart Mill and male support for the Victorian women's movement". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294416.
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In examining male support for the Victorian women's movement, I decided to focus upon a number of men who gave active support across the wide range of causes championed by feminists. John Stuart Mill, Henry Fawcett, James Stansfeld, Jacob Bright, Richard Pankhurst and Francis Newman were selected as my main protagonists and their support for the Married Women's Property campaign, the higher education of women, the opening up of the professions to women, women's suffrage and the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts was explored. I also examine the views of John Russell, Viscount Amberley, whose early death robbed the women's suffrage movement of his enthusiastic support, and also those of William Johnson Fox, a proponent of women's emancipation who gave his support to the Married Women's Property campaign, but who died when the women's movement had existed for only a decade. The ideas of an important male feminist of an earlier generation, William Thompson, are also explored. I discuss the views of my protagonists on sexual equality and sexual difference, marriage, sexuality, female education, the employment of women and women's suffrage. In seeking to account for the feminism of my protagonists I note the personal characteristics which they broadly shared: moral courage, a tendency to self-sacrifice, sensitivity and a strong sense of justice. Male feminists, especially Mill, were sometimes branded as effeminate, but it seems fairer to suggest that they generally combined the best of both 'masculine' and 'feminine' qualities; they possessed a sufficient degree of 'womanly' sensitivity to empathise with the wrongs of woman and a great deal of 'manly' courage which enabled them to endure the ridicule and abuse which standing up for women's rights frequently entailed. Most of my protagonists were advanced Liberals, and a belief in the need to cultivate altruism was a significant component of their creed; support for women's emancipation was an important aspect of their concern for the welfare of others. The fact that men and women worked closely together in the fight for women's emancipation is explored and especially their intellectual collaboration, notable in the cases of William Thompson and Anna Wheeler, John Mill and Harriet Taylor, and Henry and Millicent Fawcett.
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McGovern, Barbara Jeanne. "The poetry of Anne Finch, Countess of Winchilsea: tradition and the individual female talent /". The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148758564557595.
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Swart, Marthane. "Piecing the puzzle : the development of feminist identity". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1345.
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Coholic, Diana School of Social Work UNSW. "Exploring spirituality in feminist practices - emerging knowledge for social work". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Social Work, 2001. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/17873.
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This research study investigates self-identified feminist social workers??? conceptualizations of spirituality, how spirituality influences their practices, and their ideas about the effects of spiritually influenced practice. There is increasing interest in exploring and considering spirituality across social work approaches, accompanied by a strong demand for empirical research and the development of knowledge in this area. The past few years in particular have witnessed an expanding social work literature that discusses the incorporation of spirituality into practice. In this thesis spirituality refers to a complex construct that can be deeply personal and/or communal, and that can encompass a sense of connection with something bigger that transcends ordinary life experience. In order to examine spirituality in the context of feminist social work practice, the goals of this study needed to be exploratory and demanded the use of a qualitative methodology. In-depth individual interviews were conducted with twenty experienced direct practice social workers. Grounded theory analysis of the interview data uncovered surprising and significant convergences amongst research participants??? beliefs, values and practices. These unexpected commonalities invited a further analysis of the data that produced a set of practice principles. These practice principles reflected the participants??? understandings of spirituality and basic values, their ideas about processes of spiritual development and beliefs about the spiritual essence of human life, and their spiritually influenced practice methods and relationships. The process of developing practice principles included further data collection through the written feedback of participants and the use of three focus groups. This second round of data collection and analysis extended and refined the practice principles. The practice principles are particularly relevant for social work because they are based in the participants??? collective practice wisdom and represent an important step towards helping to legitimize spiritual knowledge. The practice principles also have important implications for social work practice, education and research in that they can promote discussions about spirituality, guide practice, provide a base for the future development of spiritually influenced models and frameworks, and direct curriculum development.
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Wilson, Elizabeth Ann. "What happens when a feminist falls in love? Romantic relationship ideals and feminist identity". Connect to this document online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1133566314.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Communication, 2005.Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], vii, 82 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-82).
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Edgerton-Webster, Brenda Joyce. "The tale of "Two Voices" an oral history of women communicators from Mississippi Freedom Summer 1964 and a new black feminist concept /". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4868.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file as well as 2 gif files and 10 jpg files. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on March 23, 2009) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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More, Elizabeth Singer. "Best Interests: Feminists, Social Science, and the Revaluing of Working Mothers in Modern America". Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10527.
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This dissertation traces the formation, development, and deployment of arguments in favor of maternal employment from the years before World War II through the mid-1990s. Drawing on academic journals, popular periodicals, government documents, feminist writings, and the personal papers of researchers, policy makers, and activists, I argue that defenses of maternal employment have taken two main forms: economic and psychosocial. Although both types appeared throughout this period, the relative influence of each waxed and waned. As a result of the legacy of depression and war mobilization, economic arguments predominated in the immediate postwar years. After a decade of sustained national growth and the rising influence of psychology and sociology, however, arguments that stressed the psychological and social benefits of working mothers became increasingly prominent. The trend reversed again in the 1970s as the economy stagnated and hostility toward the welfare state mounted. The content of these two types of arguments also changed over time. Defenses of maternal employment that were rooted in and justified by the concept of shared national good in postwar America were reframed, by the 1990s, in terms of the economic self-interest of individual taxpayers and employers. During the 1940s and 1950s, proponents of maternal employment suggested that it helped expand the middle class and foster children’s independence. Feminists in the early 1960s drew on these claims to challenge hostility toward mothers in the labor force. By the early 1970s, they hoped that working mothers, by undermining traditional sex role socialization, would help remake, rather than preserve, society. At the same time, a new set of economic claims about working mothers, based in free market economic thought, began to gain strength. Politicians attacked welfare policies that enabled poor mothers to be full-time homemakers, while some feminists tried to persuade corporations that they had financial, rather than moral, incentives for hiring and retaining mothers. The vision of the broader social good that had characterized earlier arguments for maternal employment was gone. This helps explain why, even as rates of maternal employment skyrocketed, national work/family policies in the United States have remained the weakest in the developed world.History
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Wilton, Jo. "Social theory and social change : what can feminists learn from sex role theory? /". Title page and contents only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw756.pdf.
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Gandarias, Goikoetxea Itziar. "Hasta que todas seamos libres: Encuentros, tensiones y retos en la construcción de articulaciones entre colectivos de mujeres migradas y feministas en Euskal Herria". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/399834.
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En el actual contexto europeo de crisis sistémica, la falta de vínculos entre mujeres autóctonas y migradas, en un momento en que el racismo y la xenofobia crecen día a día hace inminente la necesidad de estudiar las posibilidades y límites de una acción política feminista en la que la yuxtaposición de los diferentes intereses de las mujeres sea el punto transversal y arranque para la configuración de articulaciones.
Tomando como base la teoría de la interseccionalidad y las perspectivas post-coloniales feministas esta tesis estudia desde una metodología feminista y activista, las posibilidades, dificultades y límites para la articulación de prácticas políticas comunes entre organizaciones de mujeres migrantes y autóctonas feministas en Euskal Herria. Para ello, a través de la técnica de las Producciones Narrativas (PN) se identifican los actuales y potenciales puntos de articulación y tensión entre sus prácticas y proyectos de acción política. Fruto de compartir las narrativas entre los grupos y organizar un encuentro presencial, se inicia un proceso de articulación entre los colectivos dentro del contexto de la Plataforma de la Marcha Mundial de Mujeres de Euskal Herria, donde la investigadora comienza a tomar parte como activista. Como consecuencia de este proceso, a través de la observación –participante y el posterior diálogo y discusión con los colectivos se analiza prácticas de reproducción y ruptura de la herencia colonial y patriarcal entre las participantes. Por un lado, las actitudes racistas, la condescendencia, el pensamiento monógamo y blanco, y la (auto)infravaloración de los saberes no hegemónicos aparecen como prácticas que reproducen el colonialismo entre las mujeres. Por otro lado, se identifican durante el proceso dos prácticas de novedad: los pactos de crítica desde el cuidado y las políticas de intimidad. Se trata de prácticas de ruptura de la lógica colonial y patriarcal donde los afectos, la conciencia de las desigualdades semiótico-materiales entre las participantes y el reconocimiento mutuo se tornan herramientas políticas relevantes para la articulación de las diferencias.In the current European context of systemic crisis, the lack of links between autochthonous and migrant women, at a time when racism and xenophobia are growing day by day becomes imminent the need to study the possibilities and limits of a feminist political action where the juxtaposition of the different interests of women is the starting point in order to configure articulations. Based on the theory of intersectionality and feminist postcolonial perspectives, this thesis studies from a feminist and activist methodology, possibilities, difficulties and limits for the articulation of common political practices between organizations of migrants women and autochthonous feminists in Euskal Herria. To this end, through Narratives Productions technique, current and potential points of articulation and tension between their practices and political action projects are identified. Product of sharing narratives between groups and organize a physical encounter, a process of articulation between groups within the context of the Platform for the World March of Women in the Basque Country, where the research begins to take part as an activist, started. In this context, through the Observation-Participant technique and subsequent dialogue and discussion with the participants, this thesis analyzes the reproducing and breaking practices of colonial and patriarchal logic between participants. On the one hand, racist attitudes, condescension, monogamous and white thinking, and (self)underestimation of non-hegemonic knowledge appear as practices that reproduce colonialism among women. On the other hand, breaking practices are identified during the process: care pacts for criticism and politics of intimacy where affections, awareness of the semiotic-material inequalities between participants and mutual recognition become relevant policy tools in order articulate the differences.
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Arimbi, Diah Ariani Women's & Gender Studies UNSW. "Reading the writings of contemporary Indonesian Muslim women writers: representation, identity and religion of Muslim women in Indonesian fictions". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Women's and Gender Studies, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/25498.
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Indonesian Muslim women???s identity and subjectivity are not created simply from a single variable rather they are shaped by various discourses that are often competing and paralleling each other. Discourses such as patriarchal discourses circumscribing the social engagement and public life of Muslim women portray them in narrow gendered parameters in which women occupy rather limited public roles. Western colonial discourse often constructed Muslim women as oppressed and backward. Each such discourse indeed denies women???s agency and maturity to form their own definition of identity within the broad Islamic parameters. Rewriting women???s own identities are articulated in various forms from writing to visualisation, from fiction to non fiction. All expressions signify women???s ways to react against the silencing and muteness that have long imposed upon women???s agency. In Indonesian literary culture today, numerous women writers have represented in their writings women???s own ways to look at their own selves. Literary representations become one group among others trying to portray women???s strategies that will give them maximum control over their lives and bodies. Muslim women writers in Indonesia have shown through their representations of Muslim women in their writings that Muslim women in Indonesian settings are capable of undergoing a self-definition process. However, from their writings too, readers are reminded that although most women portrayed are strong and assertive it does not necessarily mean that they are free of oppression. The thesis is about Muslim women and gender-related issues in Indonesia. It focuses on the writings of four contemporary Indonesian Muslim women writers: Titis Basino P I, Ratna Indraswari Ibrahim, Abidah El Kalieqy and Helvy Tiana Rosa, primarily looking at how gender is constructed and in turn constructs the identity, roles and status of Musim women in Indonesia and how such relations are portrayed, covering issues of authenticity, representation and power inextricably intertwined in a variety of aesthetic forms and narrative structures.
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Taylor, Georgina M. "Ground for common action Violet McNaughton's agrarian feminism and the origins of the farm women's movement in Canada /". Ottawa : Library and Archives Canada, 1999. http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ26870.pdf.
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Hester, M. "The dynamics of domination : Men as a ruling class and the nature of women's subordination". Thesis, University of Leeds, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.233917.
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Mayo, Tilicia L. "Black Women and Contemporary Media: The Struggle to Self-Define Black Womanhood". Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2102.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.Title from screen (viewed on February 26, 2010). Department of Communication Studies, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Catherine A. Dobris, Ronald M. Sandwina, Kim D. White-Mills, Kristina H. Sheeler. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 68-70).
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Hazratji, Zehra Z. "Conceptualizing fitna : how the opinions of Muslim feminists distort the image of Islām today /". Connect to online version, 2005. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2005/125.pdf.
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Dahlin-Jones, Annelie. "The Radical Feminists' Misrepresentation of Catherine Barkley in Ernest Hemingway's A Farewell to Arms". Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-16221.
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This paper will analyze two schools of feminism to see how they criticize female characterizations in literature in general and Catherine Barkley in A Farewell to Arms in particular and discuss whether or not they are being objective in their criticism.
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Green, Sarah Francesca. "The politics of gender, sexuality and identity : an ethnography of lesbian feminists in London". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/280139.
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This dissertation is based on fieldwork conducted between December 1987 and July 1989 amongst radical and revolutionary lesbian feminists in London. It draws on participant observation of various lesbian feminist organizations, groups and events, as well as upon in-depth interviews with a small sample of lesbian feminists. The broader context, both intellectual and historical, is also considered. I argue that the nature of lesbian feminist existence in London during this period cannot be understood without looking at this context. Thus issues such as the influence of the Greater London Council from 1981 to 1986 and the development of both lesbian feminist theory and practice are taken into account. The dissertation describes and analyses the influence of radical and revolutionary feminist theories upon practice. For those who adhered to them, these theories demanded a high degree of reflexivity, which, I will argue, characterised the nature of the lesbian feminist 'community'. That 'community' was multiply layered and in a continual state of flux, which reflected both the theories which informed it and the context in which it existed at that moment in time. There were continual competing claims for legitimacy, with no single approach ever gaining dominance before being challenged. These competing claims were most often couched in terms of differing interpretations of gender, sexuality and identity, and the dissertation explores these competing claims as they were deployed in disputes over space and resources. Both the conceptual and physical space in which the 'community' was located overlapped with that of the lesbian and gay 'community' and was cross-cut by ethnic and class differences. Any differing representations of gender, sexuality and identity between lesbian feminists, gay activists and anti-racist activists also led to challenges concerning what physical spaces represented and who should use and define them. The dissertation also explores, largely through the examination of in-depth interview material, the divide between 'public' and 'private' life within the 'community', and the differing ways in which individual women locate themselves within this contested and strongly polemical intellectual and social context. The argument in this dissertation contrasts with those put forward in earlier studies. Those studies suggest that lesbian and lesbian feminist 'communities' generate and maintain cohesive forms of sociality which act as alternatives to dominant forms. This dissertation argues that, on the contrary, there can be no clear break between dominant forms of sociality and those amongst lesbian feminists. The distinction between the two lies in lesbian feminists' refusal to accept any form of sociality as unchallengeable, including those generated amongst lesbian feminists themselves.