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1
Conway, Janet M. "Popular Feminism: Considering a Concept in Feminist Politics and Theory". Latin American Perspectives 48, n.º 4 (28 de junio de 2021): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211013008.
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An analysis of popular feminism as a category in Latin American feminist studies from its origins in the 1980s and its disappearance in the 1990s to its resurgence in the present through the protagonism of the World March of Women, asks what is at stake in this contemporary claim to popular feminism in relation to the multiplication of feminisms. The contemporary use of the concept specifies a feminist praxis that is contentious, materialist, and counterhegemonic in permanently unsettled relations both with other feminisms and mixed-gender movements on the left. Despite converging agendas for redistribution, it also remains in considerable tension with black and indigenous feminisms. As a racially unmarked category, contemporary popular feminism continues to reproduce an elision of race and colonialism common to mestiza feminism and the political left. Un análisis del feminismo popular como categoría en los estudios feministas latinoamericanos, desde sus orígenes en la década de 1980 y su desaparición en la década de 1990 hasta su actual resurgimiento a través del protagonismo de la Marcha Mundial de la Mujer nos lleva a preguntarnos qué está en juego en esta reivindicación contemporánea del feminismo popular cuando lo consideramos en relación a la actual multiplicación de feminismos. El uso contemporáneo del concepto especifica una praxis feminista que es polémica, materialista y contrahegemónica dentro del marco de relaciones permanentemente inestables, tanto con otros feminismos como con movimientos izquierdistas de género mixto. A pesar de las agendas convergentes de redistribución, también mantiene una tensión considerable con los feminismos negros e indígenas. Como categoría racialmente inespecífica, el feminismo popular contemporáneo mantiene sus elisiones de raza y colonialismo, asunto característico del feminismo mestizo, así como de la izquierda política.
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Fowlkes, Diane L. "Moving from Feminist Identity Politics To Coalition Politics Through a Feminist Materialist Standpoint of Intersubjectivity in Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza". Hypatia 12, n.º 2 (1997): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1997.tb00021.x.
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Identity politics deployed by lesbian feminists of color challenges the philosophy of the subject and white feminisms based on sisterhood, and in so doing opens a space where feminist coalition building is possible. I articulate connections between Gloria Anzaldúa's epistemological-political action tools of complex identity narration and mestiza form of intersubject, Nancy Hartsock's feminist materialist standpoint, and Seyla Benhabib's standpoint of intersubjectivity in relation to using feminist identity politics for feminist coalition politics.
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Kirkpatrick, Jennet. "Introduction: Selling Out? Solidarity and Choice in the American Feminist Movement". Perspectives on Politics 8, n.º 1 (marzo de 2010): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992829.
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This symposium examines an emergent orientation within the American feminist movement called “choice feminism.” Choice feminists are primarily concerned with increasing the number of choices open to women and with decreasing judgments about the choices that individual women make. Choice feminists are best known for their argument that a woman who leaves the remunerated labor market to care for her children is a feminist in good standing; she makes a feminist decision. While media coverage of choice feminism has been extensive, political scientists have been comparatively quiet. In this symposium, four political scientists analyze and evaluate choice feminism, revealing their disagreement about the validity of the choice feminist position and about the meaning of choice feminism for movement politics, political judgment, and liberal political theory.
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Evans, Elizabeth y Prudence Bussey-Chamberlain. "The problems with feminist nostalgia: Intersectionality and white popular feminism". European Journal of Women's Studies 28, n.º 3 (agosto de 2021): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505068211032058.
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Contemporary feminisms are ineluctably drawn into comparisons with historic discourses, forms of praxis and tactical repertoires. While this can underscore points of continuity and commonality in ongoing struggles, it can also result in nostalgia for a more unified and purposeful feminist politics. Kate Eichhorn argues that our interest in nostalgia should be to understand feminist temporalities, and in particular the specific context in which we experience such nostalgia. Accordingly, this article takes up the idea that neoliberalism and populism, which have given rise to both neoliberal feminism and femonationalism, have produced a series of contestations regarding the purpose and nature of feminist politics, as expressed by white popular feminism in the United Kingdom. This article examines two dimensions of feminist nostalgia: first, nostalgia for a more radical form of feminist politics – one not co-opted by neoliberal forces, not individualistic and not centred around online activism; and second, a nostalgia for the idea of ‘sisterhood’ – a time before white feminists were called upon to engage with intersectionality or be inclusive of trans-women. We analyse these themes through analysis of white popular feminism produced in the United Kingdom between 2010 and 2020, cautioning against a feminist nostalgia which neglects to engage with the radical politics of intersectionality.
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Kelly, Maura y Gordon Gauchat. "Feminist Identity, Feminist Politics". Sociological Perspectives 59, n.º 4 (3 de agosto de 2016): 855–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121415594281.
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Feminist scholars and activists have endorsed a broad and intersectional political agenda that addresses multiple dimensions of inequality, such as gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class. We examine whether or not this perspective is also held by self-identified feminists in the general public. Drawing on public opinion polls from 2007 to 2009, we assess self-identified feminists’ attitudes toward a range of social policies. We find that after controlling for sociodemographic factors and political ideology, feminist identity is associated with progressive attitudes on policies related to gender and sexuality (e.g., abortion) as well as policies related to other social justice issues (e.g., immigration, health care). We also find some interactions between feminist identity and gender, age, education, and political ideology, suggesting some heterogeneity in feminists’ political attitudes. Overall, these findings suggest that feminists in the general public support an intersectional social justice agenda rather than a narrow focus on gender issues.
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Marome, Wijitbusaba. "Foucault’s Work for the Analysis of Gender Relations: Theoretical Reviews". Journal of Architectural/Planning Research and Studies (JARS) 3 (30 de diciembre de 2005): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56261/jars.v3.169048.
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Michel Foucault’s focus on power relationships has drawn political scientists, political philosophers,and feminists to his texts. His argument which analyses power and discourse takes political analysts beyondstate as the locus of power. In general, his work is important for feminist analyses, especially the threevolumeof historical account of sexuality, because it shares with feminists and intense and critical gaze atsexuality, ‘power and knowledge.’ However, Foucault’s politics of Western sexuality leaves female sexualityinvisible. To complete this historical account of sexuality requires feminist critiques which extend and alterthe analysis to include female sexuality. Thus, the question is not if, but how Foucault should be situated intocontemporary feminist theory. This paper examines four major criticisms that traditional feminists haveargued against Foucault’s understanding of theory-justification, power relations, collective politics, and genderneutrality. We argue that the first three criticisms are undiscovered, but offer an important set of political toolto feminism. For the gender neutrality criticism, we argue that Foucault’s neglect of gender difference in hishistory of sexuality falls short of feminist goals. Finally, feminists should approbate only the aspects ofFoucauldian philosophy that are conductive to gender analysis and move beyond Foucault’s androcentrism tocreate alternative histories of sexuality and opportunities for resistance.
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Benezra, Karen. "Feminine Desire, Feminist Politics". Critical Times 5, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2022): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9536575.
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Marso, Lori J. "Feminism's Quest for Common Desires". Perspectives on Politics 8, n.º 1 (marzo de 2010): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992854.
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One attraction of “choice” feminism has been its refusal to judge the diverse desires of women. Yet for feminism to retain its political vision as a quest for social justice, we must continue difficult conversations concerning how acting on our individual desires impacts the lives of others. In this essay, I argue that feminists can acknowledge women's diverse desires while forging a meaningful feminist community. I make this argument by considering feminism's relationship to time, and particularly how women's diverse desires are read in each moment in time. If we abandon the generational model, wherein each new generation of feminists improves upon the last, for a genealogical perspective where women recognize our feminist origins and empathize with the diverse struggles of other women, we might reaffirm social justice for the community as central to feminist politics. To articulate this possibility, I turn to the work of Simone de Beauvoir to explain her discovery of how her embodiment as a woman and her relationship to femininity becomes a way of grounding a feminist politics. Recognizing the “demands of femininity” in other women's lives allows us to affirm feminist community while retaining the capacity to make judgments that realize social justice as a feminist goal.
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Mojab, Shahrzad. "Theorizing the Politics of ‘Islamic Feminism’". Feminist Review 69, n.º 1 (noviembre de 2001): 124–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01417780110070157.
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This article examines developments in ‘Islamic feminism’, and offers a critique of feminist theories, which construct it as an authentic and indigenous emancipatory alternative to secular feminisms. Focusing on Iranian theocracy, I argue that the Islamization of gender relations has created an oppressive patriarchy that cannot be replaced through legal reforms. While many women in Iran resist this religious and patriarchal regime, and an increasing number of Iranian intellectuals and activists, including Islamists, call for the separation of state and religion, feminists of a cultural relativist and postmodernist persuasion do not acknowledge the failure of the Islamic project. I argue that western feminist theory, in spite of its advances, is in a state of crisis since (a) it is challenged by the continuation of patriarchal domination in the West in the wake of legal equality between genders, (b) suspicious of the universality of patriarchy, it overlooks oppressive gender relations in non-western societies and (c) rejecting Eurocentrism and racism, it endorses the fragmentation of women of the world into religious, national, ethnic, racial and cultural entities with particularist agendas.
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Frazer, Elizabeth y Kimberly Hutchings. "The feminist politics of naming violence". Feminist Theory 21, n.º 2 (8 de julio de 2019): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119859759.
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The naming of violence in feminist political campaigns and in the context of feminist theory has rhetorical and political effects. Feminist contention about the scope and meaning of ‘Violence against Women' (VAW) and ‘Sex and Gender-Based Violence' (SGBV), and about the concepts of gender and of violence itself, are fundamentally debates about the politics of feminist contestation, and the goals, strategies and tactics of feminist organisation, campaigns and action. This article examines the propulsion since the late twentieth century of the problems of VAW and SGBV on to global and national political agendas. The feminist theory that underpins the uptake of this new agenda is contested by opponents of feminism. More significantly for the article it is also contested within feminism, in disputes about how feminist political aims should be furthered, through what institutions and with what strategic goals in view. The article aims to show that theoretical and philosophical controversy about the concepts of violence, and sex and gender, are always political, both in the sense that they are an aspect of feminist competition about how feminist politics should proceed, and in the sense that the political implications of concepts and theory must always be a significant factor in their salience for feminist action.
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Motta, Renata. "Feminist Solidarities and Coalitional Identity: The Popular Feminism of the Marcha das Margaridas". Latin American Perspectives 48, n.º 5 (17 de junio de 2021): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211017896.
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The Marcha das Margaridas is a mass mobilization in Brazil led by women’s organizations within rural unions in alliance with other social movements and nongovernmental organizations, including transnational partners such as the World March of Women. The main political subjects are rural working women, a political identity that articulates gender, class, and urban-rural inequalities. These are foundational for the popular feminism of the Marcha. An examination of the Marcha das Margaridas guided by a theoretical discussion of poststructural feminism and postcolonial feminism on the role of political identities in building coalitions reveals that it expands the agenda of popular feminism in its relationship to historical feminist agendas and intersectional feminisms and in its coalition politics with men and the left. A Marcha das Margaridas é uma mobilização de massa no Brasil liderada por organismos de mulheres dentro de sindicatos rurais em aliança com outros movimentos sociais e organizações não governamentais (ONGs), incluindo parceiros transnacionais como a Marcha Mundial das Mulheres. Os principais sujeitos políticos são as mulheres trabalhadoras rurais, uma identidade política que articula as desigualdades de gênero, classe e urbano-rurais. Estes são fundamentais para o feminismo popular da Marcha. Um estudo da Marcha das Margaridas guiado por uma discussão teórica do feminismo pós-estrutural e do feminismo pós-colonial sobre o papel das identidades políticas na construção de coalizões revela que ela expande a agenda do feminismo popular em sua relação com agendas feministas históricas e feminismos intersetoriais, como também em sua coalizão política com os homens e a esquerda.
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McAuliffe, Jana. "How to feminist affect: Feminist comedy and post-truth politics". Philosophy & Social Criticism 49, n.º 2 (febrero de 2023): 230–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01914537221147846.
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Under the shifting epistemic and political norms of post-truth politics, the conditions of feminist solidarity and agency are increasingly threatened. This article argues that feminist humour provides models for affective orientations that sustain feminist work and survival during such periods of political crisis. First, I explore a potential issue post-truth politics poses for feminists: That information overload can lead to truth burn-out that threatens intersectional feminist thinking and action. Next, I explain why comedy is well-suited to help maintain feminist work in the context of post-truth politics. I then present a reading of Sarah Cooper’s skit, ‘How to medical’ to explore Cooper’s work and demonstrate how it operates as parodic political critique. I conclude that the affective stance of a feminist comedian models how feminists can keep surviving in the midst of post-truth crises. Such work shows how oppressive power can be engaged closely enough that deep critiques can be developed but with sufficient affective distance that feminist engagement can be sustained over time, through a multiplicity of crises. Cooper’s engagement can thus be read to generate strategies for how to (effectively) feminist affect under post-truth conditions.
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Vickers, Jill M. "Feminists and Party Politics. By Lisa Young. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000. 227p. $75.00." American Political Science Review 95, n.º 1 (marzo de 2001): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401732017.
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This comparison of the relationship between organized fem- inism and partisan politics in Canada and the United States addresses two questions. First, Young asks how much orga- nized feminism has influenced partisan and electoral politics in each country. Second, she asks how political parties in each country have responded to organized feminism. She answers these questions by examining the relationship between each country's largest feminist organization and its party system and by showing how each relationship changed between 1970 and 1997. The result is an important and readable book that demonstrates the value of feminist political science as an approach, especially in comparative politics. The book is head and shoulders above many other texts about feminist political activism, mainly because of Young's ability to bridge between feminist ideas about politics and the comparative politics literature about political opportunities.
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Khader, Serene J. "Do Muslim Women Need Freedom? Traditionalist Feminisms and Transnational Politics". Politics & Gender 12, n.º 04 (21 de julio de 2016): 727–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000441.
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The idea that Muslim women need to be liberated from religion and tradition has animated feminist support for imperialist projects. The idea that tradition itself is women's oppressor prevents Western feminists from perceiving cultural and religious destruction as potentially harmful. In this article, I make conceptual space for traditionalist feminisms by showing that feminism does not require any particular stance toward tradition as such. What should matter to feminists is whether the content of a given tradition is oppressive—not whether it belongs to a worldview that places a high value on traditional adherence. I show this by arguing that, contra some liberal feminists, opposition to sexist oppression does not entail value for what I call “Enlightenment freedom.” I draw on Islamic feminisms to demonstrate the possibility of opposition to sexist oppression grounded in worldviews that value traditional adherence, and even ones that hold certain traditional dictates to be beyond question.
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Nugraha, Dipa y Suyitno Suyitno. "REPRESENTATION OF ISLAMIC FEMINISM IN ABIDAH EL KHALIEQY’S NOVELS". LITERA 18, n.º 3 (26 de noviembre de 2019): 465–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/ltr.v18i3.27012.
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The Indonesian literary tradition during the reform period was marked by the rise of female writers who raised the issue of feminism. Within the framework of locality and contextuality, the feminism movement echoed by female writers comes in diverse expressions. This study aims to describe the reference figures and issues of Islamic feminism that are represented in novels by Abidah El Khalieqy. This research uses a feminist literary criticism approach. The data sources of the research are three novels by Abidah El Khalieqiy, namely Perempuan Berkalung Sorban, Geni Jora, and Mataraisa. The technique used to gather feminist voices in the three novels is a close reading. The analysis was conducted using a descriptive qualitative method. The results of the study are as follows. First, Islamic feminist figures who were referred to by the feminism movement were Fatima Mernisi and Riffat Hassan. Fatima Mernisi is known as a misogonic hadith critic, while Riffat Hassan uses the hermeneutic principle in the interpretation of the Quran. Second, the issues of feminism represented are: the lives of women in the pesantren tradition, the position of women in the family, the view of normal sexual relations and relationships, and the interpretation of the hadiths and verses of the Qur'an relating to women. Islamic feminism voiced by Abidah El Khalieqy brings its own color compared to the Western feminism movement which refers to the concept of ecriture feminine. Keywords: Islamic Feminism, ecriture feminine, Indonesian literary history, politics of difference, intersectionality REPRESENTASI FEMINISME ISLAM DALAM NOVEL-NOVEL KARYA ABIDAH EL KHALIEQY AbstrakTradisi sastra Indonesia masa reformasi ditandai maraknya penulis perempuan yang mengangkat permasalahan feminisme. Dalam bingkai lokalitas dan kontekstualitas, gerakan feminisme yang digaungkan para penulis perempuan hadir dalam ekspresi yang beragam. Penelitian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan tokoh rujukan dan persoalan feminisme Islam yang direpresentasikan dalam novel-novel karya Abidah El Khalieqy. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kritik sastra feminis. Sumber data penelitian adalah tiga novel karya Abidah El Khalieqiy, yaitu Perempuan Berkalung Sorban, Geni Jora, dan Mataraisa. Teknik yang dipakai untuk mengumpulkan suara-suara feminisme di dalam ketiga novel adalah pembacaan cermat (close reading). Analisis dilakukan dengan metode deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian sebagai berikut. Pertama, tokoh feminis Islam yang menjadi rujukan gerakan feminisme adalah Fatima Mernisi dan Riffat Hassan. Fatima Mernisi dikenal dengan kritik hadist misogonis, sedangkan Riffat Hassan dengan prinsip hermeneutika dalam tafsir Alquran. Kedua, persoalan feminisme yang direpresentasikan adalah: kehidupan perempuan dalam tradisi pesantren, kedudukan perempuan dalam keluarga, pandangan terhadap relasi dan hubungan seksual yang normal, dan tafsir terhadap hadist dan ayat Al-quran berkaitan dengan perempuan. Feminisme Islam yang disuarakan Abidah El Khalieqy membawa warna tersendiri dibandingkan dengan gerakan feminisme Barat yang merujuk pada konsep ecriture feminine. Kata kunci: feminisme Islam, ecriture feminine, sejarah sastra Indonesia, politik perbedaan, interseksionalitas.
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Zhu, Chen. "MCROBBIE'S THEORY OF POST-FEMINIST DISARTICULATION AND THE PRECARIOUSNESS IN CHINESE CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY". International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 05, n.º 06 (2022): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2022.0459.
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This paper analyzes the theoretical transferring of post-feminism and the concept of “disarticulation” from western feminism discourses to the Chinese contemporary media landscape. By introducing the connotation of post-feminism and its disarticulated precarious consequence to the feminism agenda, the paper argues that Chinese native feminism discourses represented the precariousness of post-feminism in the way which de-politicized, decentralized and self-governed individualization has dominated the narratives of feminists. The paper proposes that there is a new Chinese feminist ecology widely growing on media platforms with the characteristics of stigmatization of feminists, breaking down the unity of all feminist groups as well as women as a whole by labeling and gazing upon them, and further disarticulated feminist groups from the primary activism agenda and political alliance. The paper warned that due to the peculiarity of Chinese politics, namely, the long absence of official recognition of feminism and authoritative oppression of it, the precarious consequence of disarticulation pervades contemporary Chinese media landscapes by saturating the online feminism discourses and interrupts its developmental courses.
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Schreiber, Ronnee. "Is There a Conservative Feminism? An Empirical Account". Politics & Gender 14, n.º 01 (marzo de 2018): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000587.
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The question of conservative feminism in the United States did not really arise before the 2008 elections; most politically active conservative women leaders did not refer to themselves as feminists. Sarah Palin's vice presidential bid, however, prompted a shift. On a number of well-publicized occasions, Palin called herself a feminist, generating considerable discussion over whether conservative feminism is now a political movement. Using data from in-depth interviews with conservative women leaders, this article asks whether conservative women in the United States identify as feminists. Findings indicate that on the whole they do not, but conservative women are important gender-conscious political actors whose efforts compel questions about ideology and women's activism. Implications for understanding feminist and conservative movement politics more broadly are also explored.
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Figueroa, Yomaira. "After the Hurricane: Afro-Latina Decolonial Feminisms and Destierro". Hypatia 35, n.º 1 (2020): 220–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2019.12.
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The first version of this piece was written for the opening panel of the 2017 Conference of the Association for Feminist Ethics and Social Theory (FEAST) in Florida. The panel, “Decolonial Feminism: Theories and Praxis,” offered the opportunity for Black and Latinx feminist philosophers and decolonial scholars to consider their arrival to decolonial feminisms, their various points of emergence, and the utility of decolonial politics for liberation movements and organizing. I was prepared to discuss some genealogies of US Latina decolonial feminisms with a focus on the relationship of decolonial feminisms to other feminist articulations—for example, a consideration of the relation and divergence between decolonial and postcolonial feminism. I was particularly interested in examining some of the “decolonizing constellations of resistance and love” created by Black, Indigenous, Latinx feminisms (Simpson 2014b). I wanted to track the intergenerational labor of relationality as a part of women of color politics and to discuss how these politics unseat coloniality in its variant iterations.
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Boehm, Beth A. "Feminist Histories: Theory Meets Practice". Hypatia 7, n.º 2 (1992): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1992.tb00894.x.
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Fox-Genovese, Kaminer, and Riley all write the history of feminism as a history of conflict between feminists who desire to deny difference in favor of equality and those who desire to celebrate difference. And they all ask what this contradiction lying at the heart of feminist theory implies for the practice of feminist politics. These works reveal the need for feminists who engage this debate to be self’-Conscious in their formulations.
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Bíró, Noémi. "Feminist Interpretations of Action and the Public in Hannah Arendt’s Theory". Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philosophia 65, Special Issue (20 de noviembre de 2020): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphil.2020.spiss.06.
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"Feminist Interpretations of Action and the Public in Hannah Arendt’s Theory. Arendt’s typology of human activity and her arguments on the precondition of politics allow for a variety in interpretations for contemporary political thought. The feminist reception of Arendt’s work ranges from critical to conciliatory readings that attempt to find the points in which Arendt’s theory might inspire a feminist political project. In this paper I explore the ways in which feminist thought has responded to Arendt’s definition of action, freedom and politics, and whether her theoretical framework can be useful in a feminist rethinking of politics, power and the public realm. Keywords: Hannah Arendt, political action, the Public, the Social, feminism "
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Connolly, Clara, Lynne Segal, Michèle Barrett, Beatrix Campbell, Anne Phillips, Angela Weir y Elizabeth Wilson. "Feminism and Class Politics: A Round-Table Discussion". Feminist Review 23, n.º 1 (julio de 1986): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1986.18.
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In December 1984 Angela Weir and Elizabeth Wilson, two founding members of Feminist Review, published an article assessing contemporary British feminism and its relationship to the left and to class struggle. They suggested that the women's movement in general, and socialist-feminism in particular, had lost its former political sharpness. The academic focus of socialist-feminism has proved more interested in theorizing the ideological basis of sexual difference than the economic contradictions of capitalism. Meanwhile the conditions of working-class and black women have been deteriorating. In this situation, they argue, feminists can only serve the general interests of women through alliance with working-class movements and class struggle. Weir and Wilson represent a minority position within the British Communist Party (the CP), which argues that ‘feminism’ is now being used by sections of the left, in particular the dominant ‘Eurocommunist’ left in the CP, to justify their moves to the right, with an accompanying attack on traditional forms of trade union militancy. Beatrix Campbell, who is aligned to the dominant position within the CP, has been one target of Weir and Wilson's criticisms. In several articles from 1978 onwards, and in her book Wigan Pier Revisited, Beatrix Campbell has presented a very different analysis of women and the labour movement. She has criticized the trade union movement as a ‘men's movement’, in the sense that it has always represented the interests of men at the expense of women. And she has described the current split within the CP as one extending throughout the left between the politics of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’: traditional labour movement politics as against the politics of those who have rethought their socialism to take into account the analysis and importance of popular social movements – in particular feminism, the peace and anti-racist movements. In reply to this debate, Anne Phillips has argued that while women's position today must be analysed in the context of the capitalist crisis, it is not reducible to the dichotomy ‘class politics’ versus ‘popular alliance’. Michèle Barrett, in another reply to Weir and Wilson, has argued that they have presented a reductionist and economistic approach to women's oppression, which caricatures rather than clarifies much of the work in which socialist-feminists have been engaged. To air these differences between socialist-feminists over the question of feminism and class politics, and to see their implications for the women's movement and the left, Feminist Review has decided to bring together the main protagonists of this debate for a fuller, more open discussion. For this discussion Feminist Review drew up a number of questions which were put to the participants by Clara Connolly and Lynne Segal. (Michèle Barrett was present in a personal capacity.) They cover the recent background to socialist-feminist politics, the relationship of feminism to Marxism, the role of feminists in le ft political parties and the labour movement, the issue of racism and the prospects for the immediate future. The discussion was lengthy and what follows is an edited version of the transcript.
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Ferreira, Nathalia Bezerra da Silva y Verônica Maria de Araújo Pontes. "FEMINISMOS: CAMINHOS PERCORRIDOS E TENDÊNCIAS CONTEMPORÂNEAS". Revista Expressão Católica 6, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2018): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25190/rec.v6i2.2110.
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O movimento feminista possui dentro de sua história uma série de vertentes que colaboram para o fortalecimento e ampliação de pautas de lutas. Na medida em que cresce, o movimento amplia suas pautas de discussões incluindo novas temáticas que precisam ser debatidas, novas dificuldades a serem superadas. Dessa forma, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo discutir sobre aspectos históricos e teóricos do feminismo. Realizamos uma leitura de três teóricas: Beauvoir, Friedan e Hooks, contextualizando-a com as realidades sociais e políticas do período. No decorrer do trabalho apontamos para o fato de não haver um único feminismo. O feminismo, portanto, é tão plural quanto as mulheres que levantam essa bandeira e está em constante atividade. Para tanto, pautamos nosso trabalho nas propostas de Friedan em A Mistica Feminina (1971), em Feminist theory from margin to center (1984) e Feminism is for everybody: passionate politics (2000), de Hooks) numa tentativa de compreender uma parcela da conjuntura do feminismo.
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Parashar, Swati y Daria B. Kazarinova. "Introducing the Special Issue: Interview with Swati Parashar about Women and Feminism in Global Politics". RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, n.º 1 (25 de febrero de 2022): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-7-15.
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Gender issues and feminist studies are rare in Russian Political Science. This gap is surprising given the increasing international recognition of womens rights, as well as growing interest in mainstreaming gender equality norms and removing key obstacles to womens advancement. This special issue addresses this gap by bringing together studies that use feminist optics to examine a variety of political spaces, including those where feminism has not yet become an ideological mainstream. Presenting the contributions and the core ideas that unite them, we discussed with Professor Swati Parashar non-Western feminisms and problematic legacies of Western feminisms. Guiding our conversation were questions such as: What is feminism today? What is feminist foreign policy and what is its potential? In what ways can gender equality quotas contribute to the political empowerment of women? How can international organizations encourage diversity in womens representations from the Global South?
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TOLA, MIRIAM. "Composing with Gaia: Isabelle Stengers and the Feminist Politics of the Earth". PhaenEx 11, n.º 1 (5 de junio de 2016): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v11i1.4390.
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This essay brings the work of Isabelle Stengers into the fold of feminism to propose a feminist politics of the earth that disrupts the fantasy of human exceptionalism underpinning much Anthropocene discourse. I begin by situating Stengers’s political use of Gaia theory in current debates on the Anthropocene. Next, I show how Stengers’s reworking of Gaia helps in reconsidering the relations between two bodies of feminist theory—Deleuzian feminism and Marxist ecofeminism—that are rarely brought into conversation. On this basis, I explore what a feminist politics of composition with the earth might look like.
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Molina, Irene. "Is there a non-socialist Swedish feminism?" European Journal of Women's Studies 27, n.º 3 (9 de junio de 2020): 301–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506820930671.
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Based on a narrative of the recent history of postcolonial feminism within and outside the Swedish academic world, this article discusses the controversial relationship between feminism and politics. Installing a socialist inspired perspective on intersectionality in Swedish feminist debates and in gender research has been a hard task for postcolonial feminists in a society whose self-imagination excludes the recognition of racism as a fundamental component of the national identity. Moreover, as the country moves rapidly towards a neoliberalization of the former Keynesian Swedish welfare state, racism and homo-nationalism spreads out and permeates the political sphere and state institutions. The author emphasizes the importance for postcolonial feminists to continuously highlight the chasm that exists between neoliberal understandings of gender equality, which are not meant to eradicate structural class, gender, racial or other social inequalities, and those emanating from socialist and anti-racist feministic ontologies.
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Saeidzadeh, Zara y Sofia Strid. "Trans* Politics and the Feminist Project: Revisiting the Politics of Recognition to Resolve Impasses". Politics and Governance 8, n.º 3 (18 de septiembre de 2020): 312–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2825.
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The debates on, in, and between feminist and trans* movements have been politically intense at best and aggressively hostile at worst. The key contestations have revolved around three issues: First, the question of who constitutes a woman; second, what constitute feminist interests; and third, how trans* politics intersects with feminist politics. Despite decades of debates and scholarship, these impasses remain unbroken. In this article, our aim is to work out a way through these impasses. We argue that all three types of contestations are deeply invested in notions of identity, and therefore dealt with in an identitarian way. This has not been constructive in resolving the antagonistic relationship between the trans* movement and feminism. We aim to disentangle the antagonism within anti-trans* feminist politics on the one hand, and trans* politics’ responses to that antagonism on the other. In so doing, we argue for a politics of<em> </em>status-based recognition (drawing on Fraser, 2000a, 2000b) instead of identity-based recognition, highlighting individuals’ specific needs in society rather than women’s common interests (drawing on Jónasdóttir, 1991), and conceptualising the intersections of the trans* movement and feminism as mutually shaping rather than as trans* as additive to the feminist project (drawing on Walby, 2007, and Walby, Armstrong, and Strid, 2012). We do this by analysing the main contemporary scholarly debates on the relationship between the trans* movement and feminism within feminist and trans* politics. Unafraid of a polemic approach, our selection of material is strategic and illuminates the specific arguments put forward in the article.
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Morabito, Valeria. "Developing Transnational Methodologies in Feminist Studies: the relationship between postcolonial feminisms and new materialist feminism = Desarrollo de metodologías transnacionales en los estudios feministas: la relación entre los feminismos postcoloniales y el feminismo neo-materialista". FEMERIS: Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 4, n.º 1 (29 de enero de 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2019.4566.
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Abstract. The following article is an attempt to establish a constructive dialogue between two of the leading feminist philosophical theories of our time, new materialist feminism and postcolonial feminisms. Despite the fact that new materialist feminism has claimed to share the same concerns of postcolonial feminisms, this paradigm in some cases has been unappreciated among the postcolonial field, even though the two theories actually do have some common viewpoints, as I want to demonstrate. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to highlight the main standpoints of new materialist feminism, in relation with the theoretical positions of postcolonial feminism. In order to do so, I have engaged critically with Rosi Braidotti’s thought, putting it in dialogue with the critiques advanced by postcolonial feminist thinkers. After the analysis and the definition of new materialist feminism in the first section, and postcolonial feminism in the second, I then proceeded by envisaging a common ground for the two theories. The importance of this intercommunication is based on the idea that there can be no effective politics for new materialism if this theory doesn’t develop its ability to be transdisciplinar and intersectional. It also has to become capable of accounting for the dynamics of power at all levels and with different prospective, as a way to create new politics of identity and resistance. To answer to the challenges and paradoxes of our contemporary era the creation of a space for transnational actions is more effective than ever, as I want to attest.Palabras clave: Postcolonial Feminism, Neo-materialism, Feminist Philosophical thinking, New Methodological Perspectives in Gender Studies. Resumen. El siguiente artículo es un intento de establecer un diálogo constructivo entre dos de las principales teorías filosóficas feministas de nuestro tiempo, el nuevo feminismo materialista y el feminismo poscolonial. A pesar del hecho de que el nuevo feminismo materialista ha afirmado compartir las mismas preocupaciones de los feminismos poscoloniales, este paradigma en algunos casos no se aprecia en el campo poscolonial, aunque las dos teorías realmente tienen algunos puntos de vista comunes, como quiero demostrar. Por lo tanto, el objetivo de este artículo es destacar los principales puntos de vista del nuevo feminismo materialista, en relación con las posiciones teóricas del feminismo poscolonial. Para hacerlo, me he comprometido críticamente con el pensamiento de Rosi Braidotti, poniéndolo en diálogo con las críticas formuladas por las pensadoras feministas poscoloniales. Después del análisis y la definición del nuevo feminismo materialista en la primera sección, y del feminismo poscolonial en la segunda, procedí a prever un terreno común para las dos teorías. La importancia de esta intercomunicación se basa en la idea de que no puede haber políticas efectivas para el nuevo materialismo si esta teoría no desarrolla su capacidad de ser transdisciplinar e interseccional. También debe ser capaz de explicar la dinámica del poder en todos los niveles y con diferentes perspectivas, como una forma de crear nuevas políticas de identidad y resistencia. Para responder a los desafíos y las paradojas de nuestra era contemporánea, la creación de un espacio para acciones transnacionales es más efectiva que nunca, como quiero afirmar.Palabras clave: Feminismo poscolonial, neomaterialismo, pensamiento filosófico feminista, nuevas perspectivas metodológicas en los estudios de género.
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Johnson, Pauline. "Learning from the Budapest School women". Thesis Eleven 151, n.º 1 (abril de 2019): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619839245.
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What can Western feminism hope to learn from women whose feminisms were originally shaped by experiences behind the ‘Iron Curtain’? In the first instance, an acute sensitivity to the importance of a politics that is responsive to needs. In its social democratic heyday, Western feminism had embraced a politics of contested need interpretation. Now, though, a neoliberal version has converted feminism into an attitudinal resource for the individual woman who is bent upon success. The takeover was made easy by the poor self-understanding of social democratic feminism. My paper will compare Agnes Heller’s theory of ‘radical needs’ and Maria Márkus’s account of the ‘politicization of needs’ and apply both to the normative clarification of endangered feminist agendas. We look to the Budapest School women for more than just a way of conceptualizing the political radicalism of modern feminism as a social movement. Women need heroes too and a reflection upon the dignified and admirable lives of Agnes Heller and Maria Márkus has much to contribute to an ongoing search for a feminist ethic of the self.
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Duff, Koshka. "Feminism Against Crime Control: On Sexual Subordination and State Apologism". Historical Materialism 26, n.º 2 (30 de julio de 2018): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001649.
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AbstractIts critics call it ‘feminism-as-crime-control’, or ‘Governance Feminism’, diagnosing it as a pernicious form of identity politics. Its advocates call it taking sexual violence seriously – by which they mean wielding the power of the state to ‘punish perpetrators’ and ‘protect vulnerable women’. Both sides agree that this approach follows from the radical feminist analysis of sexual violence most strikingly formulated by Catharine MacKinnon. The aim of this paper is to rethink the Governance Feminism debate by questioning this common presupposition. I ask whether taking MacKinnon’s analysis of sexual violence seriously might, in fact, itself give us reason to be critical of political strategies that embrace the punitive state. By raising this question, I hope to persuade radical feminists to listen to critics of carceral politics rather than dismissing them as rape apologists, and critics of carceral politics to listen to radical feminists rather than dismissing them as state apologists.
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Calloni, Marina. "Feminism, Politics, Theories and Science". European Journal of Women's Studies 10, n.º 1 (febrero de 2003): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506803010001799.
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Are women's movement and feminist theories still connected to radical politics and the interest in changing social inequalities, when feminism has been `institutionalized', for instance in the academia, and has become a mainstreaming issue in social policies? This main question was put to eminent feminist scholars, with the aim of investigating the renewed critical role of international feminism and women's/gender studies in society, science, information, education and research. A reconstruction of the main changes which have occurred to women's movements and feminist theories in the last decades were the core of the interview, stressing differences and disagreement, also in relation to the new sociopolitical claims, supported by younger generations. The conclusion was that feminism has not lost its historical political mission, even though the world scenario and ideologies have dramatically changed. Indeed, feminism has become transcultural and `glocal', facing new socioeconomic inequities induced by globalization both in western societies and countries in development, confronting with the transformation of collective/gender identities and questioning the increasing importance of (bio)technologies.
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Fantone, Laura. "Precarious Changes: Gender and Generational Politics in Contemporary Italy". Feminist Review 87, n.º 1 (septiembre de 2007): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400357.
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The issue of a generational exchange in Italian feminism has been crucial over the last decade. Current struggles over precariousness have revived issues previously raised by feminists of the 1970s, recalling how old forms of instability and precarious employment are still present in Italy. This essay starts from the assumption that precariousness is a constitutive aspect of many young Italian women's lives, young Italian feminist scholars have been discussing the effects of such precarity on their generation. This article analyses the literature produced by political groups of young scholars interested in gender and feminism connected to debates on labour and power in contemporary Italy. One of the most successful strategies that younger feminists have used to gain visibility has involved entering current debates on precariousness, thus forcing a connection with the larger Italian labour movement. In doing so, this new wave of feminism has destabilized the universalism assumed by the 1970s generation. By pointing to a necessary generational change, younger feminists have been able to mark their own specificity and point to exploitative power dynamics within feminist groups, as well as in the family and in the workplace without being dismissed. In such a layered context, many young feminists argue that precariousness is a life condition, not just the effect of job market flexibility and not solely negative. The literature produced by young feminists addresses the current strategies engineered to make ‘their’ precarious life more sustainable. This essay analyses such strategies in the light of contemporary Italian politics. The main conclusion is that younger Italian women's experience requires new strategies and tools for struggle, considering that the visibility of women as political subjects is still quite minimal. Female precariousness can be seen as a fruitful starting point for a dialogue across differences, addressing gender and reproduction, immigration, work and social welfare at the same time.
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Hodgdon, Tim. "Fem: "A Window onto the Cultural Coalescence of a Mexican Feminist Politics of Sexuality"". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 16, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2000): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1052122.
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The journal Fem documents the evolution in the 1970s of a distinctly Mexican feminist politics of sexuality. These politics emerged as activist women molded those elements of diverse foreign feminist ideologies and practices which they deemed relevant to the exigencies of their situation into a coherent political program for the liberation of women from male supremacy. / La revista Fem documenta la evolución, en la década de los 70, de una política feminista de la sexualidad idóneamente mexicana. Esta política fue el resultado de una adaptación de diversas ideologías feministas extranjeras, de las cuales las activistas mexicanas tomaron elementos que juzgaron pertinentes a su propia situación y los integraron en un programa coherente para la liberación de la mujer de la supremacía masculina.
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Kay, Judith W. "Politics without Human Nature? Reconstructing a Common Humanity". Hypatia 9, n.º 1 (1994): 21–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00108.x.
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Political action requires a concept of humanity grounded in an explicit notion of human nature. Feminists apprehensive about poststructuralism's implications for a feminist politics need methods and discourses that allow feminist politics to proceed toward a vision of human well-being. Recent work by Chris Weedon and Erica Sherover-Marcuse highlights the need for hypotheses that can guide efforts to dismantle oppressed habits of being and help women evaluate and develop political strategies for universal solidarity.
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Ignjatovic, Suzana y Zeljka Buturovic. "Breastfeeding divisions in ethics and politics of feminism". Sociologija 60, n.º 1 (2018): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1801084i.
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The paper focuses on the ongoing ?breastfeeding wars? in public discourse and feminist approaches to ongoing debates in this area. Feminist disputes over breastfeeding are found in every ?wave? of the feminist movement, including the dominant contemporary political discourse of ?gender mainstreaming?. For one, feminist divisions over breastfeeding are influenced by ideological and theoretical differences in feminism (Marxist, radical, libertarian and other positions), sometimes resulting in their convergence with other ideologies (for example, conservatism). However, a recurrent point of division is also whether breastfeeding has an empowering or alienating effect on women. For one group of scholars, breastfeeding is a liberating practice, while the other camp is criticizing breastfeeding promotion as a form of oppression. This underscores the point that issues concerning woman?s body, especially reproductive rights and sexuality, are the most critical source of ambivalence within the modern feminism. This has been evident in feminist positions on new reproductive technologies, parenthood, and finally breastfeeding, making them some of the most controversial subjects of feminist debates.
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Browne, Victoria. "Backlash, Repetition, Untimeliness: The Temporal Dynamics of Feminist Politics". Hypatia 28, n.º 4 (2013): 905–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12006.
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Susan Faludi's Backlash, first published in 1991, offers a compelling account of feminism being forced to repeat itself in an era hostile to its transformative potentials and ambitions. Twenty years on, this paper offers a philosophical reading of Faludi's text, unpacking the model of social and historical change that underlies the “backlash” thesis. It focuses specifically on the tension between Faludi's ideal model of social change as a movement of linear, step‐by‐step, continuous progress, and her depiction of feminist history in terms of endless repetition. If we uphold a linear, teleological ideal of social change, I argue, repetition can only be thought of in negative terms—as a step backwards or a waste of time—which in turn has a negative and demoralizing impact within feminism itself. To explore an alternative model of historical time and change, I turn to the work of feminist philosopher Christine Battersby, who rethinks repetition through the Kierkegaardian mode of “recollecting forwards,” and the Nietzschean notion of “untimeliness.” I suggest that Battersby's philosophical reconceptualization of historical repetition, as a potentially creative, productive phenomenon, can be of great utility to feminists as we enact and negotiate the dynamics of backlash politics.
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Varino, Sofia. "Liminal politics: Performing feminine difference with Hélène Cixous". European Journal of Women's Studies 25, n.º 3 (3 de mayo de 2018): 293–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506818769918.
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As one of the most influential feminist theorists in Western academic circles, Hélène Cixous is often associated with écriture feminine (feminine writing), a term she coined in 1977, and with a fluid, poetic style both in her essays and in her fiction. This article investigates how Hélène Cixous uses the concept of the ‘feminine’ in her plays as a container for heterogeneity, liminality and difference, mobilizing it to animate feminist strategies that interrupt male, white and/or hegemonic forms of subjectivity. If for Cixous the practice of feminine writing is fundamentally characterized by the desire to create a mode of expression in which (gendered, embodied, racial) difference and otherness would retain their alterity, in dramatic writing she found an especially conducive medium for the realization of that desire. This article examines Cixous’s anti-realist postdramatic works, from her first produced play Portrait of Dora (1976) to her works for Ariane Mnouchkine’s Théâtre du Soleil, in the context of a feminist aesthetics of estrangement, and considers how her plays enact feminist theory’s own movement away from the psychoanalytical discourses of the 1970s and 1980s to postcolonial and materialist critiques. The article employs a range of intersectional critical methodologies for situating Cixous’s dramatic writing within a broader feminist praxis, using the work of feminist performance scholars like Elin Diamond, Rebecca Schneider and Jill Dolan to consider the liminal Other as a precarious feminine figure that Cixous re-inscribes into discourse. Feminine writing, the progressive movement away from realism towards postdramatic theatre, and Cixous’s artistic collaboration with Mnouchkine are each considered as feminist strategies towards a rendition of the subject that can reiterate its otherness on stage. The central argument is that it is the enactment of these strategies in live performance that makes Hélène Cixous’s concept of femininity as liminal difference so relevant for feminist politics today.
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STERN, MARIA y MARYSIA ZALEWSKI. "Feminist fatigue(s): reflections on feminism and familiar fables of militarisation". Review of International Studies 35, n.º 3 (julio de 2009): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210509008675.
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AbstractIn this article we critically consider the idea that feminism has performatively failed within the discipline of International Relations. One aspect of this failure relates to the production of sexgender through feminism which we suggest is partly responsible for a weariness inflecting feminist scholarship, in particular as a critical theoretical resource. We reflect on this weariness in the context of the study and practice of international politics – arenas still reaping the potent benefits of the virile political energies reverberating since 9/11. To illustrate our arguments we re-count a familiar feminist fable of militarisation – a story which we use to exemplify how the production of feminist IR is ‘set’ up to ‘fail’. In so doing we clarify our depiction of feminism as seemingly haunted by its inherent paradoxes as well as explaining why it matters to discuss feminism within the locale of the academic study of international politics. We conclude with a consideration of the grammar of temporality that delimits representations of feminism and move to recast feminist failure as aporetic and concomitantly implicated in the process of intervening politically.
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Thorpe, Holly y Rebecca Olive. "The Power, Politics, and Potential of Feminist Sports History: A Multi-Generational Dialogue". Journal of Sport History 39, n.º 3 (1 de octubre de 2012): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.39.3.379.
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Abstract This article considers the role that feminism has played in the development of sport history. More than writing “women’s sport history,” “feminist sport history” critically (re)engages issues of theory, method, and representation in the ways we approach historical scholarship. However, feminism remains a diverse area of thought that includes both political and personal aspects, which creates differences in the perspectives that feminist scholars bring to the field. After an overview of the development and contributions of feminism to sport history, this article reveals some of the diverse feminist perspectives in the field by constructing a dialogue using comments from interviews and literature from three “generations” of feminist sport historians. Exploring differences in feminist approaches
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Yousfi, Kenza. "Revisiting Community Organizing and National Liberation in the Saharawi Feminist Politics". Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 2, Summer (1 de junio de 2016): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/kohl/2-1-7.
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This paper examines how Saharawi feminist political praxis shapes community organizing and national liberation politics. I attempt to disrupt the binaries of national liberation and freedom through a reading of the political and temporal context of the engagements of National Union of Saharawi Women feminists in the refugee camps, in Tindouf, Algeria. From ethnographic encounters, the paper aims to challenge the linearity of violence in armed conflict by looking into nuances and politics of feminists who challenge the equation of national liberation as state-building, and simultaneously argue for more just and inclusive forms of organizing for the Saharawi community. This research looks at Saharawi feminist politics and visions for the future that are vigilantly articulated from within militarized institutions and protracted armed conflict.
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Védie, Léa. "Hating men will free you? Valerie Solanas in Paris or the discursive politics of misandry". European Journal of Women's Studies 28, n.º 3 (agosto de 2021): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505068211028896.
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In the wake of contemporary controversies in France over feminist misandry, this article reflects on claimed hatred of men as a feminist discursive resource. I use the reception of Valerie Solanas’ SCUM Manifesto by some radical French feminists of the 1970s as a privileged case study, along with historian Colette Pipon’s study on misandry within French second-wave feminist movements and Judith Butler’s works on stigma reversal. I contend that in a seemingly paradoxical way, misandry is both an anti-feminist stigma and a feminist discursive strategy: the inhibiting effects of such injurious term on feminist politics – the aggressive, castrating and hateful feminist you should at all cost avoid to become – can be managed, if not neutralized, by means of feminist misandry. From that point, I argue that claimed hatred of men can open fruitful political venues in challenging the stifling effects of respectability politics.
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Oliver, Kelly. "Julia Kristeva's Feminist Revolutions". Hypatia 8, n.º 3 (1993): 94–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1993.tb00038.x.
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Julia Kristeva is known as rejecting feminism, nonetheless her work is useful for feminist theory. I reconsider Kristeva's rejection of feminism and her theories of difference, identity, and maternity, elaborating on Kristeva's contributions to debates over the necessity of identity politics, indicating how Kristeva's theory suggests the cause of and possible solutions to women's oppression in Western culture, and, using Kristeva's theory, setting up a framework for a feminist rethinking of politics and ethics.
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Siddiqui, Saima. "Where Are The Women? A Contemporary Feminist IR Critique Of Security In World Politics". Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 7, n.º 1 (8 de junio de 2013): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v7i1.271.
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The international relations (IR) discourse has been a subject of feminist critique for over two decades. One of the key concerns for this assessment is marginalisation women and gender perspectives in security studies. Many feminists have argued that world politics remain a masculine domain where fewer women are visible at the decision making positions. The association of masculinity and security has allowed feminist scholars to identify possible impediments for this inadequacy. This article explores the “gendered” nature of international relations from a contemporary feminist perspective by means of critiquing the realist theory in international relations. For this purpose, the article is going to examine hegemonic masculinity and how it links with theoretical ideology and practice of realism to socially construct the dominant masculine and weak feminine gender hierarchies in world politics.
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Musgrave, L. Ryan. "Liberal Feminism, from Law to Art: The Impact of Feminist Jurisprudence on Feminist Aesthetics". Hypatia 18, n.º 4 (2003): 214–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2003.tb01419.x.
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This essay explores how early approaches in feminist aesthetics drew on concepts honed in the field of feminist legal theory, especially conceptions of oppression and equality. I argue that by importing these feminist legal concepts, many early feminist accounts of how art is political depended largely on a distinctly liberal version of politics. I offer a critique of liberal feminist aesthetics, indicating ways recent work in the field also turns toward critical feminist aesthetics as an alternative.
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Jamal, Amina. "The Entanglement of Secularism and Feminism in Pakistan". Meridians 20, n.º 2 (1 de octubre de 2021): 370–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-9547932.
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Abstract In many Muslim-majority societies, including Pakistan, liberal progressive subjects who espouse feminism and gender equality do so through the language of universal human rights and political secularism. This brings them into conflict not only with anti-secular rightwing conservatives within their own societies but also with progressive scholarly critics of secularism in other contexts. To clear the space for a nuanced understanding of feminist secularism in Pakistan, the author examines a unique style of politics that may be described as “secular” among middle-class Muslim women interviewed by the author in Karachi and Islamabad. She argues that the espousal of secularism by feminists as a political cultural discourse in South Asia can initiate a politics that challenges hegemonic notions of self, community, and nation that are gaining strength in Pakistan. This position militates against simplistic understandings of secular feminism in this Muslim-majority society as the politics of colonized subjects or as a hegemonic nexus for reproducing the discursive power of Eurocentric and universalist discourses.
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Arscott, Jane y Manon Tremblay. "Il reste encore des travaux à faire: Feminism and Political Science in Canada and Québec". Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, n.º 1 (marzo de 1999): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390001012x.
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AbstractThis article takes an empirical measure of the extent to which feminism has altered the discipline of Political Science in Canada and Québec since the mid-1980s. The authors, members of the second cadre of female political scientists in the field of women and politics, single out for particular attention the current relation between anglophone and francophone feminist scholarship in the field. They maintain that the two linguistic solitudes remain fundamental to the women and politics field as much as was the case before the emergence of feminist perspectives in the discipline.
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Sanders, Rebecca y Laura Dudley Jenkins. "Special issue introduction: Contemporary international anti-feminism". Global Constitutionalism 11, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2022): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381722000144.
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AbstractIn recent years, conservative governments and their civil society allies have undermined international women’s rights treaties and SOGI rights initiatives and challenged domestic rights protections. The articles in this special issue grapple with these trends by analysing the ideologies, discourses, and strategies of contemporary anti-feminism in global and comparative contexts. Several prominent patterns emerge: the core significance of social hierarchy and biological essentialism to anti-feminist conservative thought; the polarizing demonization of feminists by religious conservatives and populist nationalists; the appropriation of rights discourses and advocacy tactics by anti-feminist campaigns; and the strategic importance of law and legal language as a terrain of rights contestation. Taken together, this research suggests that anti-feminism is not incidental to reactionary anti-democratic politics, but instead a constitutive element of political movements that seek to naturalize inequality and legally enforce conformity with conservative social norms.
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Sawer, Marian. "Feminist Political Science and Feminist Politics". Australian Feminist Studies 29, n.º 80 (3 de abril de 2014): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.2014.930554.
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Wibben, Annick T. R. "Feminist Politics in Feminist Security Studies". Politics & Gender 7, n.º 04 (diciembre de 2011): 590–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x11000407.
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Elliot, Patricia. "Politics, Identity, and Social Change: Contested Grounds in Psychoanalytic Feminism". Hypatia 10, n.º 2 (1995): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1995.tb01368.x.
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This essay engages in a debate with Nancy Fraser and Dorothy Leland concerning the contribution of Lacanian-inspired psychoanalytic feminism to feminist theory and practice. Teresa Brennan's analysis of the impasse in psychoanalysis and feminism and Judith Butler's proposal for a radically democratic feminism are employed in examining the issues at stake. I argue, with Brennan, that the impasse confronting psychoanalysis and feminism is the result of different conceptions of the relationship between the psychical and the social. I suggest Lacanian-inspired feminist conceptions are useful and deserve our consideration.
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Dorroll, Philip. "“Post-Gezi Islamic Theology: Intersectional Islamic Feminism in Turkey”". Review of Middle East Studies 50, n.º 2 (agosto de 2016): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2016.138.
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AbstractThe legacy of the 2013 Gezi Park protests has been controversial and its impact on Turkish politics difficult to assess. At the same time, there has been little reflection on contemporary Islamic feminist thinking in English sources. This essay argues that one important political and intellectual legacy of the Gezi movement has been the development of certain intersectional discourses in Islamic feminism in Turkey, whereby the shared experience of marginalization felt by pious Muslims, women, ethnic and religious minorities, and the LGBTIQ community has begun to broaden and complicate the scope of Islamic feminist discussions of liberation and social justice. By delineating and linking some important connecting threads of Islamic feminist theological thought in Turkey of the past 30 years, this essay will attempt to summarize key developments in the history of Islamic feminism in contemporary Turkey, demonstrating how they have led to new strands of intersectional feminist thinking in the post-Gezi era of Turkish politics.