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Banton, Michael. "Ethnic Conflict". Sociology 34, n.º 3 (agosto de 2000): 481–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/s0038038500000304.
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Sadowski, Yahya. "Ethnic Conflict". Foreign Policy, n.º 111 (1998): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149375.
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Levinson, David. "Ethnic conflict". Peace Review 6, n.º 1 (marzo de 1994): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659408425768.
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Banton, Michael. "Ethnic Conflict". Sociology 34, n.º 3 (agosto de 2000): 481–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038038500000304.
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Constantinou, Costas M. y Mete Hatay. "Cyprus, ethnic conflict and conflicted heritage". Ethnic and Racial Studies 33, n.º 9 (octubre de 2010): 1600–1619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419871003671937.
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Rashid, Khadijat K., Michael Vickers, Godfrey Mwakikagile y Rotimi T. Suberu. "Ethnic Politics and Ethnic Conflict". African Studies Review 46, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2003): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1514828.
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Horowitz, Shale. "Islam and Ethnic Conflict: Hypotheses and Post-Communist Illustrations*". Nationalities Papers 35, n.º 5 (noviembre de 2007): 913–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701651869.
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The end of the Cold War drew increasing attention to ongoing and new ethnic conflicts—particularly because many of the high-profile new conflicts broke out amid the ruins of communism. Since 11 September 2001 there has been even more discussion about whether and how Islam contributes to international and civilizational conflict. However, there has been little work attempting to understand whether Islam plays any distinctive role in ethnic conflicts. Much work on ethnic conflict assumes that Islam is just one possible component of ethnic and national identities, and that it has no distinctive influence. Others examine whether Islam always has a similar impact on ethnic conflict—typically based upon identifying states or minority groups as having majority Muslim populations.
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Okpevra, Uwomano Benjamin. "Nature of conflict and the prospect of traditional institutions of conflict resolutions in contemporary Africa: the Nigeria example". IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 24, n.º 1 (30 de marzo de 2023): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2023/24/1/009.
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The paper underscores the nature of conflict and examines ethnic and communal conflicts in Nigeria. It proposes a mechanism for resolving ethnic conflicts, which melds the theory of conflict, conflict resolution, and peace-building with traditional African values. It also highlights the importance of empowering local community leaders with appropriate skills in conflict prevention, management, and resolution without recourse to external intervention. Given that the abandonment of ‘utility-laden’ traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution for foreign models mostly gave rise to the myriads of avoidable violent conflicts all over Africa, it becomes a desideratum to revive and promote hitherto traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution in Nigeria. The paper adopts the historical and analytical method of research deploying secondary data to achieve its aim. The paper in its little form contributes to the trajectory of alternative conflict resolution process of ethnic and community conflicts in Nigeria, which serves as a possible model for other African nations.
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Wig, Tore y Daniela Kromrey. "Which groups fight? Customary institutions and communal conflicts in Africa". Journal of Peace Research 55, n.º 4 (31 de enero de 2018): 415–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317740416.
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Why are some ethnic groups embroiled in communal conflicts while others are comparably peaceful? We explore the group-specific correlates of communal conflicts in Africa by utilizing a novel dataset combining ethnographic information on group characteristics with conflict data. Specifically, we investigate whether features of the customary political institutions of ethnic groups matter for their communal-conflict involvement. We show how institutional explanations for conflict, developed to explain state-based wars, can be successfully applied to the customary institutions of ethnic groups. We argue that customary institutions can pacify through facilitating credible nonviolent bargaining. Studying 143 ethnic groups, we provide large-N evidence for such an ‘ethnic civil peace’, showing that groups with a higher number of formalized customary institutions, like houses of chiefs, courts and legislatures, are less prone to communal conflict, both internally and with other groups. We also find some evidence, although slightly weaker, that groups with more inclusive or ‘democratic’ customary institutions are less prone to communal conflicts.
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Rubin, Paul H. "Does Ethnic Conflict Pay?" Politics and the Life Sciences 19, n.º 1 (marzo de 2000): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073093840000890x.
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It is often argued that ethnic conflict is an extreme example of nepotism, and is genetically based. This may be so: in the EEA (the environment of evolutionary adaptedness), such conflict may have been fitness improving, and we may be descended from those who participated successfully in such conflicts. This would provide us with a “taste” for xenophobia. But this taste can be overcome relatively easily, as shown by the changes in behavior in the United States in the 50 years since racial segregation was outlawed. Moreover, in today's world, such conflict does not provide benefits. There are several reasons for this, but the most important (and one that is often overlooked, even by evolutionists) is the possibility of gains from trade in exchanges between ethnic groups. While ethnic relations in the EEA may have approximated a zero-sum game, today a prisoner's dilemma is a more appropriate model for interactions, so that there are significant gains from cooperation. If we want to reduce the amount of conflict in the world, it is probably better to rely on increasing gains from trade than on increased size of in-groups, since the latter strategy will reach a natural limit.
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Sidel, John T. "Cultural Contestation in Ethnic Conflict. By Marc Howard Ross. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 384p. $91.00 cloth, $34.99 paper." Perspectives on Politics 7, n.º 1 (12 de febrero de 2009): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090215.
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Amid the steady stream of quantitative and game-theoretical studies of conflict published in recent years, Marc Howard Ross's Cultural Contestation in Ethnic Conflict comes as a welcome reminder of the ineffably human dimensions of conflict and violence around the world. His panoramic account of ethnic conflict goes beyond the establishment of statistical correlations and the modeling of “iterated games” to trace the complex processes by which conflicts emerge, escalate, and unravel, as well as the role of culture and identity in these processes. Making sense of ethnic conflict, Ross shows, requires an understanding of meaning—of how symbols, rituals, places, and events evoke emotions, inspire narratives, and inform identities in diverse settings around the world. The research agenda he pursues and promotes is thus in no small measure ethnographic and interpretivist, focusing on the (inter)subjective (self-)understandings of participants in ethnic conflicts, rather than the ostensibly objective conditions under which conflicts unfold.
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Winarni, Leni. "The Rohingya Muslim in the Land of Pagoda". JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 5, n.º 1 (13 de noviembre de 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v5i1.1812.
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Regarding Southeast Asia as a multi-ethnics region, this paper attempts to examine about why Buddhist Community turns into religious violence against Rohingyas in the State of Rakhine (formerly known as Arakan). Through understanding the triggers of conflicts, this paper applies historical perspective to analyze why ethnic-religious conflict occur nowadays between Buddhist and Rohingya in Myanmar. This paper also discusses how the influence of history has constructed the government’s policy under military regime to exclude Rohingya. However, the ethno-religious conflict is either an indication of a weak state or failure state in managing diversity.Key words: Ethnic-
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Bartusevičius, Henrikas. "A congruence analysis of the inequality–conflict nexus: Evidence from 16 cases". Conflict Management and Peace Science 36, n.º 4 (16 de junio de 2017): 339–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217710801.
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The relationship between inequality and civil conflict has attracted considerable interest in conflict research. Recent large -N studies have shown that inequalities significantly contribute to the outbreak of civil conflict and have proposed a number of causal pathways to account for this. These pathways, however, have rarely been assessed in systematic case-based research. This study implements a “middle -N” qualitative congruence analysis of 16 conflicts, focusing on the observable implications of the pathways through which inequalities are typically theorized to influence conflict. The study finds evidence to support some of the main pathways proposed in the quantitative literature. Furthermore, the analysis finds that different types of inequalities relate to different conflict categories. Specifically, vertical inequalities relate to non-ethnic governmental conflicts (via an “individual deprivation pathway”), regional inequalities to non-ethnic territorial conflicts (via a “separatist pathway”), and horizontal inequalities to ethnic conflicts (via a “group deprivation pathway”).
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Ahmed, Iyanda Kamoru y Adjah Ekwang Adjah. "Democratisation and Conflict in Nigeria". Indonesian Journal of Education and Social Sciences 1, n.º 1 (29 de junio de 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56916/ijess.v1i1.85.
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This paper discusses Democratisation And Conflict In Nigeria. The contemporary history of Nigeria is a tale of internecine conflicts and economic woes. The post-independence vision of Nigeria as a giant of Africa primed to take off into sustained development and democracy has long evaporated. Four decades of nation-building appear to have availed veiy1ittle. Rather than greater integration, there has been, across the nation, a succession of ethnic/religious conflicts, with monumental human ‘casualties and tragedies in their wake. Consequently, various views and strategies are currently being canvassed for peace and ethnic/religious conflict management in a democratic Nigeria. In a plural society like Nigeria, conflicts have been more associated with economic, religious, political, ethnic and communal issues. The surge and spate of such conflicts in Nigeria since the return of democratic dispensation, and their unprecedented spread, longevity and intensity have greatly complicated the political, social, economic and environmental problems of the country. Violent conflict threatens everything, including lives, property, development, democracy, and the viability and sustainability of our nation-state. Thus, the need to resolve conflicts in Nigeria is urgent. This chapter is, therefore, an attempt to contribute to the current debate • on civil society and ethnic/religious conflict management in a democratic Nigeria.
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Beyene, Fekadu. "Natural Resource Conflict Analysis among Pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia". Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, n.º 1 (abril de 2017): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1284605.
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This paper examines resource-related conflict among pastoralists in southern Ethiopia, specifically the Somali and Oromo ethnic groups. It applies theories of property rights, environmental security and political ecology to discuss the complexity of the conflict, using narrative analysis and conflict mapping. Results reveal that the conflict results from interrelated cultural, ecological and political factors. The systems of governance, including the setting up of regions on an ethnic basis and associated competition for land and control of water-points, have contributed to violent conflict between the two ethnic groups. The creation of new administrative units (kebeles) close to regional boundaries has exacerbated the conflict. Moreover, change in land use, prompted by insecure property rights to communal land, rather than expected increase in economic benefits has caused conflicts among the clans of the Oromo. The findings suggest Ethiopian authorities support the functioning of traditional access options, successful operation of customary courts and penalising opportunistic actors to address inter-ethnic conflicts. Applying land use and administration guidelines and empowering customary authorities would reduce the incidence of inter-clan conflict.
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Güven, İbrahim. "Revisiting Ethnic Framing in Conflicts: Challenging the Concept of Ethnic Conflict". Journal of Humanity, Peace and Justice 1, n.º 1 (11 de junio de 2024): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26650/hupej.2024.10.1.1459672.
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Maynes, Charles William. "Containing Ethnic Conflict". Foreign Policy, n.º 90 (1993): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148940.
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Saikal, A. "Afghanistan's ethnic conflict". Survival 40, n.º 2 (enero de 1998): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.1998.10107843.
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Hill, Ronald J. "Managing ethnic conflict". Journal of Communist Studies 9, n.º 1 (marzo de 1993): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279308415192.
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Fukuyama, Francis, Ashley J. Tellis, Thomas S. Szayna y James A. Winnefeld. "Anticipating Ethnic Conflict". Foreign Affairs 77, n.º 3 (1998): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048892.
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McFERSON, HAZEL M. "Rethinking Ethnic Conflict". American Behavioral Scientist 40, n.º 1 (septiembre de 1996): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764296040001005.
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Glazer, Nathan y Donald L. Horowitz. "Understanding Ethnic Conflict". Columbia Law Review 86, n.º 2 (marzo de 1986): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1122710.
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Ubelejit-Nte, Adaku Agnes. "Ethnicity and Sexual Violence in The Conflict of South Sudan". International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Research 9, n.º 1 (15 de enero de 2023): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ijsar.15/vol9n12535.
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South Sudan gained independence in 2011 after a much applauded referendum. The euphoria of this accomplishment was beclouded by ethnic conflicts which degenerated into a civil war in December 2013. The aim of this study was to examine the conflict that degenerated into a civil war in South Sudan and orchestrated gruesome sexual violence. In accordance, the study was guided by the following research questions. Why is the civil war in South Sudan said to be an ethnic conflict? How is sexual violence manifesting in the conflict of South Sudan? The instrumentalist theory of ethnic conflict as propounded by Pierre Duhem was adopted as the theoretical framework of this study. The research employed a qualitative method of study. The study found out that South Sudan is a composition of more than 60 ethnic groups but the Dinka, Nuer and to a lesser degree the Murle are the most prominent. Incidentally, the conflicts that have engulfed and devastated all of South Sudan emanated and proliferated from these major ethnic groups. The conflict in South Sudan was characterized by sexual violence such as rape, sexual slavery, sexual torture, sexual mutilation etc. The study concludes that ethnicity is the fundamental causal factor of the conflict of South Sudan that is characterized by sexual violence and other atrocities. The study recommends that South Sudan should harness its rich national heritage of multi-ethnicity for unity in diversity as opposed to the prevailing parochial barbarity of ethnic conflicts.
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MOLLAW, Demillie. "THE IMPACT OF INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICT ON DEVELOPMENT IN ETHIOPIA". Journal of Public Administration, Finance and Law, n.º 27 (2023): 306–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/jopafl-2023-27-23.
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Ethiopia is known for its long history of highly centralized, exclusive and suppressive governance system which came to an end with the adoption of multi-ethnic federal political system in 1991. The new ethnic federal state arrangement was believed to bring peace, provide a new basis for unity and reduce conflicts. However, ethnic conflict has become the day-to-day experience in different parts of the country. Afar Regional State is one of the constituent units where conflict has been prevalent. Different researches indicated that conflict affects socio-economic development in various ways. The objective of this paper is to analyze the impact of inter-ethnic conflict on the socio-economic development of Afar Regional State in Ethiopia. The data for this paper were gathered through qualitative methods as well as review of published and unpublished documents. Specific tools for primary data collection include key informant interviews, focus group discussion, and observation,. The study analyses the causes and consequences of conflicts between Afar and its neighboring ethnic groups, the Issa-Somali and Amhara. The study reveals that the restructuring of the country along ethnic lines has transformed the century-old resource-based conflicts among pastoralist communities into territorial conflicts. The paper concludes that interethnic conflicts have been adversely affecting the socio-economic development of Afar Regional State.
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TSKITISHVILI, Tamta. "Analysis of Nagorny Karabakh Conflict". Journal of Social Sciences 1, n.º 1 (30 de mayo de 2012): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/jss.v1i1.34.
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Ethnic conflicts arte one of the main hampering factors of the state's security and development. Despite the fact that in this global world a lot is done for eradication of conflicts, in many parts of the world they still are a big threats periling global security. Conflict discussed in the article below was the first ethnic conflict of the USSR, which continued after its collapse and still takes place between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the territory of Nagorny-Karabakh. Conflict hampers the security of the whole South Caucasus region and strongly hinders regions development. Nagorny-Karabakh conflict that is one of the bloodiest disputes in South Caucasus was the beginning of the ethnic tensions in the Soviet Empire and together with many other reasons eventually lead to its collapse.
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Esteban, Joan y Debraj Ray. "On the Salience of Ethnic Conflict". American Economic Review 98, n.º 5 (1 de noviembre de 2008): 2185–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.98.5.2185.
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A classical theme in social analysis views economic class divisions as the main cause of social conflict. Yet many, if not most of the conflicts we observe today appear to be ethnic in nature. It appears that the "vertical" nature of class divisions is often dominated by the "horizontal" antagonisms across groups delineated by noneconomic markers. This paper highlights the perverse synergy of economic inequality within ethnic groups, and its role in the salience of ethnic conflict. In a model of group formation which allows both class and ethnic groupings to emerge, we show that ethnic, as opposed to class, conflict may be focal, and precisely in the presence of economic inequality. (JEL D72, D74)
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Cederman, Lars-Erik, Simon Hug, Livia I. Schubiger y Francisco Villamil. "Civilian Victimization and Ethnic Civil War". Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, n.º 7-8 (21 de enero de 2020): 1199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719898873.
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While many studies provide insights into the causes of wartime civilian victimization, we know little about how the targeting of particular segments of the civilian population affects the onset and escalation of armed conflict. Previous research on conflict onset has been largely limited to structural variables, both theoretically and empirically. Moving beyond these static approaches, this article assesses how the state-led targeting of specific ethnic groups affects the likelihood of ethnic conflict onset and the evolution of conflicts once they break out. Relying on a new data set with global coverage that captures the ethnic identity of civilian victims of targeted violence, we find evidence that the state-led civilian victimization of particular ethnic groups increases the likelihood that the latter become involved in ethnic civil war. We also find tentative, yet more nuanced, evidence that ethnic targeting by state forces affects the escalation of ongoing conflicts.
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Kłosowicz, Robert. "Identity, Ethnic Conflict and Communal Conflict in Sub- Saharan Africa". Politeja 17, n.º 5 (68) (19 de abril de 2021): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.68.09.
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Ethnic identity is one of the most significant types of identities. Meanwhile, some researchers have recently begun to criticise the term ‘identity’ as being too excessively associated with political ideologies, lacking operational power and being difficult to define precisely. Simultaneously, attention has been drawn to what can be referred to as ‘ethnic revival.’ Ethnic identity is created based on the opposition between what is ‘one’s own’ and what is ‘foreign.’. Even though the category of ‘the Other’ or the ‘foreign’ always appears in the context of identity, it has a special significance in the case of ethnic identity. By such means, the belonging to a particular ethnic group is emphasized, while simultaneously one is cut off from other groups. Conflicts between clans, tribes and ethnic groups have occurred throughout the ages and in all civilisations. There is no single opinion among researchers about how ethnic conflict should be defined. Increasingly, in recent literature of the subject, the distinction between ethnic conflicts and communal conflicts has come to be applied. The article aims to analyse the identity problems expressed in ethnic and communal conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa. It is based on the critically reviewed literature of the subject, as well as the author’s conclusions from many years of research on the problem of state dysfunctionality, conducted in Sub-Saharan African countries.
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Birhan, Aemro Tenaw y Nsoh Christopher. "The Quest for Peace: Examining the Impact of Ethnic Federalism on Conflict Management in Ethiopia". Social Science and Humanities Journal 8, n.º 04 (13 de abril de 2024): 34852–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/sshj.v8i04.1007.
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The main objective of the study is to critically examine the impact of conflict management on conflict management in Ethiopia. The diverse policies that Ethiopia's previous administrations implemented have left both positive and negative legacies. In an attempt to promote national peace by addressing ethnic diversity and reducing conflict, the current regime has experimented with ethnic Federalism in a way never seen before since 1995. However, in Ethiopia, ethnic Federalism has not been able to resolve interethnic disputes. Ethnic group conflicts are become extremely widespread. People have died as a result of these wars, and other people have also been displaced and property destroyed. In addition, ethnic minorities are being driven out of different regions as a result of ethnic strife. Despite this, differing opinions persist regarding the purpose of Ethiopia's ethnic Federalism. Ethnic Federalism is seen favorably by some and is seen as a valuable instrument for resolving interethnic conflicts. However, several elites argue against ethnic Federalism as a policy and practice because they fear violence and the dissolution of the country. The study uses a qualitative content analysis design to address the paper's objective. Sociological and instrumentalist theories are also employed to address the issue. Consequently, this study has clarified how ethnic Federalism affects conflict resolution. The study implies that even if ethnic Federalism was implemented more than thirty years ago, it has not been able to resolve ethnic tensions throughout the nation.
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Zaznaev, Oleg y Viktor Sidorov. "Presidential or parliamentary system: what hinds an ethnic conflict". Political Science (RU), n.º 4 (2020): 290–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.04.14.
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Ethnic conflict management includes a set of institutional and noninstitutional features for preventing and resolving ethnic conflicts. Among the large number of measures of national states and other political actors, one can especially figure out – the optimal organization of government system, which can calm ethnically colored conflicts, up to violence, armed warfare and civil wars. This article discusses the problem of the relationship between forms of government, on the one hand, and ethnic conflicts, on the other. That causation received small attention in political science. The authors answer the question of which form of government – presidential or parliamentary – creates risks of ethnic conflict. The purpose of the article is to identify institutional elements that pose a threat to ethnic peace and harmony, as well as show the positive features of presidentialism and parliamentarism that to calm ethnic conflicts. The authors chose neoinstitutionalism as the main methodological approach, which determines the central place of political institutions in explaining the nature of ethnic conflicts. The authors' conclusions are based on a comparative analysis of the theoretical and empirical results of studies of ethnic conflicts. The authors conclude that the presidential system creates more favorable conditions for calming ethnic conflicts that the parliamentary system do. In order to “smooth out” the negative consequences of the presidential and parliamentary systems, national governments conduct institutional “experiments” to modernize classical institutional models. The article discusses atypical systems and atypical elements of systems that help solve problems inherent in a “pure” presidential and “pure” parliamentary system. The article also assesses empirical studies that providing research on causation between government and ethnic conflicts.
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Olayinka Olabimpe Ojo y Bello, T.T. "Historical Analysis of Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria, 1990-2013". Lakhomi Journal Scientific Journal of Culture 3, n.º 3 (30 de septiembre de 2022): 132–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/lakhomi.v3i3.795.
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Conflict is as old as human race. Since the creation of the country called Nigeria, there has been debate on the issue of peaceful coexistence among the different ethnic groups and between the two major religious groups, Christians and Muslims. This paper explored ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. There are many research work has been carried upon on the issue of Ethnic conflicts in Nigeria but the implications of these on the girl-child is limited. It is on this premise that this research is based. Ethnic issues are the bane of the different conflicts in Nigeria. It is against this background that this study intends to undertake a critical investigation of the ethnic conflict. The significance of this study therefore cannot be overemphasized because there cannot be development if there is no peace. However, the entrenchment of the democratic rule in 1999 brought a ray of hope for the citizens. Sadly, democracy has failed to completely unite the people of Nigeria; this is evident in the scores of ethnic conflicts in different parts of the nation.
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Birhan, Aemro Tenaw y Nsoh Christopher. "Unraveling the Persistence of Ethnic Conflict in Ethiopia: Examining Causes". American Journal of Arts and Human Science 3, n.º 2 (19 de abril de 2024): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54536/ajahs.v3i2.2575.
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To solve the country’s long-standing political, socio-economic, and ethnic problems - including ethnic issues - the current Ethiopian government introduced ethnic federalism. However, ethnic disputes and tensions have emerged in many parts of the country. According to studies, there are conflicts and tensions all over the country. Conflicts between ethnic groups have not diminished but have even intensified. The primary theoretical framework for examining ethnic disputes in this paper is complexity theory. However, there are also other identity theories such as instrumentalism and primordialism. While previous studies have mainly focused on ethnic violence in post-1995 Ethiopia, the question of why ethnic conflict persists in the country has not been addressed. Ethnic-instrumentalist theories, social constructivism, and primordialism alone are not able to fully grasp the problem of Ethiopia. To fill this gap, the author has undertaken a thoroughly analysis of the reasons for the ethnic conflict in Ethiopia and its persistent nature. The authors believe that there is no single reason that is responsible for the persistent occurrence of racial conflict. Instead, it is a complex system of state and human interaction, such as the framework of federalism, the mobilization of elites, political rivalry, and historical narratives that separate different ethnic groups.
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Popov, Maxim. "MAJOR THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS". Politologija 87, n.º 3 (9 de octubre de 2017): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2017.3.10857.
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This article explores the major approaches to the study of conflict resolution strategy from a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy, as a civil integration resource, is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflicts in the unstable North Caucasus. This research pursues the goal of analyzing how the strength of civil integration can affect conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The author considers the essential factors of protracted ethnic conflicts and emphasizes the destabilizing role of the repoliticization of ethnicity in a crisis society. The concept of ethnic, “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoretical model of exploring causes for increased ethnoreligious tensions in the North Caucasus. This article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution strategy to de-escalate growing tensions and transform protracted identity-based conflicts. The need to stimulate civil integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical point of view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factors are related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentation and an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the structural conditions of regional conflicts, the author names ethnosocial inequalities, a civil identity crisis, ethnopolitical neo-authoritarianism, large-scale socioeconomic polarization and an “ideological combat” between secular modernization and religious fundamentalism. While discussing conflict resolution strategies, it is necessary to consider the following: 1) Peace and integration within the North Caucasus is a macropolitical project, the content of which is determined by issues of social cohesion and civil solidarity; 2) The development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows the inadmissibility of political demodernization, fundamentalism and isolationism. Today, the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macroregion, as it forms the southern volatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as an integrational and preventive tool on the conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted cultural antagonisms, transforming and rationalizing ethnoregional contradictions.
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Firmansah, Andi. "The Dynamics of Ethnic Conflict in Southern Province Thailand". Nation State Journal of International Studies 2, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2019): 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2019v2i2.167.
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This paper explains how the ethnic conflict process that occurred in the Southern Province of Thailand to the process of resolving conflicts between the Government of Thailand and local residents in the Southern Province of Thailand. The conflict is based on the history of the Southern Thailand region between the Thai Government and the Malay Muslim population. Then, it caused conflicting attitudes and behaviors in responding to this conflict from each of the warring parties. This paper uses the concept of the conflict triangle from Johan Galtung where this conflict comes from perceptions based on historical differences, then followed by differences in conflicting behavior from each party and differences in interests. Then, using the concept of the source of conflict from Bernard Meyer, the source of the conflict that comes from historical differences so that it affects how to communicate, emotional reactions, values ??and structures owned. Then, using the concept of the stage of conflict resolution from Johan Galtung, this conflict is at the peacekeeping level where Malaysia is the mediator between the two warring parties. In resolving conflicts, both parties need to change attitudes and behavior in transforming different interests.
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Igbashangev,, Paul Aondover y Victor Makinwa Ogunyemi. "The Evaluation of the Role of Communication as a Management Tool for Crisis Resolution between Tiv-Jukun Crises in Wukari, Taraba State". International Journal of International Relations, Media and Mass Communication Studies 8, n.º 2 (15 de febrero de 2022): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ijirmmcs.15/vo8.n2pp3361.
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Tiv-Jukun conflict has a long history of occurrence and reoccurrence over a period of time. In many instances, the conflicts have resulted in the destruction of lives and properties and internal displacement of civilians. The conflict has affected the relationship between the two ethnic groups who have been living together cordially. Previous studies on the conflict have not given proper attention to the role of communication in averting the conflict. This paper presents the root and remote causes of the Tiv Jukun conflict. Identifying the triggers and drivers of conflict between the two ethnic groups could help in bringing about a lasting solution to the crisis. Interviews were used to illicit the opinion of various demographics of both ethnic groups. Findings indicate among others competition over land resources and the desire for each ethnic group to attain political position for the benefit of its ethnic group in terms of socio-economic amenities such as education, healthcare services and employment. In order to promote a peaceful co-existence, the Nigerian government should implement the report of the previous committees, a proper sharing formula between the two ethnic groups and address the issue of citizenship rights constitutionally.
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Ababakr, Amer. "Federalism As a Tool for Ethnic Conflict Resolution: A Case Study of Iraq". Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 13, n.º 2 (5 de marzo de 2022): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2022-0017.
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Due to ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversities, there is potential for ethnic conflicts and ethnic tensions in community, but the emergence and occurrence of ethnic conflicts depend on the state's approach to managing or suppressing ethnic, linguistic, and cultural variations. Federalism is one of the most important mechanisms that governments adopt to manage ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversities. But the function of federalism in reducing ethnic conflicts is not necessarily positive, and in some cases, it has led to an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Accordingly, the central question is to examine whether federalism is a system to resolve or reduce ethnic conflicts? With an emphasis on ethnic conflicts in Iraq. The research hypothesis is that federalism, through the creation of bureaucratic structures, the development of political parties, the identification, and acceptance of cultural and linguistic commonalities, will restrict and reduce ethnic violence and conflict but not necessarily ethnic protest.
Received: 26 December 2021 / Accepted: 28 February 2022 / Published: 5 March 2022
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Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov y Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit". Political Science (RU), n.º 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.
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The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity
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Rizwan Zeb. "What the Instrumentalists Got Wrong? Ethnopolitical Violence, Ethnic Leadership and Ethnopolitical Conflicts". Progressive Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (PRJAH) 3, n.º 2 (30 de noviembre de 2021): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.51872/prjah.vol3.iss2.168.
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As per the instrumentalists, ethnic identity is not primordial and is based on ethnic elite’s political and social construction. They argue that only because there are differences and inequality among the groups is not a sufficient reason for the emergence of a conflict between them. An ethnopolitical conflict would emerge when the elite of a particular ethnic group would make a concentrated effort to highlight this difference and rally the masses on it. The paper argues that Instrumentalist theory fails to explain the timing of politicization and mobilization of ethnicities. Questions such as how significant is the role of history? Could collective memory or history of past injustices generate ethnic mobilization? Why the masses believe and follow the ethnic elite? And why only at a certain time, the efforts of the ethnic elite to mobilize the masses are successful? Are raised and addressed using two case studies of ethnopolitical conflicts: Tamil-Sinhalese conflict, and the Rohingyia-Buddhist conflict. The key finding is that it is the ethnic elite that play the most significant role in shaping the conflict and whether it would get violent using a grievance based narrative and a sparking event
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Popov, Maxim. "Conflict Resolution Strategy as Political Integration Resource: Theoretical Perspectives on Resolving Ethnic Conflicts in the North Caucasus". Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2018): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3368.
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This article explores the different approaches to study of conflict resolution strategyfrom a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy aspolitical integration resource is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflictsin the instable region of North Caucasus. The author considers structural factors of protractedconflicts and emphasizes a destabilizing role of the re-politicization of ethnicity of a regionsociety in crisis. The concept of ethnic “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoreticalmodel of exploring causes for increased ethno-confessional tensions in the North Caucasus.The article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution theory to de-escalate growing ethnoconfessionaltensions and transform protracted ethnic conflicts. Interdisciplinary approach toanalyzing conflict resolution strategy as political integration resource, while combining conflicttheory and neo-functionalistic paradigm, is the methodological basis of this research. The needto stimulate political integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical pointof view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factorsare related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentationand escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the socio-political conditions of the North Caucasianconflicts, the author calls social inequalities, civil identity crisis, authoritarian and ethnopolitical“renaissance”, economic polarization, “ideological combat” between the secular modernizationand fundamentalism. Discussing conflict resolution strategy as political integration resource,it is necessary to consider the following: 1) North Caucasian integration is a macro-politicalproject, the content of which is determined by issues of social security of multiethnic Russia;2) development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows theinadmissibility of structural demodernization, fundamentalism and cultural isolationism. Today,the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macro-region, as it forms the southernvolatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as preventive tool onthe conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted socio-culturalproblems, transforming and rationalizing regional ethnic contradictions.
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N’ Weerasinghe, Pradeep. "Press News Narratives: Covering the Final Phase of the War in Sri Lanka". Athens Journal of Mass Media and Communications 9, n.º 2 (9 de marzo de 2023): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.9-2-4.
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The impact of the shock waves of thought sent by mass media through society, on the consciousness, mind, feelings, and behavior of individuals has been argued. The ethnic conflict has been given first priority in the national agenda of Sri Lanka for the last few decades. The role of the news media in the ethnic conflict is something that has not been identified. This study investigates whether the newspapers that targeted the Sinhala population which is the ethnic majority in Sri Lanka did perform professional news functions in covering the final phase of the war in Sri Lanka and what factors affected the situation. For this purpose, news professionalism theory, narratology theory, and structuralism theory were employed. In a society where conflicts occur based on ethnic diversity, this study found that newspapers that target the ethnic majority which possesses the monopoly, engage in covering war using the construction of narrative function instead of professional news reporting. The paper argues that the influence exercised upon the mentality of readers by narratives constructed by the news genre of newspapers in a society facing an armed conflict based on ethnic differences obstructs the ability to look at the ethnic conflict critically. Keywords: Sri Lanka, ethnic conflict, newspapers, news professionalism, narratives
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Widodo, Antonius, Muhammad Hadianto y Joni Widjayanto. "THE ROLE OF INDONESIAN ARMY (TNI) IN REDUCING THE 2001’S SAMPIT CONFLICT AS NATIONAL DEFENSE". International Journal of Law Reconstruction 6, n.º 1 (7 de abril de 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/ijlr.v6i1.20997.
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The Sampit conflict that occurred in Sampit City, Kota Waringin Timur Regency (Kotim) between the Dayak and Madurese ethnic groups was an event that affected security stability in Indonesia. The purpose of writing in this study is to find out and analyze the role of the TNI in resolving the Ethnic Dayak and Ethnic Madurese conflicts in Sampit City, Kotim Regency as the implementation of national security as a form of safeguarding national security stability from foreign and domestic threats. The approach method used in this study was a normative juridical approach. The results of the research, among others, are that the factors that are the main causes of the conflict between the ethnic Dayak and the ethnic Madurese include cultural factors, social inequality factors and political factors. The role of the Indonesian Army (TNI) in the context of implementing national resilience in resolving the ethnic Dayak and Madurese conflicts in Sampit City, Kotim Regency is carried out by contributing to regional security providing positive benefits for conflict peace in relation to efforts to create a peaceful situation in Sampit City, Kotim Regency.
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Obie, Muhammad, Endriatmo Soetarto, Titik Sumarti y Saharuddin Saharuddin. "KONFLIK ETNIS DI PESISIR TELUK TOMINI: TINJAUAN SOSIO-EKOLOGI POLITIK". Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 14, n.º 2 (1 de noviembre de 2014): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/al-tahrir.v14i2.75.
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<em>Conflicts have colored human history and occurred in various places. The ranges of conflict vary, from international, national to local scales. There can be economical, political, territorial and other sorts of conflict. One example of common type of the conflicts in Indonesia is local ethnic conflict between Indonesian local government and Bajo ethnic over marine territory at Tomini bay. This research aims not only to analyze this conflict at Tomini bay area but also to explore its causes, types, and resolution. The research uses critical theory and applies historical sociology and case study. The data is analyzed through qualitative method. The research shows that the ethnic conflict at Tomini bay was stimulated by the local government decision to give a license to a timber company and fishing industry at the bay. This policy has threatened Bajo’s social and economic systems at the bay and triggered authority, economy and knowledge conflicts. Intensive dialogues have been conducted to resolve the conflicts but have not yielded significant resolution. The best solution to terminate the conflict and give legal certainty over the use of the bay area is that the conflicting zones must be mapped justly and all interests are accommodated equally.</em>
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Féron, Élise. "Transporting and re-inventing conflicts: Conflict-generated diasporas and conflict autonomisation". Cooperation and Conflict 52, n.º 3 (3 de octubre de 2016): 360–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716671759.
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Like other types of diaspora groups, conflict-generated diasporas display a strong attachment to their countries of origin, and structure their identities and ideologies around discourses referring to their homeland. However, their inner cleavages, born out of the conflicts raging in their home countries, can run very deep. The maintenance of their ethnic, religious, linguistic or political divisions even generations after the migration process has taken place sometimes leads to conflict transportation processes, whereby the conflicts raging in their home countries are reproduced and maintained in countries of settlement. Incidents opposing rival diaspora groups are thus often interpreted as a prolongation or reproduction of core conflicts raging in their regions of origin. Against this assumption, this article argues that if transported conflicts often formally take the shape of core conflicts, and emulate them by using the same language, symbols and ethnic/religious/linguistic categories, they are also deeply transformed by the migration process itself. In this perspective, this article explores the transformation and reinvention of conflict-generated diasporas’ politics, and proposes to look at the autonomisation processes they display vis-à-vis the core conflicts, in terms of content but also of objectives, ultimately generating a drift at the political and organisational levels.
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Kungu, David Mwangi y Risper Kerubo Omari. "Changing perceptions of conflict: The beneficiaries of Intra-ethnic conflict among the Abakuria Community, Kenya". JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 12, n.º 1 (27 de febrero de 2018): 2505–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v12i1.6904.
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Conflict in many parts of the world has become part of people’s life resulting in massive deaths, displacement of people and trail of destruction to property leading to manmade disasters. In Kenya, conflict is experienced as warring groups engage in armed and non-armed conflicts. A peculiar case is that of the Abakuria ethnic group, where inter-clan conflicts have become perpetual. The mechanisms used in managing the conflict have been both inadequate and ineffective as the conflicts keep recurring. It is on this backdrop that this study aimed at evaluating beneficiaries to the conflict with a view of establishing the root causes of intra-ethnic conflict. The study employed descriptive survey, ethnography and explanatory research designs. The target population for the study was 52,338 comprising of members of the indigenous conflict management systems, members of provincial administration, local and international Non-governmental Organizations, Community Based Organizations, Faith Based Organizations, community policing members, members of peace committees, civic leaders, District security team, warriors and community members/victims to the conflict. From the target population, a sample 638 was selected using purposive sampling, stratified sampling, transect walk and snowball sampling techniques. Data were collected using questionnaires, in-depth interviews and focus group discussion. Quantitative data generated from the study were analysed descriptively while qualitative data were analysed following the five steps of thematic data analysis: transcription, open coding, axial coding, selecting codes and formation of themes. The study established that there were several categories of beneficiaries to intra-ethnic conflict including government officials, traders, consumers, households, politicians and members of the traditional institutions. The study recommends that there is need to enlighten the community on the negative effects of intra-ethnic conflict. In addition, cartel of beneficiaries of such conflict who work to catalyse the conflict for their own benefit should be severely punished.
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Persidskaya, Olga. "Ethnicity Related Social Conflicts: Concept Variations and Interpretation Gaps". Бюллетень Калмыцкого научного центра Российской академии наук 3, n.º 19 (28 de diciembre de 2021): 344–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2587-6503-2021-3-19-344-359.
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Introduction. Contemporary Russian ethnic conflictology is characterized by conceptual ambiguity that somewhat hampers further scientific progress. This is explained by the multiplicity of concepts employed by various authors to denote conflicts arising between representatives of different ethnic groups. Goals. The article aims to identify such conceptual gaps and reviews potential solutions. Results. So, the paper examines a number of key concepts from Russian scholarly discourse, such as ‘межнациональный конфликт’ (Russ. ‘nation to nation conflict’), ‘этнополитический конфликт’ (‘ethnopolitical conflict’), ‘этнический конфликт’ (‘ethnic conflict’), and ‘межэтнический конфликт’ (‘interethnic conflict’). The detected conceptual interpretation gaps often making the terms inadequate and controversial are as follows: categorial synonymity, theoretical and methodological reduction, epistemological abstractedness, and ideological overload. Conclusions. The paper proposes to abandon any unified concept (term) since none can be viewed satisfactory enough — but rather to focus on analysis of social conflict as such with due regard of its diverse and essential ethnic components. It is presumed that the perspective change shall deepen analyses of certain conflict episodes to clarify what stages of conflict dynamics are most vividly dominated by ethnic elements to be further replaced by other factors. Such an approach may be instrumental in widening the field of observation and involve the analysis of differing conflict episodes.
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Getahun, Yohannes. "The Predicament of Ethnic Federal System". African Journal of Political Science 11, n.º 1 (9 de febrero de 2024): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/81y7a333.
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The paper inquiries into ethnic federalism in lights of ethnic conflict and federal constitutional viability. It raises the basic question why some ethnic federations are successful in regulating ethnic relations while others are not. The history of federations has ample evidences that ethnic conflict, encompassing ethnic tensions and direct violence conflicts, causes and be caused by the failure of ethnic federalism. How a given ethnic federal system designed to adjust ethnic relations could self-contradictory induce far-reaching communal ethnic conflicts and ethnic based anti-regime activities is an interesting question. Answering that, the paper has given due consideration to the practices of defunct, fragile and mature ethnic federations and to the relevant conceptual and theoretical-back standings. The differences in the viabilities of these federations have shown the complicacy of ethnic federalism in meeting with the convulsive interplay between ethnic conflicts and federal system stability. In that regard, the paper finds seven factors: the democratic representativeness of federal structures, political parties, inclusive and overarching identities crossing ethnic lines, ethnic demographic shares, number of ethnic federal units and their ethnic composition, ethnic federal unit symmetry and geo-political setting. The concussion goes that ethnic federal design is not always an antidote for ethnic based claims and counter-claims. It rather could exacerbate the condition of ethnic politics, if it lacks those political, institutional and social ingredients inferred from the indicated factors.
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Smets, Kevin. "Ethnic identity without ethnic media? Diasporic cosmopolitanism, (social) media and distant conflict among young Kurds in London". International Communication Gazette 80, n.º 7 (26 de octubre de 2018): 603–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048518802204.
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Media are fundamental to the way communities make sense of conflicts. This also holds true for diaspora communities, who are involved in and affected by distant/homeland conflicts. Shifting away from the dominant focus on ‘radicalization’ through media in this context, this study looks at the role media play in making sense of such conflict among young Kurds in London. Data consist of focus groups with Kurdish youth, participant observations in community centres and ethnographic conversations. While media are generally perceived as the central forces through which diaspora youth experience and engage with the Kurdish conflict in Turkey, ethnic media, in particular Kurdish broadcasting, play a very limited role. The distance vis-à-vis ethnic media is analysed and explained through respondents’ discourses on diasporic cosmopolitanism. The results show that their shift away from ethnic media facilitates more solid ethnic identities and more enhanced engagements with the Kurdish conflict.
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Moscona, Jacob, Nathan Nunn y James A. Robinson. "Segmentary Lineage Organization and Conflict in Sub‐Saharan Africa". Econometrica 88, n.º 5 (2020): 1999–2036. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/ecta16327.
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We test the longstanding hypothesis that ethnic groups organized around “segmentary lineages” are more prone to conflict. Ethnographic accounts suggest that in such societies, which are characterized by strong allegiances to distant relatives, individuals are obligated to come to the aid of fellow lineage members when they become involved in conflicts. As a consequence, small disagreements often escalate into larger‐scale conflicts involving many individuals. We test for a link between segmentary lineage organization and conflict across ethnic groups in sub‐Saharan Africa. Using a number of estimation strategies, including a regression discontinuity design at ethnic boundaries, we find that segmentary lineage societies experience more conflicts, and particularly ones that are retaliatory, long in duration, and large in scale.
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Sadan, Mandy. "Ethnic Armies and Ethnic Conflict in Burma". South East Asia Research 21, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2013): 601–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/sear.2013.0173.
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Ishiyama, John. "Do Ethnic Parties Promote Minority Ethnic Conflict?" Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 15, n.º 1 (16 de marzo de 2009): 56–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110802672388.
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