Tesis sobre el tema "Eritrea – History – Autonomy and independence movements"

This thesis assesses several theories about the social basis of the Quebec independence movement. The most prevalent of these theories locates the core of support for Quebec independence in the Francophone new middle class. The Marxist perspective offers a closely related hypothesis, according to which the independence movement is based in the Francophone new petite bourgeoisie. A third theory sees the new class as at the helm of the new social movements, among which is the Quebec independence movement. Finally, a fourth hypothesis is that the Francophone intellectuals and professional intelligentsia are the foremost separatists.
The results of tabular and logistic regression analysis of data on referendum support for sovereignty-association refute the new middle class and new petite bourgeoisie hypotheses. The analyses indicate considerable support for sovereignty-association among a narrow variant of the new class. Within this narrow new class, or professional intelligentsia, support for sovereignty is most heavily concentrated among the Francophone intellectuals. The most discriminating predictor of separatism is not class, but the opposition between those in intellectuals vs. the business/managerial occupations. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

In nationalism studies, there has been insignificant analysis of the politics of imagining nations. This thesis addresses this lacuna in an examination of the form and design of imagined nations in Scotland and Quebec. I argue that the Scottish National Party and the Parti Quebecois have, since their advent in the 1960s, created a political-civic image of the nation that breaks with previous cultural conceptions. However, cultural images of the nation, propagated by centralist institutions, remain entrenched in contemporary Scotland and Quebec. The juxtaposition of centralist cultural images and nationalist political images of the nation have led to a dualistic, or what I have termed a 'Jekyll and Hyde', national consciousness in both countries. This exercise indicates that images of the nation are subject to multitudinous interpretations and (re)construction by various actors in the competitive state-nation political arena.

The fact that it took so long, in spite of successive waves of invaders and spirited yet sporadic resistance, to fashion a united national front, points out an anomaly in Algerian society: a divided identity. It took a cruel French occupation, the incompetence of colonial authorities, and the infiltration of European nationalist ideology to fashion a united front, but it was only a front, for immediately after independence, the unity was shown to be a temporary one.
The Berber majority found itself excluded, both culturally and politically, from the new Algerian state. Strangers in their own land, Berbers were faced with a new, more insidious colonialism: Arabization.

Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed. This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived. The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

The "end of the century" nourishes a questioning movement on national identity and on the concept of modernity that is encouraged by the Quebec essayists. We propose an organization of the elements of the sovereign narrative which would be able to conduct and constitute a generative grammar of its argumentation. Our project consists in creating a matrix of the nationalistic discourse during the 1995 Quebec referendum period on sovereignty. This schematic figure will bring to its most simple expression the narrative of the Quebec nationalistic discourse selecting examples from ten texts of our primary bibliography. Our matrix will incorporate ideas, dogmas, theories, facts and myths stemming from the ideological discourses. We will see how these elements do interact, to be able afterwards to gather them in a framework on which national identity and legitimity of the national accession to sovereignty should be based. The study of this narrative of the past, as well as the analysis of the public characters will be leaded by the sociocritical approach of discourse analysis.
The francophone cultural nation living on the territory of the Province of Quebec demonstrates itself through the values of tenacity, solidarity, labour and openness of mind towards "Others". The nation increases the standing of a society project based on a democratic basis, condemning the traitors of the Quebec nation. This history concerns the francophone majority even though it is linked to the other "oppressed peoples" of the World History. This "french-quebecer" history is enhanced with a collective memory, projected towards the future in making the project of sovereignty the purpose of its teleological progression.

The official language policies and their basic concepts, the principle of personality in Canada and the principle of territoriality in Switzerland, are critically analyzed. The two democratic federations are compared as two multination states since 'nation' is defined in cultural terms. Language survival is justified in liberal theory through minority rights. The principle of territoriality that assures the dominance of the linguistic majority over a territory within the federation is in accordance with liberal democracy if fundamental rights are protected. The principle of territoriality contributes thus to political stability within a multination federation. There is no movement in Switzerland that is fed by a language-based grievance despite the existence of three linguistic minorities: Switzerland accommodates successfully linguistic diversity. In Canada, the perception that the survival of the French language might not be sustained fuels a secessionist movement threatening the unity of the federation.

This thesis examines the reaction of organized labour to Quebec separatist nationalism for the period between 1960, the year of the creation of the Rassemblement pour l'independance nationale and the beginning of the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, and 1980, the year of the first referendum on Quebec's constitutional status. The thesis investigates four labour organizations: the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC), the Federation des travailleurs et travailleuses du Quebec (FTQ), the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (CSN), and the Centrale de l'enseignement du Quebec (CEQ). It shows in which ways the positions of the four centrals have been informed by their members' national identifications and the emotional and cognitive mechanisms that resulted from these identifications.

During most of the 1960s, the CSN was both an advocate of provincial autonomy and a defender of federalism. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, a majority of its leaders and militants came to favour separatism. Many of them saw independence as a precondition for the creation of a socialist Quebec. In 1972, the CSN rejected capitalism, endorsed socialism, and envisaged an internal referendum on the independence issue. The internal debate, however, took place only after the Parti quebecois was elected to power in 1976. Fearing internal divisions and disaffiliations, the CSN did not endorse separatism. Being disappointed with the Parti quebecois' governmental record, the CSN was content to give a critical support to a yes vote in the referendum in 1980.

For much of the last twenty years, political leaders and academics have assumed that the survival of Canada depends on constitutional reform, and never more so than in the wake of the 1995 Quebec referendum. This thesis updates the literature by explaining the remarkable story of the last several years: the achievement of a national unity peace in the absence of constitutional reform. The explanation centres on the post-referendum shift in federal strategy from constitutional reform to Plan B, a strategy based on the rules of secession that has its origins, it is argued, in the Reform Party's response to Mulroneyera constitutional reform. The thesis concludes that Plan B was a successful national unity strategy because it made secession seem risky and undesirable, but also because the strategy - unlike constitutional reform - was based on widespread national support and on the viability of the constitutional status quo.

This dissertation explores the factors shaping American foreign policy toward secessionist crises since the end of the Cold War. The main research puzzle is the following: Why is it that, facing the resurgence of secessionist movements in the last 15 years, the United States reacted to it by supporting the territorial integrity of central states in some cases (Serbia, Somalia, Moldova), while recognizing the independence of secessionist states in other cases (Croatia, Eritrea, East Timor)? How can this apparent inconsistency be explained? This dissertation argues that regional stability is the main U.S. interest when responding to secessionism. It asserts that, when facing a secessionist crisis, the American government will choose the option (i.e. supporting state integrity or secessionism) that provides the greatest expected gain of regional stability depending on the evolution of the crisis. This explains why the American government's response to secessionism fluctuates from one case to another.
The performed qualitative analysis, which includes cases taken from two regional settings, the Balkans and the Horn of Africa, confirms the effect of the regional stability factor on the formulation of U.S. foreign policy. It shows that the fluctuation of the U.S. response is not caused by political inconsistency but by a coherent set of regional stability interests. The research also proceeds to the measurement of two competing arguments---namely ethnic politics and business interests. Case studies show that these domestic arguments fail to account for the research puzzle under investigation and that the regional stability argument consistently offers better explanations and predictions. Thus, this dissertation challenges liberal claims that domestic politics define foreign policy.

This thesis is a critique on contemporary counterterrorism and peacebuilding. It uses a single case study approach to answer the question: How can we, by studying the Mindanao conflict - which has characteristics of both ‘new wars' and ‘new terrorism' - find a juncture between peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies that could help us to better understand terrorism and thereby create more efficient frameworks and tools for countering terrorism, and addressing the root causes of intrastate conflict in order to build a lasting peace? In addressing this question the thesis aims to contribute to International Relations and more specifically the emerging literatures of ‘critical terrorism studies' and ‘critical peace and conflict studies'. Ontologically, the thesis is positioned in between the two subfields, peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies, of International Relations and draws on theories from both literatures and the more recent ‘critical' turns of each sub-discipline; critical terrorism studies and critical peace studies. The case study of the Philippines and in particular the Mindanao conflict is relatively under-researched and functions as a comparative element as it, arguably, represents a microcosm of almost every type of conflict. It is the understanding of the thesis that there is a need to understand local realities and grievances in order to build a lasting peace in Mindanao where the root causes of the conflict is being addressed. Hence, the thesis seeks to understand the root causes of the conflict by focusing on Filipino history of governance and conflict. The roots of conflict is found to be the grievances of being deprived of self-rule, autonomy, and independence and of the right to its ancestral domain after centuries of various levels of oppression as well as corruption within the embedded, archaic power structures of Filipino political dynasties. Furthermore, the thesis tests the theoretical frameworks on the on-going peace process suggesting that the institutions and ‘one size fits all approaches' in liberal peacebuilding can be found in the embedded power structures in the social, political and economic levels of the Philippines. The main contribution the thesis aims to achieve is to apply post-liberal peacebuilding theories to the Mindanao conflict by identifying and assigning the role of the liberal institutions to local elites. Therefore, the main argument of the thesis is that the peace agreement between the Philippine government and the MILF is merely reshuffling the power within the archaic power structures of governance and political, economic and social life within the Philippines, without addressing the root causes of the conflict. Consequently, this will not lead to a long-term lasting peace in the Philippines.

The thesis explores the white Rhodesian nationalist project led by the Rhodesian Front (RF) government in the UDI-period of 1965 to 1979. It seeks to examine the character and content of RF nation-building, arguing that it is important to consider the context of wider global and regional trends of nationalism at the time. Thus, it places the white Rhodesia within wider 'British World' studies of settler societies within the British Empire, but also compares it to other African nationalist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. It studies white Rhodesian nationalism on its own terms as a sincere, albeit unrealistic, alternative to majority-rule independence, and considers how the RF adapted over the period in its continuing attempts to justify minority-rule in an era of global decolonisation. Two thematic sections examine the RF's nation-building project in systematic detail. The first section, on symbolism, considers Rhodesia's processes of 'symbolic decolonisation'. This involved white Rhodesians creating new national symbols not associated with Britain or the British Empire. Processes by which new national symbols were chosen are used as a lens to explore white Rhodesian debates about their 'new' nation after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was taken in 1965. They reveal the ambiguities and complexities at the heart of the RF's nation-building project; a project that was frequently exclusionary and hotly contested at every opportunity. The second section explores how history was used to help create and defend the nation, adding to studies of the use of history in nationalist projects. It considers a range of non-professional sites of history-making, demonstrating the complicated relationships between these different sites and the state's wider nationalist agenda. It also explores how history was invoked to justify and defend minority-rule independence both before and after UDI.

Un autre essai sur la sempiternelle question de l'unite canadienne, deplorez-vous presentement. Pis encore, ajoutez-vous, on y aborde une fois de plus l'ennuyeuse et l'ennuyante problematique constitutionnelle. Et pourquoi l'auteur a-t-il choisi un tel sujet? Parce qu'il fait partie de la race des fatigants mais infatigables maniaques de cet incessant debat qu'est celui des Deux Solitudes? Possible. Surement meme. Mais il y a plus: le Renvoi relatif a la secession du Quebec ne represente pas qu'un simple episode de la saga constitutionnelle canadienne. Vraisemblablement, ces implications pratiques pourraient un jour sceller l'issue du debat. Certes, le mouvement separatiste quebecois, loin d'etre moribond, ne s'eteindra pas sur la seule base d'une decision de la Cour supreme du Canada. Pretendre le contraire releve de la fantaisie, de l'outrecuidance ou encore, d'un manque tangible de pragmatisme politique. Toutefois, un fait persiste: applique in extenso, l'Avis s'avere une serieuse embuche sur le chemin menant a l'independance. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

In this thesis I ask whether food can be used to express Catalan national identity, and if so, in what ways this occurs. In doing so, I consider the lived realities of nationalist movements, rather than simply the ideas and political claims that inform such movements. The Catalan Autonomous Community in northeast Spain is an ideal place to research this issue, due to the strengthening of nationalist sentiments there in light of the rise in support for independence from Spain. I wished to see whether this had any effect on the connections between food and national identity (or gastronationalism). National identity and food are connected in many diverse and varied ways. Food culture allows us to reflect on national identity as a whole. Themes which commonly appear in nationalist discourse, such as cultural specificity, historicism, or landscape (to name but a few), also inform discussions of national food identity. In the present case, while other markers of identity (e.g. language) are also important, ideals of Catalan nationalism may take the guise of Catalan gastronationalism as well. The current pro-independence movement has had the effect of making Catalans more aware of their cultural symbols, including cuisine, which is now one of many such symbols that can be mobilized for the expression of national identity.

This research is premised on the understanding that alternative forms of media emerge to deal with specific ideological projects and, as such, must be seen as satisfying a specific need at a specific point in time. Using the case of a weekly newspaper, The Southern Star which was in circulation from January 2012 to June 2012, this study sought to understand the factors that led to the establishment of the newspaper, what it sought to achieve, how it went about putting that into practice, its message in relation to debates emanating from the ‘Matabeleland Question’ and also the factors that led to the its collapse. In order to address my research questions, I adopted a two stage research design qualitative content analysis and semi structured in depth interviews. In locating the study within the qualitative epistemic understanding of research, it was clear from the qualitative content analysis of 13 editions of the publication and in depth interviews held with 15 respondents that the newspaper was set up with the aim of serving a marginalised section of the population (in this instance the Ndebele) by providing them with a platform to articulate issues affecting them. It also sought to ‘speak’ the ‘unspoken’ within the mainstream media by focusing on Matabeleland identity politics. It achieved this by creating content around the Gukurahundi genocide, Matabeleland development, Matabeleland history and Matabeleland heroes. The newspaper also sought to emancipate the people from the South by advocated for social, cultural, economic and political justice as a resolution to the ‘Matabeleland Question’. However, the newspaper failed to sustain operations due to lack of advertising revenue. As a result of the constraining political environment in which the newspaper operated, potential advertisers were afraid of placing advertisements in the newspaper because of the nature of the content produced, which in view of Zimbabwe’s rival ethnic history, could easily be labelled ethnically divisive. Also, being a new player in the market worked to their disadvantage as prospective advertisers opted to place their adverts in “tried and tested” publications (Zimpapers and Alpha Media Holdings). Additionally, because of poor management, roles were not clearly defined and hence the newspaper failed to operate as a business enterprise. As noted during interviews with junior reporters, there was little or no experience at management level. The paper lacked a coordinated circulation strategy and from inception, was never officially launched, which resulted in the failure to reach significant audiences.

This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.

This study investigates the constructions of nationhood in two Bulawayo newspapers, the Chronicle and Newsday. Against the backdrop of the emergence of a secessionist movement, Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF), this research examines the discourses of nationhood in the secessionist debates raging in these two newspapers. This study is premised on a view that nationhood constructions cannot be understood outside the broader context in which these newspapers are embedded. Accordingly, it traces the roots and resurgence of Matabeleland separatist politics, exploring the political-historical forces that have shaped a distinctive Ndebele identity that poses a threat to the one, indivisible Zimbabwean national identity. Further, the study situates Matabeleland separatist politics within the broader African secessionist discourse challenging the post-colonial nation-building project on the continent. Informed by Hall’s (1992, 1996) constructivist approach to identity, it considers national identities as fragmented, multiple and constantly evolving. Thus, this study is framed within Hall’s (1997) constructivist approach to representation, as it examines the constructions of nationhood in and through language. The study uses qualitative research methods, as it examines the meanings of nationhood in key media texts. Informed by Foucault’s discourse theory, this research employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyse 12 articles from the two newspapers. The findings confirm that the representations of nationhood in the two newspapers are influenced by their position within the socio-political context. The state-owned Chronicle legitimates the unitary state discourse advocated by ZANU PF. On the other hand, Newsday’s representations are informed by the discourses of the opposition political parties and civil society that challenge the dominant nation-building project. Thus, within this paper, secession and devolution emerge as alternative imaginaries that contest the authoritarian discourse of nationhood

Defence date: 11 June 1987
Examining board: Prof. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; Prof. Yves Mény, University of Paris II ; Prof. Michel Denis, University of Rennes ; Prof. Frank Delmartino, University of Leuven ; Prof. Jean Blondel, European University Institute
First made available online 08 January 2019

This study consists of eleven chapters and a conclusion. Chapter One is entitled Introduction - Echoes From the Past. It serves several purposes. It introduces briefly a summation of the political aspirations of Malietoa Vaiinupo, who accepted the LMS mission, and the political mayhem that beset Samoa from the 1850s to 1962. The introduction also introduces briefly the relationship between the Samoan (LMS) Church, the LMS missionaries, and Samoan politics, and how these interacted with one another, during the political turmoil in the late nineteenth century, and the nationalistic fervour of the Samoans ln the early twentieth century. The next ten chapters are presented chronologically as far as it is possible, although the guiding principle for the placement of each chapter is thematic, consisting mainly of case studies. Chapter Two, entitled A German Plantation and Samoan Aspirations, looks at the German administration of Samoa from 1900 to 1914. The study highlights various factors, issues and events that contributed to the motivation of Samoans towards independence. It looks at Germany's treatment of Samoans under Wilhelm Solf, and how Samoans reacted to Selfs administration. The chapter points to inconsistencies in the German administration, and Samoan misunderstanding as to their role, and Germany's role, in the administration of Samoa. The study illustrates Solfs negative treatment of Samoan protocol, which eventually led to hostility, rejection, and anti-German opinions and the role of the missions in supporting the German regime to the displeasure of the Samoans. The view of the LMS mission, and the Samoan (LMS) Church leaders, on the issue of independence, during the German period is also discussed. Chapter Three is entitled The O!oa Kamupani Controversy. This is a case study taken out of the German administration era. The Oloa Kamupani (Goods Company) was a Samoan enterprise, which struck a chord with the political aspirations of some of the Samoan leaders. Although initiated by a partEuropean opportunist, the Samoan Faipule immediately entertained the idea. The Samoans were reeling under Selfs administration policies, which had taken away most of the Samoan protocol. The political leaders were looking for a way to reassert their authority, albeit an economic one. The Oloa Kamupani gave the Samoans the opportunity to control their own economic future while, indirectly, voicing an economic protest at the low price offered by the merchants and the Germans for their products. It gave Samoans like Mata'afa losefo and Lauaki Namulau'ulu Mamoe the opportunity to regain political ascendancy, especially in the eyes of the Samoans. The German administration's reaction to the Samoan enterprise and the consequence thereafter set a bitter anti-German reaction. Chapter Four is entitled The Mau a Pule Conflict This is the second case study from the German administration period. The Mau a Pule conflict is further evidence of the anger stored up within the Samoan community. The German administration had by 1909 destroyed all the customs, tradition, and authority that meant anything to the Samoans. The failure of the Oloa Kamupani, and the punishments meted out to the Samoan leaders for defying German authority, was still haunting the Samoans. The worst affected was Mata'afa losefo whose status as Alii Sili (Primary or Greater Chief) was diminishing as the Faipule closer to Solf were consulted on important Samoan matters. The Mau a Pule also provided an opportunity for Lauaki Namulau'ulu Mamoe to regain some of his authority, and to re-unite Samoa under Samoan control. The Mau a Pule was not just a reaction to the German administration but a cry and a call for Samoan independence. Chapter Five is entitled A Ramshackle Administration and Samoan Expectations. This chapter looks at New Zealand's administration of Samoa from 1914 to 1926. It takes a brief look at the Samoans' reaction to New Zealand's arrival and Germany's departure because of World War I. New Zealand's 'ramshackle administration' caused some animosity among the Samoans and Europeans, especially New Zealand's role in the 1918 influenza epidemic, which took many Samoan lives. The chapter highlights how New Zealand dealt with Samoan rejection, and Samoans called for New Zealand's removal. The year 1926 marked the beginning of an era in which Samoan nationalism began to surface and New Zealand's competency as administrator declined. For the Samoans, the Germans' first fourteen years as administrators, compared to New Zealand first fourteen years, was paradise. Chapter Six is entitled An Administrative Blunder and The Logan - Moore Debate. This is a case study taken out of the New Zealand administration period. The 1918 influenza epidemic blunder cost many Samoan lives, and New Zealand its credibility to administer other nations. The lack of positive action and immediate medical assistance only highlighted the incompetence of the New Zealanders. The Samoans were furious, and from that time harboured angry sentiments that would surface again and again in their future dealings wtth New Zealand. The pain for the Samoans was not just a result of the epidemic, but also Colonel Robert Logan's (Samoa's administrator) insensitivity in his attack on the LMS mission, especially the missionary Elizabeth Moore, and the Samoans. This chapter looks at the impact of Logan's actions, and Moore's reactions, and how the Samoans perceived their verbal confrontation in relation to New Zealand's irresponsibility. Chapter Seven is entitled Political Incompetence and Samoan Nationalism. This chapter continues the story that ended in Chapter 5. It highlights the beginning and expansion of the Mau movement, and how it became the vehicle for nationalistic fervour and independence aspirations. The chapter highlights the close working relationship between Samoans and other members of the communi1y, especially the half-castes. It discusses New Zealand's reaction to Samoan nationalism, and also looks at the efforts of those outside Samoa to promote Samoan grievances. The chapter looks at the various petitions drawn up and sent to New Zealand, England, America and the League of Nations (later replaced by the United Nations) - a sign of determination to gain independence. Chapter Eight is entitled Samoan Patriotism and the Emergence of the Mau Church. This chapter focuses mainly on the relationship of the Mau and the Samoan (LMS) Church, at a specific time in the history of the Samoan Church, when the involvement of the Mau in the Samoan (LMS) Church was at its height (1928 -1931). Although the relationships between the three main mission societies were cordial, they sometimes deteriorated into hatred and spite. These attitudes were ultimately transferred onto the Mau - Samoan (LMS) Church conflict, especially when the Catholics stood in opposition to the Samoan (LMS) Church. The other minor denominations, such as the Mormons and the Seventh Day Adventists, had very little influence on the Mau. The period covered saw the Mau and the Samoan (LMS) Church unite to form the Mau Church. The alliance formed a strong foundation for propagating Mau beliefs. The alliance also questioned the continuing existence, and the control the LMS mission had on the Samoan (LMS) Church. The issue of the Samoan (LMS) Church taking control of its religious life surfaced again during this perlod to haunt the LMS missionaries. Chapter Nine is entitled Chinese in Paradise and Indentured Labour Problems. This chapter covers a period that stems from the German era to just after the end of World War IL The previous chapters act as a background to the Chinese problem, and the chapter itself will help fill some of the gaps in the previous chapters. The chapter has been included because it helps paint a bigger picture of the many problems facing the New Zealand administration. The problem was not just with indentured labourers but with the Chinese, Melanesians, and others arriving in Samoa to satisfy the planters greed. The issue at hand was an ethical one - keeping the Samoan race pure, and the failure of the New Zealand administration to consult the Samoans in its decision to recruit Chinese labourers. The story of the Chinese in this chapter highlights the plight of the Chinese in Samoa and how the New Zealand administration tried to deal with it. The social problems that went with the recruiting of Chinese labourers affected the Samoans greatly. For many Samoans, especially at the height of the Mau period, the Chinese issue was both a problem and a blessing. The treatment of the Chinese by the New Zealand administration and the planters was not condoned by the Samoans. Jt not only black marked New Zealand's administration, but it gave the Samoans a further opportunity to denigrate New Zealand. Chapter Ten is entitled A Question of Authority: Samoan {LMS) Church Leadership Challenges. This chapter covers a period that encompasses the German era to World War II. lt is a case study chapter that highlights the intense conflict between Samoan pastors, especially the Samoan elders, and the missionaries of the LMS mission. It looks at the relationship between the National Advisory Council and the Samoa District Committee. It also discusses the conflict between Samoan pastors and LMS missionaries in the mission fields, such as Tuvalu and Kiribati, to highlight the Samoans' struggle for leadership and control. The chapter looks at the Goward conflict, Sibree and Huckett's dismissal, and other events, which undermined LMS leadership in the Samoan (LMS) Church. It includes a case study of Samoan pastors trying to replace Christian ideals with fa'ataulaitu or faipe/e practices. The radical actions reflected a challenge to the LMS for control of their own spiritual destiny. It happened at a time when the Samoan quest for independence had reached the minds and hearts of the League of Nations. Chapter Eleven is entitled The Impact of World War II and A Mandate For Independence. This chapter deals with the arrival of Americans troops in 1942 and how Samoans responded to the change of lifestyle and to the wealth the Americans offered. It examines the reaction of the missions to the Americans, and how they dealt with the problems at hand. The chapter also focuses on the events after the war in relation to Samoan's petitions for independence and their dealings with the United Nations. It examines the pressure and the impact of other newly formed institutions, such as the World Council of Churches, on Samoan aspirations for independence. Finally, the Conclusion places this study in the context of existing literature on Samoan history. The conclusion also collects all the factors, issues and events, which motivated Samoans to seek independence, and shows how these factors impacted on the Samoans in their struggle for independence. These factors, issues and events are evaluated to highlight the intimate relationship between the Samoan (LMS) Church and the political vein of Samoa's independence movement. The conclusion also evaluates whether the Samoan (LMS) Church influenced Samoa's political independence or vice versa. It also evaluates the impact of church independence on the Samoan (LMS) Church itself, and its relationship to an independent political government. Finally, the conclusion attempts to provide an answer to the dilemma as to who made Samoa independent, and explores whether independence was indeed the aim of the Samoan people or something completely different.

Defence date: 18 November 2014
Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute; Professor Joost Jongerden, Wageningen University; Professor Jocelyn Viterna, Harvard University.
The supportive environments which sustain armed groups are arguably an understudied aspect of political violence; it is widely acknowledged that all armed groups necessitate a degree of popular support if they are to be successful but the relationship between armed movements and their supporters is often underdeveloped or considered self-explanatory. This project puts forth the argument that the relationship between armed groups and their supporters is of fundamental importance to how and where armed groups mobilise and the repertoire of contention they adopt. Making use of Malthaner's concept of "constituency" (2011a), the PKK's armed struggle from its foundation in the 1970s until 1999 will be analysed. The particular manner in which the PKK actively constructed and maintained extensive support networks across contrasting socio-spatial contexts ensured its ongoing legitimacy and the material resources necessary for its survival. Although a noted power disparity exists between armed and unarmed actors, the relationship between them is always characterised by degrees of reciprocal influence; influence that is often expressed in a variety of subtle and contextually specific fashions. The project will therefore examine the dialectic between the PKK and its communities of support and how this has evolved over time and space from rural Kurdistan to the urban centres of western Turkey, and consider how it has impacted on the nature of violence deployed by the PKK in the course of its insurgency.

Politicized collective identity (PCI) is a recent social psychological model developed by Simon and Klandermans (2001), which theorizes how the identity of social groups engaged in power struggles becomes politically or socially active, that is, how group identity becomes politicized. Virtually absent from current PCI theory is any mention of the role of language in the politicization process. The purpose of the present study was to incorporate recent theorizing in language into a theory of PCI. The analysis focussed specifically on the use of linguistic structures and strategies in both reflecting and shaping the final stage of a fully politicized collective identity, that is, the efforts of groups to involve the wider society in their struggle. Methods and theory taken from critical discourse analysis were applied to campaign material arising out of the intensely contentious political struggle over Quebec independence during the 1995 referendum campaign. The primary material was the official referendum campaign booklet, to which both sovereignists (the Yes side) and federalists (the No side) had contributed an extensive outline of their respective positions. Given the advanced stage of politicization of these groups, this material served the third and final stage of PCI—the attempt of each side to involve society by triangulation, in which groups seek to enlist the support of third parties in their struggle. The results revealed how this stage was constituted in and through discourse, that is, in a wide variety of linguistic structures and strategies such as lexical choice, metaphors, semantic macrostructures, and intertexuality. It was also noteworthy that the first two stages that Simon and Klandermans had proposed (grievances and adversarial attributions) were reintroduced in the third stage as topics of discourse and were recruited into the involvement strategies of the Yes and No sides. These findings demonstrate that the theoretical integration of language and PCI contributes to a greater understanding of how groups enlist third parties and thus builds upon Simon and Klandermans's theory of politicized collective identity.

This thesis gives a brief scenario of events which culminated in the invasion of East Timor by the Indonesian armed forces in December 1975. It looks at the nature of the consequences of life under Indonesian occupation; examines the quality and nature of the resistance by the East Timorese people against their new coloniser; examines the leadership of the resistance movement and its re-structuring and examines the role of the United Nations and international diplomacy. There is also a discussion of East Timor in the context of global politics and the National Council of Maubere Resistance Peace Plan.

Grounded in the geographies of Chiapas, Mexico, the dissertation maps a cartography of Zapatista indigenous resistance practices and charts the production of decolonial political subjectivities in an era of neoliberal governance and low intensity conflict. It analyzes the relationship between local cultural political expressions of indigenous autonomy, global capitalist interests and neoliberal rationalities of government after more than decade of Zapatista struggle. Since 1996, Zapatista indigenous Mayan communities have engaged in the creation of alternative education, health, agricultural production, justice, and governing bodies as part of the daily practices of autonomy. The dissertation demonstrates that the practices of Zapatista indigenous autonomy reflect current shifts in neoliberal state governing logics, yet it is in this very terrain where key ruptures and destabilizing practices emerge. The dissertation focuses on the recolonization aspects of neoliberal rationalities of government in their particular Latin American post Cold War, post populist manifestations. I argue that in Mexico's indigenous regions, the shift towards the privatization of state social services, the decentralization of state governing techniques and the transformation of state social programs towards an emphasis on greater self-management occurs in a complex relationship to mechanisms of low intensity conflict. Their multiple articulations effect the reproduction of social and biological life in sites, which are themselves terrains of bio-political contention: racialized women's bodies and feminized domestic reproductive and care taking roles; the relationship between governing bodies and that governed; land reform as linked to governability and democracy; and the production of the indigenous subject in a multicultural era. In each of these arenas, the dissertation charts a decolonial cartography drawn by the following cultural political practices: the construction of genealogies of social memories of struggle, a governing relationship established through mandar obedeciendo, land redistribution through zapatista agrarian reform, pedagogical collective selfreflection in women’s collective work, and the formation of political identities of transformation. Finally, the dissertation discusses the possibilities and challenges for engaging in feminist decolonizing dialogic research, specifically by analyzing how Zapatista members critiqued the politics of fieldwork and adopted the genres of the testimony and the popular education inspired workshop as potential decolonizing methodologies.
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This thesis consists of two parts: the creative work of two animated documentaries and an exegesis. The films Jose’s Story and Natercia’s Story explore the personal experiences of two East Timorese individuals during the Indonesian occupation and the fight for independence. The work documents the themes associated with the trauma of poverty, war, and eventual diaspora within a historical context. The exegesis explores the broadening definitions of ‘documentary’ and ‘animation’ to include an investigation of how the use of animation in non-fiction films challenges convention and subsequently adds layers of meaning. It argues that personal narratives dependent on memory, especially traumatic memories, are particularly well suited to the medium of animation. The research advances the discussion of animated documentary by suggesting that Jose’s Story and Natercia’s story combine multiple elements of modes and typologies proposed by previous scholars of documentary and animation to form a new concept of ‘evocative collaboration’. The thesis argues that ‘evocative collaboration’ allows for a more ethical production framework in relation to authenticity, ownership and authorship when depicting disadvantaged individuals and communities. The two animated documentaries can be viewed at – Jose’s Story - https://vimeo.com/197998746 ; Natercia’s Story - https://vimeo.com/280117412 (password: Natercia)

Text in English
This qualitative study presents an onomastic perspective on the changing linguistic landscape of Zimbabwe which resulted from the post-2000 land reforms (also known as the Third Chimurenga). When veterans of Zimbabwe’s War of Liberation assumed occupancy of former white-owned farms, they immediately pronounced their take-over of the land through changes in place names. The resultant toponymic landscape is anchored in the discourses of the First and Second Chimurenga. Through recasting the Chimurenga (war of liberation) narrative, the proponents of the post-2000 land reforms endeavoured to create a historical continuum from the colonisation of Zimbabwe in 1890 to the post-2000 reforms, which were perceived as an attempt to redress the historical anomaly of land inequality. The aim of this study is to examine toponymic changes on the geo-linguistic landscape, and establish the extent of the changes and the post-colonial identity portrayed by these place names. Within the case study design, research methods included in-depth interviews, document study and observations as means of data generation. Through the application of critical and sociolinguistic theories in the form of post-colonial theory, complemented by geo-semiotics, political semiotics and language ecology, this study uncovers the richness of toponymy in exposing a cryptic social narrative reflective of, among others, contestations of power. The findings indicate that post-2000 toponymy is a complex mixture of pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial place names. These names recast the various narratives in respect of the history of Zimbabwe through the erasure of colonial toponyms and resuscitation older Chimurenga names. The resultant picture portrayed by post-2000 toponymy communicates a complex message of contested land ownership in Zimbabwe. There is a pronounced legacy of colonial toponymy that testifies to the British Imperial occupation of the land and the ideologies behind colonisation. This presence of colonial toponymy many years after independence is an ironic confirmation of the indelible legacy of British colonialism in Zimbabwe. The findings show a clear recasting of the discourses of violence and racial hostility, but also reveal an interesting trend of toponymic syncretism where colonial names are retained and used together with new names.
Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (Linguistics)