Tesis sobre el tema "Electronic publishing – political aspects"

This study attempts to analyse the way foreign media organisations have used the Internet to inform, educate and mobilise citizens for participation in their national election. These foreign experiences provide a framework with which to analyse the implications for the SABC as a public broadcaster of the next elections in South Africa. The research was informed by theories of media and democracy. One of the most powerful features of the new technology is its technical ability to facilitate an interactive flow of information. This research examines the concept of cyberdemocracy and the implications for the SABC, especially as it is planning on launching an online election strategy. The democratic roles of journalism and the implications for the SABC are also discussed. As a public service broadcaster, the SABC is bound to educate, inform, and mobilise voters for participation, build community and national identity and scrutinise the poll in the interests of transparency, accountability and fair play. International journalists are advocating a new type of journalism, called public or civic journalism, which combines these roles. This research draws primarily on qualitative research methods, using a case study methodology. It draws upon direct observation and interview methodology in the fieldwork. However, it also uses some quantitative methods in the analysis of the websites and the SABC research.Finally, the research analyses the situation at the SABC and provides recommendations for the election website within this context

Since the demise of the Berlin Wall and communism, many African countries have adopted a Western-model democracy as a system of governance. However, the media has not been liberalised to reflect this new discourse as constraints in many African countries pertaining to press freedom still exist. The internet appears to have the potential to challenge the political power of governments (Tsagarousianou, 1998:167). It has been posited that it has the potential to offer more platforms for information especially in the case of restrictive media environments. This study set out to investigate the impact of on-line publishing in Malawi. It explored how the emergence of this new form of publishing through the internet has affected the public sphere, democracy and press freedom in Malawi. The main focus was the level of press freedom at on-line newspapers as compared to traditional newspapers. It used the public sphere theory and literature on the internet as a technology of freedom as its theoretical framework. Using a case study approach by focusing on two newspapers; Nyasatimes on-line and Daily Times, the study used the coup plot coverage in May 2008 in Malawi by both newspapers as reference for the measurement of the level of press freedom. The study used qualitative content analysis and semi-structured interviews as its research methods. The research revealed that Nyasatimes enjoys more freedom to publish and therefore appears to have more press freedom than its more traditional counterpart. However, Nyasatimes also faces some unique challenges. The findings also revealed that press freedom in Malawi is not only affected by government through legislation but other factors and players as well play a central role in determining the level of press freedom for traditional media. The study therefore concludes that despite the internet’s ability to transcend local regimes of authority and censorship pertaining to press freedom, the challenges facing traditional media still need to be addressed as it is the primary source of information for most people in Malawi with on-line newspapers being simply supplementary.

Technologists predict that electronic information dissemination will create a paperless work environment. In spite of such predictions, paper-based internal communication will remain the primary medium for disseminating information in organizations for decades to come. However, electronic technology will have an impact on paper information production that may be more profound than changes following word processing's introduction. Previously unavailable for everyday production to enhance word meaning, certain graphic techniques now can be used to access readers' preconditioned symbol meanings to increase comprehension of routine correspondence and information internalization. This quasi-experimental field study examines interactions among laser-printer graphic treatment and communication variables as contributors to explaining variance in comprehension. Set Multiple Regression/Correlation analysis identifies significant variance explained by conditional relationships between near-typeset quality text and readers' self-interest and between near-typeset quality text and text's readability. The conditional relationship of near-typeset quality and self-interest shows increase in reader comprehension at a greater rate than the comprehension increase rate attributed to the reader's self-interest increase alone. This suggests that conditional relationships may be accessing an internal judgment process interpreting greater self-interest in near-typeset printed text. The conditional relationship between near-typeset quality and readability reveals that at more difficult reading levels comprehension is greater for near-typeset text. The significance of this relationship indicates that an internal judgment process is involved rather than the difference being attributed to legibility treatment. The strength of these conditional relationships suggests that planning for communication policies and practices should be a part of organizational strategic planning in the same ways as are financial analysis, operations planning, or human resource management.

This study was designed to identify correlates of success in Supported Employment(SE) programs for persons with psychiatric disabilities. Indiana policy-makers are seriously considering a managed care, or "capitated," system of payment to make SE provider programs more efficient economically. However, many agencies are concerned about providing services to more severely impaired individuals because of the potentially higher costs of serving these individuals. Two studies are included in this project. The goals of the first study were to identify SE consumer (clinical) characteristics that predict (1) successful outcomes, defined as whether the consumer achieves gainful work, and (2) program costs, defined as the amounts of SE service hours utilized by consumers who obtain work. In two large samples of SE consumers with serious mental illness, no clinical characteristics (e.g., diagnosis, rated functioning, hospitalization history) were associated with vocational outcome or service costs. The goal of the second study was to describe the types and amounts of services utilized by SE consumers who obtain work. Specific service categories associated with obtaining work were travel, training, and advocacy that was unrelated to the consumer's job. The implications of these findings are discussed in the framework of the debate over clinical versus empirical prediction. The need for a theoretical model of SE services that allows the use of predictive clinical and consumer driven services is also discussed.
Department of Journalism

Since the emergence of the Internet, scholars have had mixed opinions regarding its role in influencing levels of political participation. Two frameworks, the mobilization and the reinforcement theses, were created from these opposing views. The introduction of social networking websites (such as Facebook) offers new platforms with which to test these opposing theories on. This study investigates the Facebook group ―Canadian‘s against Proroguing Parliament,‖ to determine: 1) what the members' motivations were for participating in the group, 2) whether the group attracted formerly marginalized voices to participate on the group, or simply reinforced those who were already active in the political process, and 3) whether the participation of members on the group translated into offline or real world political participation. The findings suggest that the group‘s members had a variety of reasons for joining the group. As well, the findings suggest that the group both mobilized reinforced its participants. Finally, the data indicates that in some instances, the group‘s members translated their online participation into real world political activity.
171 leaves ; 29 cm

This study reviews the changes in Taiwan's newspaper industry during its current period of transition. Contemporary newspaper development in Taiwan after the lifting of martial law in July 1987 is evaluated in relation to transformations in the newspaper marketplace, journalistic practices, labor relations, and freedom of expression. This study concludes that changes in Taiwan's newspaper business are closely related to changes in the country's political atmosphere. The lifting of the Ban of Newspaper brought freedoms for which journalists had fought for decades; however, journalistic quality has not improved at the same speed. Changes will continue in the journalism industry; whether it grows in a healthy way is a topic for future study.

Concerns about the feasibility of the Internet as an appropriate venue for deliberation have emerged based on the adverse effects of depersonalization, anonymity, and lack of accountability on the part of online discussants. As in face-to-face communication, participants in online conversations are best situated to determine for themselves what type of communication is appropriate. Earlier research on Usenet groups was not optimistic, but community-administered moderation may provide a valuable tool for online political discussion groups who wish to support and enforce deliberative communication among a diverse or disagreeing membership. This research examines individual comments and their rating and moderation within a week-long "Pie Fight" discussion about community ownership and values in the Daily Kos political blog. Specific components of deliberation were identified and a content analysis was conducted for each. Salient issues included community reputation, agreement and disagreement, meta-communication, and appropriate expression of emotion, humor, and profanity. Data subsets were analyzed in conjunction with the comment ratings given by community members to determine what types of interaction received the most attention, and how the community used the comment ratings system to promote or demote specific comment types. The use of middle versus high or low ratings, the value of varied ratings format, and the use of moderation as a low-impact means of expressing dissent were also explored. The Daily Kos community members effectively used both comments and ratings to mediate conflict, assert their desired kind of community, demonstrate a deliberative self-concept, and support specific conditions of deliberation. The moderation system was used to sanction uncivil or unproductive communication, as intended, and was also shown to facilitate deliberation of disagreement rather than creating an echo chamber of opinion.

The government-backed invasion of the Indonesian Democratic Party's Jakarta headquarters on the morning of27 July 1996, and the resulting violent riots in which at least five people died marked a pivotal point in Indonesian politics generally, and the pro-democracy movement specifically. This was a newsworthy event which was covered extensively by the broadcast and print media globally, however the time taken to relay the story and the credibility of the reports was highly variable for domestic as well as foreign media. Coverage by a national and regional Indonesian newspaper, as well as a national and regional Australian newspaper was compared with the email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage for the news values of timeliness and accuracy. The October 1996 reports into the incident by the Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights and Human Rights Watch/ Asia were used as reference materials to evaluate the accuracy of the media reporting. The degree of government involvement in the attack on the PDI HQ was not reported by the Indonesian daily newspapers which also under-reported the number of victims while focussing on the law and order aspect of the story. Reportage by both the national and regional Australian papers focussed on the violence of the riots which posed a threat to President Soeharto 's rule, the role of the armed forces in maintaining law and order, and also underestimated the number of victims. Indonesia-L disseminated the fastest and most accurate reports of the event with eyewitness accounts providing considerable detail. Only two of the 18 postings were found to be sensationalistic and inaccurate. Implications for the future use of computer-mediated communication, such as email discussion lists, as an alternative source of news which circumvents government control, as well as the time and commercial constraints of print media are discussed.

Understanding human dignity is integral to protecting human rights. An examination of Canada‘s Supreme Court decisions and Canadian public policy debates reveals that human dignity is being defined synonymously with individual autonomy and equality. This narrow understanding has serious implications for people who are not able to assert their autonomy. To understand the philosophical ideas behind these decisions, this thesis examines classical, modern, and postmodern accounts of human dignity and concludes that they fall short in providing an objective grounding for dignity that is truly human. It then looks to the Judeo- Christian account of human dignity to provide a transcendent foundation for human dignity. With this account, persons are rational and physical, relational, inviolable, and teleological – a hopeful contrast to the prevailing contemporary accounts. This thesis then defends the place of this religious perspective in our secular country.
vi, 182 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

Recognizing the importance of civic engagement to the health of local communities and the overall success of a democracy, this research sought to better understand the relationship between online media use and civic engagement. Specifically, the constructive potential of the social networking site Facebook was explored using the theoretical framework of communication infrastructure theory (CIT; Ball-Rokeach, Kim, & Matei, 2001). Results of a cross-sectional survey with a national sample of 375 participants indicated that Facebook does hold potential for civic engagement. The two most important findings of the research were that Facebook facilitated connection to neighborhood storytelling and that connection to storytelling was positively associated with civic engagement. As such, results indicated that Facebook holds potential for civic engagement insofar as the site facilitates connection to neighborhood storytelling. Additionally, Facebook was a regular part of participants’ daily routines, a means to maintain social capital, and a forum for occasional civic participation. Cumulatively, these results highlight a number of strengths that citizens and communities can build upon to improve social capital and increase civic engagement.

Electronic waste is the fastest growing waste stream worldwide. Illegal methods of transport, indifference in legislative response, and public ignorance of what to do in response, all influence e-waste proliferation. This dirty industry of e-waste is hazardous to human health and well-being as well as the environment. Since this dirty industry has ballooned over the last few decades, two major questions arise: What are the primary and secondary factors that influence the proliferation of e-waste dumping in developing countries; and what structures are emerging to combat the e-waste problem in developing countries in Africa? The following pages will investigate the e-waste problem in Africa; Egypt, Nigeria, and South Africa. I will show the role that small and medium industries play in managing the e-waste problem. Through a mass media search of key SMEs and organizations, I find that local enterprises are taking on an extended responsibility to find economic incentives in the e-waste industry and transform it from a vastly hazardous waste stream to a cooperative trade and flourishing industry. The results of these case studies illuminate how lax government regulation and involvement forces smaller businesses and organizations to emerge as the leaders in e-waste management.

As social media becomes an integral part of our daily lives, and groups seek to utilize this medium to facilitate activism, understanding the nature of these communications and the impact of the content on the individual user becomes a valid area of interest. When one then considers that extremist and terrorist groups have found social media to be an inexpensive and effective means for communication, radicalization, recruitment and member mobilization, the need for this understanding becomes critical. This research seeks to provide just such an understanding in its examination of Far-Right English Defence League and their use of Facebook during a period of increased activism and online growth. Important elements of this work include an understanding of the legal and ethical issues surrounding the collection of online content, particularly in extremist environments; the role of traditional media in their coverage of the group and whether the comments of the members reflect the group's mission statement of the characterization of traditional media; the ability to enhance data segregation and analysis through the development and use of specialized software; and most importantly the findings from the data analysis. Contained within these findings is an understanding of the intricacies of online participation in extremist social media. These include insights into overall traffic generation, the use of links within communications and their impact on the member traffic, and how the group narrative put forth by the administrator is reflected in the dialogue of the users. The most important finding was an understanding of individual user participation within the group and how, even with such an inexpensive and pervasive media outlet, activist groups still struggle to overcome the problem of participation. That this knowledge can be applied in a meaningful way in counter extremist and counter terrorism efforts was an interesting and satisfying development.

This research is premised on the understanding that alternative forms of media emerge to deal with specific ideological projects and, as such, must be seen as satisfying a specific need at a specific point in time. Using the case of a weekly newspaper, The Southern Star which was in circulation from January 2012 to June 2012, this study sought to understand the factors that led to the establishment of the newspaper, what it sought to achieve, how it went about putting that into practice, its message in relation to debates emanating from the ‘Matabeleland Question’ and also the factors that led to the its collapse. In order to address my research questions, I adopted a two stage research design qualitative content analysis and semi structured in depth interviews. In locating the study within the qualitative epistemic understanding of research, it was clear from the qualitative content analysis of 13 editions of the publication and in depth interviews held with 15 respondents that the newspaper was set up with the aim of serving a marginalised section of the population (in this instance the Ndebele) by providing them with a platform to articulate issues affecting them. It also sought to ‘speak’ the ‘unspoken’ within the mainstream media by focusing on Matabeleland identity politics. It achieved this by creating content around the Gukurahundi genocide, Matabeleland development, Matabeleland history and Matabeleland heroes. The newspaper also sought to emancipate the people from the South by advocated for social, cultural, economic and political justice as a resolution to the ‘Matabeleland Question’. However, the newspaper failed to sustain operations due to lack of advertising revenue. As a result of the constraining political environment in which the newspaper operated, potential advertisers were afraid of placing advertisements in the newspaper because of the nature of the content produced, which in view of Zimbabwe’s rival ethnic history, could easily be labelled ethnically divisive. Also, being a new player in the market worked to their disadvantage as prospective advertisers opted to place their adverts in “tried and tested” publications (Zimpapers and Alpha Media Holdings). Additionally, because of poor management, roles were not clearly defined and hence the newspaper failed to operate as a business enterprise. As noted during interviews with junior reporters, there was little or no experience at management level. The paper lacked a coordinated circulation strategy and from inception, was never officially launched, which resulted in the failure to reach significant audiences.

1. Introduction

Le 10 mai 1940 et pour la seconde fois en vingt ans, la Belgique est envahie par l’Allemagne. Contrairement à l’invasion de la Grande Guerre, il ne faut que dix-huit jours aux armées teutonnes pour écraser l’armée belge et occuper le territoire national tout entier. Peu avant la fin des hostilités, la vie culturelle reprend néanmoins timidement. Dès la fin mai 1940, les cinémas rouvrent leurs portes. La presse reparaît sous surveillance allemande. L’édition du livre, machine beaucoup plus lourde, ne reprend son activité qu’à la fin de l’été de 1940. Avec la signature des conventions bilatérales puis internationales sur la propriété intellectuelle dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, la Belgique a vu le secteur de l’édition du livre s’effondrer. Le public belge marque en outre une certaine désaffection envers les auteurs belges et plus particulièrement envers ceux qui se font éditer localement. N’est-ce pas le mémorialiste français Georges Suarez qui écrivait, en 1932, que « L’écrivain wallon trouve devant lui une route hérissée de difficultés ;son public est clairsemé, épars, capricieux […] ;les snobs locaux, acceptent les yeux fermés tout ce qui vient de Paris […] mais exercent un contrôle hautain sur leurs auteurs nationaux » (Georges Suarez, La Belgique vivante. Préface d’André Tardieu. [Louvain, Editions Rex, 1932], p.28-29). Toutes catégories confondues – presse quotidienne ou périodique, livres et brochures diverses –, la production éditoriale belge – domaines francophone, néerlandophone, germanophone et dialectal wallon confondus – connaît pourtant entre 1936 et 1939 une courbe ascendante ;puis, de 1941 à 1945, une inflexion avant de voir remonter lentement la production de 1946 à 1949. Le pic de l’année 1938 ne sera pas égalé dans les dix années qui suivent. En 1939, nous constatons une très infime baisse de l’offre de titres :1,1%. Les sommets atteints par l’éventail de titres proposés en 1938 et 1939 s’explique par la mobilisation des réservistes qui n’ont d’autres loisirs que la lecture. En 1940, le chaos qui suit la Campagne des Dix-Huit Jours contraint la plupart des éditeurs à l’inactivité. La reprise de certains secteurs de l’édition au début de l’été permet toutefois de maintenir une production de titres supérieure aux années 1935-1936. La production reprend de façon spectaculaire en 1941, dépassant le niveau de 1939 et se rapprochant de celui de 1938. Nous interprétons cette remontée du nombre de titres par l’effet de la fermeture des frontières et donc par la nécessité de présenter de nouveaux titres au public belge avide de lecture. De 1942 à 1944, la chute spectaculaire s’explique sans doute par la disparition d’une grande partie de la presse périodique et par le caractère de plus en plus contraignant de la censure allemande. Celle-ci réduit le nombre de titres publiés à cause de la raréfaction croissante du papier disponible. Remarquons que la raréfaction des titres disponibles sur le marché n’implique pas obligatoirement une diminution quantitative des tirages. A partir du mois de septembre 1944 et en 1945, un certain nombre d’éditeurs sont placés sous les projecteurs de la Justice militaire et interrompent ou cessent leurs activités. Par ailleurs, une série de petits éditeurs occasionnels qui publiaient n’importe quoi sous n’importe quelle forme disparaissent du champ éditorial. De plus, la pénurie de papier, les ruptures de fourniture d’électricité industrielle qui fait tourner les rotatives et la réouverture des frontières aux importations françaises, puis néerlandaise dans la seconde moitié de l’année 1945, incitent les éditeurs belges à la frilosité. Enfin, en 1946, la reprise peut s’expliquer par la stabilisation économique.

2. L’épuration des bibliothèques et des librairies

Même si la liberté de presse est garantie par la Constitution, la loi belge organise les délits de presse. Les circonstances exceptionnelles de la déclaration de guerre de la France et de l’Angleterre à l’Allemagne à la suite de l’invasion de la Pologne provoquent la création d’un éphémère Ministère de l’Information nationale (1939-1940), puis d’un Service d’Information du Premier Ministre (1940). Une censure larvée, justifiée par la sécurité du territoire et le respect de la neutralité de la Belgique, est d’ailleurs exercée dès le mois de septembre 1939 afin d’éviter tout prétexte d’intervention de la part des belligérants. Durant les premiers mois de l’Occupation, une épuration anarchique s’exerce à l’encontre des bibliothèques privées et des librairies. Ce sont tantôt des soldats qui brûlent des livres trouvés sur les rayonnages de leur logement réquisitionné, tantôt des officiers qui prennent la mouche en découvrant chez le libraire de leur nouveau lieu de résidence un opuscule de l’espèce J’ai descendu mon premier Boche. Dès le 13 août 1940, la Militärverwaltung ordonne l’épuration systématique des bibliothèques publiques et des librairies. Tout livre ou brochure anti-allemand ou anti-nazi doit être immédiatement mis sous clef et bientôt déposé entre les mains des services allemands. Le soin de déterminer ce qui tombe ou non dans cette catégorie particulièrement vague est laissé à la seule appréciation des bibliothécaires et des libraires. Ceux-ci doivent attendre le mois de septembre 1941 pour que la Propaganda Abteilung daigne publier une liste de 1800 titres interdits. Des compléments sont ensuite régulièrement insérés dans le Journal de la Librairie de la Gilde du Livre et dans les Mededeelingen van het Boekengilde. Le Ministère de l’Instruction publique charge de surcroît des enseignants et des inspecteurs d’épurer les manuels scolaires de tout propos anti-allemands. Cette mesure a pour but d’éviter que l’occupant ne s’en charge lui-même et n’impose le manuel unique à l’instar de ce qui se passe Outre-Rhin. Le 8 octobre 1940, sans en avoir soumis le texte aux autorités allemandes, le Ministère de l’Instruction publique crée donc une Commission chargée de la révision des ouvrages classiques pour l’enseignement normal, moyen, primaire et gardien, plus communément désignée sous le nom de Commission pour la Révision des Ouvrages Classiques. Composée de collaborationnistes notoires mais également d’authentiques résistants, la Commission examinera près de 5000 titres entre la fin octobre 1940 et la fin mai 1944 ;elle interdira l’usage de 564 manuels et en fera modifier 182 autres.

3. La censure des livres

Au début de l’été, les Allemands chargent l’Union des Industries Graphiques & du Livre (UNIGRA), le syndicat des imprimeurs belges, d’exercer une censure préalable générale et d’empêcher ainsi la publication de tout propos anti-allemand. Cette censure est ensuite circonscrite, à partir du 20 août 1940, à la littérature qui traite de sujets militaires et politiques (en ce compris les questions concernant la race, le judaïsme et la Franc-maçonnerie). Le 24 septembre 1940, la Propaganda Abteilung prend le relais de l’organisme belge. Le Referat Schrifttum est dirigé par le Sonderführer Pr Dr Hans Teske et par son adjoint le Sonderführer Leutenant Bruno Orlick. Durant son premier exercice, ce bureau de la littérature refuse 100 manuscrits sur les 600 qu’il examine. A partir du 15 janvier 1943, invoquant le manque de papier, le Referat Schrifttum impose aux éditeurs de soumettre tous leurs manuscrits. Chaque demande est établie en triple exemplaire. Le premier est conservé dans les dossiers de la Propaganda Abteilung, les deux autres exemplaires sont transmis à l’Office Central du Papier - Papier Centrale (OCP-PC). Celui-ci y appose un numéro correspondant à un bon de consommation de papier. L’un est conservé dans les archives de l’OCP et l’autre est retourné à l’éditeur qui doit le présenter à l’imprimeur. Sans ce bon de consommation, l’imprimeur ne peut entreprendre le travail puisqu’il doit justifier les quantités utilisées dans ses ateliers. Tout le processus de contrôle apparaît dans les livres sous la forme de numéros précédés des mentions « Autorisation PA n° » / « Toelating PA nr » / « Zulassung Nr… » et « OCP n° » / « PC nr ». Parfois encore, le numéro d’affiliation de l’imprimeur auprès de l’OCP figure dans le colophon du volume. Chaque numéro est lié à un titre et à l’éditeur qui le demande. En cas d’annulation du projet par l’éditeur, le numéro est alors perdu. Du côté de la SS, l’Abteilung III C 4 de la Sicherheitsdienst se charge notamment de la surveillance des Editions autorisées. Contrairement à la Propaganda Abteilung qui intervient le plus souvent en amont, la SD intervient essentiellement en aval. Celle-ci saisit les ouvrages « séditieux » qui auraient pu échapper à la sagacité des censeurs de la Propaganda Abteilung, ou à l’autocensure des éditeurs belges.

4. La pénurie de papier

Avant la guerre, la Belgique importait la quasi-totalité des matières premières destinées à la fabrication du papier et du carton. Mais le déclenchement des hostilités a rendu l’approvisionnement difficile et réduit en conséquence la fabrication du papier. La pénurie des matières premières provoque une réaction rapide de l’administration militaire allemande. Dès le 17 juin 1940, elle exige un état des lieux de la production, des stocks et de la consommation qui permette la rationalisation de l’économie. Parallèlement à ces mesures et en complément à celles-ci, le Ministère des Affaires économiques crée en février 1941 un Office Central du Papier pour veiller à la production et à l’utilisation rationnelle du papier et du carton. Près de la moitié de la cellulose est alors consacrée à la fabrication de produits ersatz comme le carton-cuir pour les chaussures ou le « Balatum » et l’« Unalit ». En mai 1941, l’OCP interdit la fabrication de produits de luxe tels les confettis, les sous-bocks et le papier-dentelle pour tarte. Les besoins en papier et carton augmentent cependant :pour les emballages en replacement d’autres matières devenues rares, pour le papier d’occultation, ou encore pour la paperasserie administrative occasionnée par la rationalisation de l’économie. En avril 1942, le Referat Papier, sous prétexte de rationalisation, ordonne la fermeture de près de la moitié des papeteries. Mais celles qui restent en activité souffrent de la pénurie de matières premières et de combustible qui entraîne une baisse de la production. En octobre 1942, prétextant cette fois la pénurie de papier, le Referat Schrifttum interdit la publication de livres à plus de 5.000 exemplaires mais autorise des dépassements aux éditeurs suffisamment bien en cour. La consommation de papier est alors contrôlée par l’OCP. En avril 1943, le spectre de la pénurie permet encore le recensement des stocks de papier chez les imprimeurs. Or personne n’est la dupe de ces dernières mesures qui relèvent plus de la censure que de l’économie.

5. La restructuration économique et professionnelle

Dès le début de l’été 1940, la Militärverwaltung commence de saisir les biens ennemis, c’est-à-dire français et britanniques. Grâce à la mise sous séquestre des avoirs du Groupe Hachette, l’actionnaire français de l’Agence Dechenne, le principal distributeur de presse en Belgique est administré par un Allemand, représentant des intérêts du groupe éditorial allemand Amann. Celui-ci obtient le monopole de l’importation de quotidiens étrangers et de la distribution des journaux belges. Il réussit également à devenir le principal grossiste en livres, imposant aux éditeurs le choix de certains titres, le tirage et parfois la couverture des livres. En novembre 1940, tous les éditeurs de livres et de périodiques ainsi que les libraires doivent s’inscrire au Cercle belge de la Librairie ou à son homologue flamand. En juin 1942, le Ministère des Affaires Economiques institue la Gilde du Livre / Boekengilde qui détient, par le biais de ses deux chambres linguistiques, le monopole de la représentation professionnelle. En 1941, l’Occupant suscite la formation d’un organisme de collaboration, la Communauté culturelle wallonne (CCW) qui devrait investir le champ culturel, à l’instar de la Deutsch-Vlämische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DeVlag). Dirigée par l’écrivain prolétarien Pierre Hubermont, la CCW tente de regrouper les auteurs au sein d’une Chambre des Lettres françaises et d’une Chambre des Lettres dialectales. Très peu d’intellectuels se rallieront à cet organisme rapidement démonétisé. A la suite du congrès européen des écrivains tenu à Weimar en octobre 1941, une Europäische Schriftsteller Vereinigung est par ailleurs fondée le 27 mars 1942. Cette Société Européenne des Ecrivains (SEE), destinée à remplacer le PEN-Club international, encourage les traductions et la diffusion des ouvrages de ses membres. Pierre Hubermont est désigné pour tenir le rôle de porte-parole de la Section wallonne et belge de langue française (SWBLF) qui commence d’être organisée dans le courant du mois de mars 1942. Seule une poignée d’écrivains répondront aux sirènes de Weimar. En 1943 la Communauté Culturelle Wallonne fonde une nouvelle structure plus discrète, et surtout, moins discréditée :la Fédération des Artistes wallons et belges d’expression française (FAWBEF) dont l’intitulé est très proche de celui de la section locale de la SEE. Il ne s’agit pas d’un repli stratégique de la part de Pierre Hubermont – qui est cependant contraint de constater le semi échec de la CCW – mais d’une tentative d’officialisation de la structure corporative ébauchée par la CCW sous l’œil attentif du Ministère de l’Instruction publique. La FAWBEF ébauche la création d’une Chambre de Littérature subdivisée en Chambre des Ecrivains d’expression française, en Chambre des Ecrivains d’expression wallonne, en Chambre des Traducteurs et en Chambre des Editeurs. Le but est d’aboutir à une adhésion obligatoire et ainsi à un contrôle de l’accès à la profession. Depuis l’instauration de la législation et la signature des conventions internationales sur la protection des droits d’auteur dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, les redevances sont essentiellement perçues en Belgique par des sociétés de droit français. Face à cette situation de perceptions multiples, l’administration militaire allemande impose une perception unique par une société de droit belge. Dans un premier temps, la Militärverwaltung place sous séquestre les sociétés françaises qui disposent du monopole de fait de la perception des droits d’auteur en Belgique francophone. Dans un second temps, au début du mois de janvier 1941, la Nationale Vereeniging voor Auteursrecht (NAVEA) est réquisitionnée et désignée pour détenir le monopole de la perception des droits. Toujours en janvier 1941, une tentative de rallier l’Association des Artistes professionnels de Belgique (AAPB) à la société unique afin d’en faire sa section francophone échoue grâce à la résistance de ses dirigeants. L’AAPB est alors dissoute par les Allemands. Le monopole de la NAVEA pose de nombreux problèmes juridiques. Pour toucher les droits de suite, les artistes et leurs ayants droit doivent devenir membre de la NAVEA, alors que les sociétés françaises interdisent la double appartenance sous peine de perdre les droits à la pension. Après d’âpres pourparlers, la NAVEA s’engage à payer les pensions pour les artistes qui la rejoindraient rapidement. La NAVEA ne collabore pourtant pas avec l’occupant puisque, clandestinement, celle-ci noue un accord avec la société anglaise The Performing Right Society, via Lausanne et Lisbonne, et répartit en secret les droits des auteurs anglais et américains. Elle tente de surcroît de protéger ses affiliés juifs en refusant de livrer la liste des ses adhérents.

6. La production

Malgré les contraintes liées à la pénurie de papier et celles qu’impose la censure, les éditeurs belges profitent des circonstances pour éditer à tour de bras tout et n’importe quoi, puisant essentiellement dans le vivier des littérateurs locaux. En effet, les Belges s’adonnent au loisir peu onéreux de la lecture. La fermeture des frontières bloque les importations de livres français et néerlandais. D’une part, la culture flamande est revalorisée alors que toute velléité pan-néerlandaise est combattue. D’autre part, la littérature française est contingentée :les Lettres françaises sont systématiquement dénigrées car on les juge délétères. Enfin, la germanisation rampante va bon train grâce à la promotion des Lettres scandinaves et allemandes :il s’agit de remodeler les structures mentales des lecteurs grâce aux traductions. Les tirages sont énormes pour des valeurs sûres comme le Leeuw van Vlaanderen (200 000 exemplaires) d’Hendrik Conscience et De Vlaschaard (100 000 exemplaires) de Stijn Streuvels. La plupart des maisons d’édition développent ou inaugurent des collections de lettres étrangères. A la suite de pressions du Referat Schrifttum, rares sont les grands éditeurs qui ne publient pas de traductions de l’allemand. Aux quelques éditeurs rétifs, le chef du Referat Schrifttum suggère de remplacer les textes allemands par des traductions d’auteurs scandinaves et finno-estoniens. C’est ainsi qu’une maison anti-allemande éditera des romans du prix Nobel norvégien Knut Hamsun pourtant rallié à la collaboration la plus dure. Mais les éditeurs ne peuvent pas publier toutes les traductions :les auteurs slaves du nord (Russes et Polonais), anglo-saxons contemporains et juifs sont considérés comme indésirables et interdits. Le Referat Schrifttum autorise la publication de romans anglo-saxons qui ne sont pas encore tombés dans le domaine public. Ces autorisations exceptionnelles ont trait à des textes qui dénigrent systématiquement le modèle social britannique et américain. Curieusement sont ainsi traduits des romans remettant en cause un ordre social ou moral comme Babbitt (1943) de Sinclair Lewis, The Grapes of Wrath (De Druiven der gramschap, 1943 et Grappes d’amertume, 1944) de John Steinbeck, The Picture of Dorian Gray (Le Portrait de Dorian Gray, 1944) d’Oscar Wilde ou encore The Rains came (La Mousson, 1944) de Louis Bromfield. La réédition de The Scarlet Pimpernel (Le Mouron Rouge, 1943) de la baronne Emmuska Orczy dénonce le fanatisme de la Révolution Française et stigmatise l’hédonisme de la Gentry anglaise. A titre d’exemple, les Editions de La Toison d’Or, financées par les Allemands, publient 26 % de traductions, les Editions Les Ecrits sortent 31,75 % de traductions. A l’Uitgeverij De Lage Landen qui publie en langues néerlandaise, allemande et française, les traductions constituent 44 % du catalogue néerlandais.

7. Les éditeurs

La demande permet à une nouvelle génération d’éditeur de se manifester. Certaines maisons d’édition sont créées avec l’appui de l’un ou l’autre service allemand. D’autres, qui ne s’inscrivent pourtant pas dans une politique de collaboration, sont fondées sous le regard attentif de la Propaganda Abteilung. Des maisons jugées hostiles au national-socialisme sont mises sous séquestre. Enfin, des administrateurs provisoires et des directeurs littéraires inféodés au nouveau pouvoir sont nommés. Comme le reste de la population, les acteurs du champ éditorial adoptent un éventail de positions qui va de la Résistance à la Collaboration avec, pour le plus grand nombre, une accommodation à des degrés divers. Si certains choisissent de résister et freinent la politique allemande du livre dans la mesure de leurs moyens, aucun toutefois n’entre dans la clandestinité. A partir du 15 janvier 1943, tous les manuscrits doivent toutefois passer entre les mains de l’administration allemande ;ce sera souvent la seule compromission des éditeurs. La grande majorité des maisons reste patriote, à l’instar des Editions Casterman, des Editions Dupuis ou des Editions Charles Dessart. Un réseau éditorial d’Ordre nouveau est en revanche composé par Léon Degrelle et des rexistes. Le 25 août 1940, la s.a. La Presse de Rex obtient de pouvoir sortir à nouveau son quotidien de combat, Le Pays Réel (1936). La ligne éditoriale outrancière du journal ne parvient pas à fidéliser son lectorat (moins de 10 000 exemplaires vendus en 1942) et Degrelle renfloue les caisses de la rédaction grâce aux bénéfices du Palais des Parfums, une entreprise juive spoliée, et à des subventions de la SS. En 1943, Degrelle finance un nouveau quotidien, L’Avenir, inspiré de Paris Soir. Le groupe de presse de Degrelle publie également des hebdomadaires :une version collaborationniste du Pourquoi Pas ?intitulée pour l’occasion Voilà ;Tout, copié sur les géants Match, Tempo et Signal ;Indiscrétions, un magazine de mode qui prend rapidement le titre Elle et Lui ;et une revue pour jeunes gens, Mon Copain « volé ». La Presse de Rex possède encore trois maisons d’édition :les Editions Rex (1929), les Editions Ignis (1939), l’Uitgeverij Ignis (1941) et les Editions de L’Archer (1944). La s.a. Editoria, dirigée par le critique d’art Paul Colin, fait également partie du même réseau. Editoria regroupe la Nouvelle Société d’Edition (1934), l’hebdomadaire Cassandre (1934) et Le Nouveau Journal (1940). Des journalistes rexistes participent à la création de maisons littéraires :Claude Chabry fonde, en 1943, les éditions du même nom, les Editions du Rond-Point (1943) puis les Editions de La Mappemonde (1943) ;Victor Meulenijzer s’associe au caricaturiste de Cassandre René Marinus pour monter Les Editions du Dragon (1944) ;Eugène Maréchal relance en 1941 les Editions Maréchal (1938) et participe à la création des Editions du Carrefour (1943). Julien Bernaerts, le fondateur des Editions de la Phalange (1934) et de l’Uitgeverij De Phalanx (1938), se rallie à l’Ordre nouveau. Il est bientôt remarqué par le SS-Hauptsturmführer Hans Schneider qui travaille pour l’Ahnenerbe, le cercle académique de la SS. En 1943, Schneider persuade Bernaerts de créer l’Uitgeverij De Burcht. Dans le même cadre, Franz Briel, Léon Van Huffel et René Baert mettent sur pied les Editions de La Roue Solaire (1943). Proche de la SS, le directeur de l’Uitgeverij Steenlandt (DeVlag), Jan Acke, est abattu par la résistance. Il n’est pas le seul puisque Paul Colin est bientôt exécuté par un étudiant de l’Université libre de Bruxelles, Arnaud Fraiteur. Toujours dans l’orbite de la collaboration, les deux grands trusts de presse allemands Mundus et Amann essayent de pénétrer le marché belge. Tandis que le groupe germano-slovaque Mundus finance la création des Editions de La Toison d’Or (1941), fondées par Edouard Didier, Guido Eeckels et Raymond De Becker, Amann tente de s’emparer de l’Uitgeverij De Lage Landen (1941) de Guido Eeckels, puis Mundus devient un temps actionnaire de l’entreprise qui publie alors des ouvrages pour le compte du Deutsche Institut. Rappelons que, par l’entremise d’administrateurs provisoires, Amann pèse sur l’édition grâce à l’Agence Dechenne et signalons que Mundus a fait tomber le quotidien mosan La Légia (1940) dans son escarcelle. Les Editions de Belgique de Maximilien Mention, qui porte pourtant l’uniforme noir des cadres rexistes, ne semblent pas exprimer les idées nouvelles. Les journalistes rexistes Jules Stéphane et son épouse Marguerite Inghels dirigent la coopérative Les Auteurs Associés (1942) et Het Boek (1943) qui ne sont pas non plus d’obédience nazie. A la marge de ce réseau, mais très impliquées dans le réseau national-catholique, figurent les Editions L’Essor (1939) de Léon Renard. Comme toutes les coopératives ouvrières, les Editions Labor d’Alexandre André sont placées sous séquestre. André est maintenu à la direction commerciale de la maison tandis que le chef de la CCW est propulsé par l’occupant à la direction littéraire.

8. La Libération

A la Libération, l’Etat Belge instaure à nouveau un régime de censure larvée dans le but d’empêcher la diffusion des idées ennemies :des auteurs réputés inciviques sont interdits de publication dans la presse, des livres sont saisis et des maisons d’édition sont placées sous séquestre et leurs livres mis à l’index. Quelques éditeurs de la nouvelle génération quittent Bruxelles pour Paris en prétextant la mauvaise conjoncture économique mais en réalité ils fuient un climat qu’ils jugent répressif. Plusieurs retrouvent une place importante dans les champs éditorial et littéraire parisiens où leur passé est ignoré. Notons que la Justice militaire belge a rarement poursuivi un éditeur pour ses activités, comme si les éditeurs n’étaient pas responsables des idées qu’ils ont mises sur le marché. Le refus de livrer la liste de ses adhérents juifs et les accords clandestins avec The Performing Right Society permettent à la NAVEA de survivre après la Libération sous une nouvelle appellation :la Société des Auteurs Belges-Belgische Auteursmaatschappij (SABAM). L’Etat de droit rétabli, les sociétés françaises reprennent leurs activités en Belgique, restaurant ainsi le système de la perception multiple. L’Association des Artistes professionnels de Belgique constitue un jury d’honneur pour sanctionner ses membres qui auraient fauté. L’Association des Ecrivains belges exclut de ses rangs les auteurs compromis. Les Académies expulsent des immortels et en blâment d’autres, les écartant provisoirement de leur honorable société. Des écrivains, peu ou prou impliqués dans la collaboration, suivent le chemin des éditeurs et posent leurs valises sur les bords de la Seine. Les uns deviennent conseillers littéraires de grandes maisons parisiennes, d’autres, comme Paul Kenny, deviennent millionnaires en publiant des romans d’espionnage. Plusieurs exilés ci-devant anti-bolchevistes se lancent dans la traduction de romans anglais et américains. D’aucuns inventent la solderie de livres neufs à prix réduit s’ils ne revêtent pas l’habit vert. La réouverture des frontières aux livres d’écrivains français, néerlandais et anglo-saxons repousse la plupart des littérateurs belges dans l’ombre dont ils étaient sortis à l’occasion de circonstances exceptionnelles. On pourrait croire que l’âge d’or de l’édition est terminé. Or la crise du papier va entraîner l’émergence d’une nouvelle littérature et la création de nouvelles sociétés d’édition :les imprimeurs sont tenus de prendre deux qualités de papier, l’une bonne et l’autre médiocre. Celle-ci est alors utilisée pour des publications à destination de la jeunesse. Naissent ainsi une quinzaine d’hebdomadaires parmi lesquels figurent Franc-Jeu (1944), Lutin (1944), Perce-Neige (1944), Story (1945), Wrill (1945), Cap’taine Sabord (1946), Jeep (1945), Annette (1945) et Tintin (1946). Les deux derniers deviendront de véritables « blanchisseries » pour les réprouvés de l’Epuration… La bande dessinée belge et ses deux écoles, Marcinelle et Bruxelles, ainsi que les sociétés qui éditent leurs albums vont bientôt dominer le marché francophone.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation langue et littérature
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

M.A.
The use of the Internet and New Media is becoming increasingly relevant for 21st century politics, not only as a means of political campaigning but also as a platform used by the public to engage in political discussion, debate and opinion formation. As the field of study is relatively new, there has been much argument regarding the opportunities that New Media, such as the Social Media network Facebook, holds for political use. However, not enough research has been done to scrutinise the outcomes of truly utilising the platform. Furthermore, not enough research concerning the use of Social Media in the South African political sphere has been done. Thus, this study concentrates on how the public and the political parties are using Facebook. The research questions examine the nature of (a) political party (ANC and DA) and (b) public participation on the respective Facebook sites. It also enquires as to what benefits and challenges Social Media such as Facebook offer to political parties in South Africa. The study relies on a qualitative methodological orientation. Firstly, content analysis by means of thematic analysis was applied to all posts present on the Facebook pages of the ANC and the DA during the timeframe of 14-21 June 2010. The overall themes were World Cup 2010 and Youth Day, and their emergent sub-themes were explored in this context. Secondly, in-depth interviews were conducted with representatives from each political party who dealt with the Social Media output and monitoring of the party. It would appear that political parties are not capitalising on the full range of Social Media offerings and not promoting two-way communication. Instead they are merely using it as a monitoring tool or as a way to disseminate information. However, the research shows that the members of the public are utilising the Facebook site(s) to engage in discussion of a political nature as well as using the platform to connect with and reach individuals in new ways.

Set against the background of public life and political practice in late capitalist mass democracies, this study presents information and communication structures as central to the formation of discursive opinion and the negotiation of social identities. Discussion and processes of exchange, that is, are conceived to be crucial to politics in the full democratic sense (as the pursuit and realization of human emancipation) . Taking the mass media to be the central institutions and a primary locus of power in the contemporary public sphere, this study seeks to explore both their semiotic, discursive natures, and the material, institutional context in which they are embedded. The concern to theorize the impact of the mass media on the public sphere 's internal processes of social, cultural and political discourse and therefore on individual and social orientation and action - is essentially a concern to come to terms with the operations of ideology and power in industrial capitalist democracies . The overall context of social communication is changing, and with it the ideological codes of power. It is therefore imperative to arrive at some understanding of the dynamics of signifying processes, the ways in which the culturally specific rhetorical lenses of the media filter and alter the wider framework of social understandings, and the possibilities for generating new social, cultural and political discourses critical of the mystifications of power. Chapter One discusses Habermas's analytical and historical account of the development of bourgeois forms of social criticism in England, France and Germany during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and their effacement in the nineteeth and twentieth centuries by the forces of mass culture and industrial capitalism . Chapter Two then proceeds to address several theoretical problems and methodological flaws in Habermas formulation. Of particular concern are his understanding of the role of the media in shaping cultural criticism, and his conceptualization of the process of communication, in which the audience is cast as passive. A critical interrogation and reconstruction of Habermas category of the public sphere to suit the changing environment of public communication is therefore called for. Chapter Three engages the pessimistic, cynical and apolitical epistemological stance of postmodernism, and rejects its unwillingness to engage in a critical hermeneutics of the structure and dynamics of ideology and power in contemporary society. Chapter Four presents Gramsci's and Althusser's reformulations of Marx's notion of ideology, points out some theoretical deficiencies in their arguments, and suggests why a semiotic understanding of the relation between meaning and reality would be of value to a theory of ideology. Chapter Five focuses on structuralist and semiotic approaches to language and society, and their understandings of the process of signification. Here the work of Saussure, Levi-Strauss and Barthes are seminal, though they are presented as not being entirely satisfactory. Voloshinov 's alternative "social semiotics" is introduced as a more appropriate conceptual framework , taking cognizance as it does of both the dynamic and (necessarily) contested nature of ideology, and the importance of the material and social elements in the signifying process. Chapter Three engages the pessimistic, cynical and apolitical epistemological stance of postmodernism, and rejects its unwillingness to engage in a critical hermeneutics of the structure and dynamics of ideology and power in contemporary society. Chapter Four presents Gramsci's and Althusser's reformulations of Marx's notion of ideology, points out some theoretical deficiencies in their arguments, and suggests why a semiotic understanding of the relation between meaning and reality would be of value to a theory of ideology. Chapter Five focuses on structuralist and semiotic approaches to language and society, and their understandings of the process of signification. Here the work of Saussure, Levi-Strauss and Barthes are seminal, though they are presented as not being entirely satisfactory. Voloshinov 's alternative "social semiotics" is introduced as a more appropriate conceptual framework , taking cognizance as it does of both the dynamic and (necessarily) contested nature of ideology, and the importance of the material and social elements in the signifying process.Chapter Six explores the political economy of late capitalism and demonstrates the need to balance semiology's textualist approach to meaning construction with an understanding of the relevance of the wider institutional context. Notwithstanding the inherent polysemy of media texts and the active role of audiences in the construction of sense and identity, this chapter argues that the character and quality of the discursive relations of advanced capitalist societies are profoundly shaped by the dynamics and principles of industrialization, commercialization, commodification and profit realization . This mediating institutional context of social communication must be taken into account by those concerned to demystify the discourses of power and their implicit agendas. Chapter Six then proceeds to address the democratic potential of new information and communication technologies. The background for this cautionary discussion is the technologization of human culture , as well as certain depoliticizing trends within the infrastructure of so-called "Information Society ", such as the growing prevalence of market principles and the increasing demands of "corporate imperatives". The chapter ends with a brief discussion of Tim Luke's argument that the participatory nature of new technologies can be exploited by counter-hegemonic groups seeking to broaden the scope of public communication in order to build a firebreak against the further colonization of the lifeworld by capital and the State. The study concludes by arguing that despite observable tendencies towards the privatization of information and the centralization of meaning, ideology remains everpresent in modern industrialized countries, and is always open to contestation. It further suggests that the ability of audiences to actively decode ideological cultural forms according to their own interests and lived experiences, together with the potential of new technologies to circulate these alternative and often counter-hegemonic meanings augurs well for democratic practice. For not only is it possible to expose and challenge the dynamics of power, but it is also increasingly possible for audiences to contribute to the agenda of political discussion, and thereby lend substance and credibility to the discursive formations of the (much maligned) contemporary public sphere.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1997.

This research attempts to define convergent tendencies between the knowledge constituting the publishing activity and the conceptual frame upon which Information Science is based. Taking shape as an exploratory study, the research tries to systematize and make coherent a definite mark from which the convergence between the two areas may be contemplated and analyzed. In the process of constructing its arguments, the research seeks to identify, amongst international literature, authors and theoretical proposals which lead to building the structure of said convergence, determining its statute and indicating the nature of its contribution for the Information Science epistemology. Aiming to extend the universe of its inferences, a selected segment of the literature published in Brazilian journals of Information Science within the latest ten years is taken into account, in order to verify the presence of bibliographic sources that disclose the repercussion of the idea of convergence between publishing activity and Information Science – such as profiled in this study – in the papers discussing the discipline’s epistemological foundations. The research also points out topics that after analyzed more deeply would enlarge the knowledge about this subject, suggesting further studies which may demonstrate and consolidate the links between the fields under investigation.

Chow, Chun Shu.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-187).
Abstract also in Chinese.
Abstract --- p.i
Acknowledgements --- p.iii
Table of Contents --- p.iv
Tables and Figures --- p.vi
Chapter Part 1 --- An Overview
Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature Review --- p.8
Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theoretical Framework --- p.30
Chapter Chapter 4: --- Methodology and Research Questions --- p.36
Chapter Part 2 --- Comparison between Headline Daily and The Standard
Chapter Chapter 5: --- The July 1st Rally 2009 --- p.42
Chapter Chapter 6: --- Legislative By-election 2007 --- p.67
Chapter Part 3 --- Ethnography on Sing Tao Daily
Chapter Chapter 7: --- Newsroom observations and Newsmaking --- p.102
Chapter Chapter 8: --- News Handling - Compliance of News Workers --- p.118
Chapter Chapter 9: --- Interviews --- p.139
Chapter Part 4 --- Discussion and Conclusion
Chapter Chapter 10: --- Discussion --- p.148
Chapter Chapter 11: --- Conclusion and Limitations --- p.161
"Appendix I: Comparison between Headlines, Word Count and Page Count of Headline Daily and The Standard on Legislative Council By-election 2007" --- p.167
Appendix II: List of news articles written during the part-time working period in Sing Tao Daily --- p.174
Appendix III: List of Reporters and Assignment Editors in Sing Tao Daily whom I have encountered during the working period --- p.179
References --- p.180

本論文以政治學及心理學的理論為基礎，探討社會人士的集體行動及政治參與行為及其背後的心理因素，以及網上新聞的普及對這些行為、意向是否具催化作用。根據政治學及社會心理學文獻，團體在社會得到的社會認定「social identity」）及個人對自身的政治功效意識 （「political efficacy」）往往是影響人們集體行動及政治參與（稱「團體參與行動」「intergroup participatory actions」）程度的決定因素。不過，個人/團體對集體行動的參與意向跟媒體使用及社會人士的實際參與之間的關係在文獻中似乎從未提到。然而，這方面的研究在現今數碼時代十分重要。
關於網上新聞的影響，主要的文獻論述有二：工具性論述指出網上資訊澎湃、隨手可得，且成本極低，網上新聞的使用對社會人士參與政治有直接影響（本論文將驗證此觀點，是為假設一）；心理學論述指出網上新聞對人們的影響視乎個人既有的心理素質。本文主張個人參與集體行動及參與政治的意向在於人們是否能從這些行動中得到高度的「社會認定」及「政治功效意識」；而這兩方面又可隨著個人接觸的網上資訊增加而得以提昇，因為人們傾向選擇接收那些肯定他們既有看法及態度的資訊（即「選擇性暴露理論」），以及那些提昇他們對某社群歸屬感的資訊（即「使用與滿足理論」）。本文提出下列觀點，並加以驗證：網上新聞的普及提昇「個人功效意識」（假設二）、提昇「集體功效意識」（假設三）、提昇參與團體行動人士得到的「社會認定」（假設四），而個人/團體從社會認定中得到的滿足對他們實際參與團體行動有驅動作用（假設五）。
本文對在美國及香港具代表性的民意調查作出分析，分析結果跟上列的假設吻合。然後進行了一項實驗，其結果指出「個人功效意識」或可作為「政治功效意識」內一有效的獨立準則。本人在美國及香港進行民意調查（各地兩項；所涉及的調查相隔一年），並作迴歸分析，以驗證上述有關社會人士參與集體行動及政治意向的假設，研究重點包括人們的投票意向、示威意向、議題參與意向及公民參與意向。研究結果支持假設一（即工具性論述）及假設三（即有關「集體功效意識」的心理學論述）的有效性。假設二（有關「個人功效意識」）及假設四（有關「社會認定」）可作進一步驗證。研究中所有具統計學顯著意義的結果卻否定了假設五（有關「社會認定」對個人/團體帶來的滿足程度）的有效信度。
最後，研究局限、結果應用等亦會在文中細述。
Applying an interdisciplinary and integrative theoretical perspective and framework, this thesis is concerned with the role of Internet news on collective action and political participation, and the important moderating role of certain psychological antecedents on the relationship. The literature shows that identification with a group (social identity) and the feeling that one could make a substantive difference (political efficacy) are two important predictors of such actions (termed “intergroup participatory actions in this thesis). However, the processes that link the antecedents of participatory behaviors to media use and then to actual participation have been neglected. Such an examination is important in the digital age where the Internet provides citizens a media environment where access to information about politics and social causes is easy, cheap and abundant.
Two views of the impact of Internet are prevalent in the literature. The “instrumental“ view argues that Internet use has a direct effect on political participation and typically emphasizes the reduced costs and the relative “informational richness“ associated with Internet news use (Hypothesis 1). The “psychological“ view argues that the effects of the Internet depend to an extent on individual’s preexisting psychological dispositions. It is further hypothesized that two dimensions of political efficacy are important antecedents of participatory actions: ‘individual efficacy’ and ‘collective efficacy’.
The thesis argues that individuals’ willingness to participate in a collective action and participate in politics depends on high levels of social identity and political efficacy, which can be heightened by exposure to Internet news because individuals are likely to consume media content that reinforces their existing attitudes and opinions (as put forward by Selective Exposure Theory) and reinforces their psychological need to feel like a member of a social group (as put forward by Uses and Gratifications Theory). Conceptually, this means that individual efficacy (Hypothesis 2), collective efficacy (Hypothesis 3), and social identity (Hypothesis 4) will accentuate the effects of Internet news use on intergroup participatory actions. Moreover, social identity gratifications will accentuate the effects of social identity on intergroup participatory actions (Hypothesis 5).
Secondary data analyses of national data in the United States and Hong Kong provide initial support for the hypotheses. Moreover, an embedded quasi-experiment provides support for the validity of ‘individual efficacy’ as a unique dimension of political efficacy. Subsequent exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses also showed that both individual and collective efficacy to be unique dimensions of political efficacy, along with internal and external efficacy.
Regression analyses using two Hong Kong and two American samples collected a year apart test the hypotheses for a variety of participatory behaviors, including voting intention, protest intention, issue participation and civic participation. In general, the findings were supportive of the ‘instrumental’ view of Internet effects (H1) and the ‘psychological view’ with respect to collective efficacy (H3). There was less evidence for the effects of individual efficacy (H2) and social identity (H4). All significant interactions for social identity gratifications (H5) were in the opposite direction as hypothesized.
Implications of these findings are discussed and suggestions for further research are specified.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Chan, Che Ming.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 232-247).
Abstract also in Chinese.
Acknowledgements --- p.iv
Contents --- p.v
List of Tables --- p.vii
List of Figures --- p.ix
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1
Overview of the Thesis Structure --- p.6
Contributions to the Literature --- p.9
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Antecedents of Collective Action and Political Participation --- p.11
Collective Action and Political Participation as Forms of Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.12
Perceived Injustice --- p.15
Efficacy --- p.19
Identification --- p.27
Summary and Way Forward --- p.34
Chapter Chapter 3 --- The Role of the Internet in Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.37
The Mobilizing Potential of the Internet --- p.37
The Role of Internet News in Political Participation --- p.39
The Role of Internet News in Protests and Demonstrations --- p.43
The Internet and Participatory Actions in the Hong Kong Context --- p.45
Summary and Hypothesis --- p.46
Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Contingent Effects of Efficacy and Social Identity --- p.48
Efficacy, Selective Exposure, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.50
Social Identity, Selective Exposure, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.56
Social Identity, Uses and Gratifications, and Participatory Behaviors --- p.61
Summary of Hypotheses --- p.65
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Secondary Data Analyses of National Survey Data --- p.68
Theoretical Approach to Analyses --- p.68
American National Election Studies Survey (2004-2008) --- p.70
The National Annenberg Election Survey (2008) --- p.97
The PEW 2009 Values Survey --- p.110
Hong Kong Survey 2009 --- p.114
Summary and Way Forward --- p.118
Chapter Chapter 6 --- Measurement and Validation of Political Efficacy Dimensions --- p.124
Question Item Selection and Analytic Strategy --- p.125
Sampling and Operationalization --- p.129
Results --- p.131
Summary and recommendations --- p.153
Chapter Chapter 7 --- Predicting Intergroup Participatory Actions Among Young Adults --- p.156
Young Adults, the Internet, and Participation --- p.157
Sampling --- p.166
Operationalization --- p.166
Results --- p.174
Discussion --- p.187
Chapter Chapter 8 --- Discussion and Future Research --- p.200
Interdisciplinary Perspective of Intergroup Participatory Actions --- p.201
Complementary Explanations of Internet News Effects --- p.205
Expansion and Validation of Political Efficacy Dimensions --- p.212
Extension of Uses and Gratifications Theory --- p.213
Contributions to the Hong Kong Literature --- p.214
Appendices --- p.215
Chapter Appendix A --- Social Identity Studies in Hong Kong --- p.216
Chapter Appendix B --- Mass Media and Collective Action in the Hong Kong Context --- p.219
Chapter Appendix C --- Theoretical Basis for Group-Based Perspective of Uses and Gratifications --- p.222
Chapter Appendix D --- Questions Items in 2010 Surveys --- p.226
Chapter Appendix E --- Questions Items in 2011 Surveys --- p.229
References --- p.232

這項研究探討信息科技在中國的技術政治。研究試圖書寫電子計算機作為一種新的電子信息科技在中國早期設置過程的技術政治社會史，並在理論層面上尝试构建一個拓展了的「技術、社會、與勞動」的進路。源於冷戰的地緣政治結構，不像韓國、台灣、或香港等其他亞洲國家和地區 ，在1980年代改革開放以前，中國大陸的計算機工業已經經歷了近30年（1955-1984）連續且激進的獨立發展。特別需要指出的是，中國社會主義時代的計算機發展不僅僅是爲了滿足冷戰中的國防需要和技術民族主義意識形態下社會動員的需要，同時高度嵌入了有關階級政治和技術哲學的社會主義「社會實驗」當中。而隨著文革群眾運動的終結和中國的「改革開放」，鄧小平為首的國家決策層爲了回應來自外部的壓力和來自社會主義內部的危機，用實用主義的技術發展觀取代了社會主義的技術民主實踐。1984年，隨著阿尔文.托夫勒（Alvin Toffler）的《第三次浪潮》（The Third Wave）風靡中國大陸，革命中國的計算機工業和技術政策逐步被隨新自由主義全球化而來的「信息社會」和「矽谷模式」所取代。
作為一個技術和文化的雙重物件，電子計算機及其衍生科技（臺式計算機、筆記本電腦、智慧手機、平板電腦等）是理解當代資本主義生產、消費、與勞動關係的指標性科技。然而在社會主義中國的革命現代化進程中，它卻曾經一度拐入了一條另類的發展路徑。中國的信息化（informationalization）或曰計算機化（computerization）過程中的技術路線鬥爭和轉型是如何發生的，這一進程與中國「從毛到鄧」的獨特現代化道路之間是怎樣的關係？時至今日，批判的傳播研究對這段歷史依然所知甚少。本文試圖重訪這個歷史轉折，探查計算機在中國的早期技術政治史。通過追蹤關鍵的歷史事件、人物、思潮、和政策，論文試圖探尋冷戰架構下東西方技術政治之間的交鋒，如何在被計算機仲介的生產與勞動關係中顯影。從這個「閃回」中得到的知識，有助我們將對今日中國信息產業和信息勞動的理解，重新納入中國革命現代性的潮起潮落之中。
This paper traces the political and social history for the installation process of digital technology in China, in order to shed light on the ways in which computer interacted with the transformation of Chinese socialism. Due to geopolitical structure of the Cold War, unlike other East Asian countries, before 1980s China had developed its independent computer industry for more than 30 years. This development was not just under the rubric of techno-nationalism, which mainly helps to fulfill military and national defense aims, but also embedded into proletariat political debates. Maoist China developed a dialectical approach to technology, in which the most powerful productive power is the revolutionary proletariat class per se, not the machine or technology. So the process of socialist technology development, like the process of socialist culture and arts development is also a dialectical process, which must follow mass line to not just develop productive force, but also transform production relations and create socialist subjectivity. Instead, the post-Mao leadership under Deng Xiaoping responded to external Cold War pressures and the profound internal crises of state socialism by a massive market-oriented "reform and open-up" process. It is during the same period that the self-reliant computer industry system was replaced step-by-step by a western-oriented system, signified by the popularity of Alvin Toffler’s The Third Wave. In this context, computer became a machine for labor control and scientific management, no longer a machine for people’s emancipation.
With a focus on technology politics of computer in China during 1955-1984, this study examines how the concept of computer was introduced into the country and conceived by key players at the time, how such discourses led to the production and consumption of computer by different actors, and how this process triggered the transformation of hegemony and practice related to computer-mediated labor relationship, and finally how such a historical formation was conditioned by the post-cold war structure in East Asia, as well as struggles between Maoist socialist legacy and transborder neo-liberalism ethic. This dissertation revisits this transformation, traces its Key Figures and several historical moments, which shows debates and struggles on computer as the articulation of technology and class politics. Reflections from this flashback will rehistorize China’s working-class formation in its electronic industry nowadays into the ebbs and flows of China’s revolutionary modernity.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
王洪喆.
Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-360).
Abstracts also in English.
Wang Hongzhe.

Ma Lai Yee.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-109).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Acknowledgements --- p.i
Abstract (English version) --- p.ii
Abstract (Chinese version) --- p.iii
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction
Political use of the Internet: Utopian or distopian? --- p.1
Virtual communities and social movements --- p.4
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political and Technological Landscape in Hong Kong
Chapter I) --- Political Background
The Handover of Hong Kong to China in1997 --- p.7
The Tradition of Pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong --- p.8
The 1 July Rally in2003 --- p.9
Chapter II) --- Technological Background
Internet Penetration in Hong Kong --- p.11
Chapter Chapter 3 --- Review of Literature
Chapter I) --- "Internet, Uses and Gratifications and political effects"
The Uses and Gratifications Approach: Theoretical assumptions --- p.14
Uses and Gratifications and the Internet --- p.15
Gratifications and Political media use --- p.17
"Internet usage, Gratifications and Political effects" --- p.19
Chapter II) --- "Social movement, collective identity and the Internet"
Social Movements in contemporary social context --- p.23
Collective Identity in Social Movements --- p.26
Identity Formation in Computer-mediated Communication --- p.28
The Internet as a Social Movement Medium --- p.30
Chapter Chapter 4 --- Cyberactivism in Hong Kong
1 July Protest and Cyber Activism in Hong Kong --- p.36
The Case: Yumkung.com --- p.38
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Methodology
Research Design and Sampling --- p.44
Survey Sample Profile --- p.45
Content Analysis --- p.46
Textual Analysis --- p.47
Measurements of variables --- p.48
Analytical Procedures --- p.50
Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and Interpretations
Gratifications of Yumkung.com from Survey --- p.52
Gratifications of Yumkung. com from Content Analysis --- p.54
Collective Identity from textual Analysis --- p.60
Correlational Analysis of Collective Identity --- p.71
Predictors of Collective Identity --- p.74
Correlational Analysis of past political participations --- p.77
Predictors of past political participations --- p.80
Correlational Analysis of intentions for future political participations --- p.82
Predictors of intentions for political participations --- p.85
Chapter Chapter 7 --- Discussions and Conclusions
Uses and Gratifications and its Theoretical Contribution --- p.88
Collective Identity Formation in Yumkung.com --- p.92
Political Participations among Participants in Yumkung.com --- p.94
Theoretical and Practical Implications --- p.99
Chapter Chapter 8 --- Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research --- p.102
References --- p.105
Appendix 1 Questionnaire --- p.110
Appendix 2 Coding Guide of Content Analysis --- p.115
"Appendix 3 Invitation letter to Mr. Paul Lin, Yumkung.com's Webmaster" --- p.117

Tang, Li.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-137).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.9
Chapter 2.1 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.9
Chapter 2.1.1 --- Public Sphere: Liberal Model --- p.9
Chapter 2.1.2 --- Criticism on Unitary Public Sphere --- p.11
Chapter 2.1.3 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.12
Chapter 2.1.4 --- Criteria for Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.14
Chapter 2.1.5 --- External Parties --- p.16
Chapter 2.1.6 --- Public Sphere in the Cyberspace --- p.17
Chapter 2.2 --- Public Sphere in Contemporary China --- p.19
Chapter 2.2.1 --- Application of the Concept of Public Sphere in China --- p.19
Chapter 2.2.2 --- Dominant Public Sphere in China --- p.21
Chapter 2.2.3 --- Subaltern Groups in China --- p.23
Chapter 2.2.4 --- Subaltern Public Spheres in Chinese Cyberspace --- p.25
Chapter 2.2.5 --- HBV Carriers Group and the Forum --- p.28
Chapter 3 --- Research Design --- p.32
Chapter 3.1 --- Overall Conceptual Framework --- p.32
Chapter 3.2 --- Research Questions --- p.33
Chapter 3.3 --- Research Methods --- p.36
Chapter 3.3.1 --- Textual Analysis --- p.36
Chapter 3.3.2 --- Interviews --- p.39
Chapter 4 --- Brief Overview of the Forum --- p.43
Chapter 4.1 --- Overall Development --- p.43
Chapter 4.2 --- Structure --- p.46
Chapter 4.3 --- Users --- p.50
Chapter 5 --- Empowerment on the Discursive Level --- p.53
Chapter 5.1 --- Characteristics of the Forum --- p.53
Chapter 5.1.1 --- Alternative Topic --- p.53
Chapter 5.1.2 --- Alternative Information of HBV --- p.54
Chapter 5.1.3 --- Discourse of Self-Narrative --- p.59
Chapter 5.1.4 --- Forum Accessibility --- p.61
Chapter 5.1.5 --- Relative Equality --- p.62
Chapter 5.2 --- Rhetoric of Innocence --- p.64
Chapter 5.2.1 --- Attribution of the Spread of HBV --- p.65
Chapter 5.2.2 --- Attribution of Discrimination --- p.68
Chapter 5.3 --- Summary --- p.70
Chapter 6 --- Empowerment and Collective Action --- p.73
Chapter 6.1 --- The State --- p.73
Chapter 6.1.1 --- State's Impact on HBV Carriers --- p.75
Chapter 6.1.2 --- Resistance Enabled by the Internet --- p.76
Chapter 6.1.3 --- Challenges from the State --- p.84
Chapter 6.1.4 --- Compromise with the State --- p.86
Chapter 6.2 --- The Market --- p.88
Chapter 6.2.1 --- Market Domination --- p.89
Chapter 6.2.2 --- Resistance against the Market --- p.91
Chapter 6.2.3 --- Challenges from the market --- p.99
Chapter 6.3 --- The Mass Media --- p.101
Chapter 6.3.1 --- Mass Media's Domination --- p.102
Chapter 6.3.2 --- Forum's Efforts to Get Favourably Represented --- p.106
Chapter 6.3.3 --- Mass Media's Influence over the Forum --- p.111
Chapter 6.4 --- Summary --- p.113
Chapter 7 --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.116
Chapter 7.1 --- Assessing Empowerment Capacity --- p.116
Chapter 7.1.1 --- Formation of a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.116
Chapter 7.1.2 --- Discursive Empowerment --- p.117
Chapter 7.1.3 --- Transformed Relationships with External Parties --- p.118
Chapter 7.2 --- Internet and Empowerment --- p.123
Chapter 7.3 --- Limitations of the study --- p.127
Bibliography --- p.130

While 'book hunger' in Third World societies was regarded by a 'first generation' of theorists, working in the modernization/diffusion of innovation paradigm, as a cause of underdevelopment (and thus requiring the correction of problems relating to the undersupply of books to Third World countries by means of book aid policies, transfer of expertise and technology, and development of modern (western) publishing and distribution procedures and infrastructures), a 'second generation' of theorists working in the dependency/disassociation paradigm responded by insisting that 'book hunger' was an effect of the underdevelopment of peripheral economies, and a symptom of the debilitating cultural effects of the global economic order, with its skewed international distribution of knowledge, resources and capital. In recent approaches to the topic of 'book hunger' (which are wary of the sweeping dichotomies of dependency theory), 'book hunger' serves to describe a chronic shortage of books which results from complex structural inequities and antagonisms, from the distorting effects of global rationalization, as well as from local economic arrangements and policy mechanisms which do not adequately meet the knowledge and information needs of competing local cultural formations. 'Book hunger' is seen to derive from a range of causes, and to produce a range of effects, which correspond to the varying needs, resources, and conditions operative in - and the cultural media and knowledge infrastructures available within specific societies. Obviously, 'book hunger' is rooted to a considerable degree in the specific historical configurations and socioeconomic circumstances of specific countries. An understanding of complex, globally-interlinked socio-cultural, political and economic structures and practices is thus crucial to understanding 'book hunger' in South Africa. A survey of global and local environments within which scholarly books are produced and circulated - including South African distribution systems and knowledge dissemination networks - makes it possible to sketch an approach to South Africa's own 'book hunger:' which is sensitive to the complexity and the specificity of conditions in the local booktrade, and which is able to contribute to the complex debates on local knowledge infrastructures, strategies for book development and new forms of distribution which are now beginning to take place in South Africa.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, 1994.

Global research shows that media owners tend to influence the editorial direction of their newspapers. Such influence generally tends to be in line with the media owner’s economic and / or political interests. Naturally, this is a challenge because media is regarded as the fourth estate and is supposed to be an objective yet effective channel for the citizenry to make informed decisions about their world. The study seeks to find out if the owners of four daily newspapers in South Africa, based on their political proximity; may have influenced their newspapers to be biased in favour or against any of the three biggest political parties contesting the 2016 Local Government Elections. This study is an exploratory and descriptive content analysis based on an Agenda Setting theoretic framework – supported by framing analysis and game framing. Findings reveal the correlation between the media owner’s interests and the biased reporting within their respective newspaper. This suggests that although media may not be directly or explicitly forced to adopt a specific ideology, it can be argued that political relations with media owners can influence editorial decisions. Therefore, it can be inferred that media owners of The New Age, The Citizen and The Star influenced editorial content of their newspapers during the 2016 local government elections. Given the findings of this study and the elections scheduled for 2019 in South Africa, it is important for more political communication studies to be conducted in order to establish guidelines for unbiased news reporting across all media – including newspapers. Alternatively, to compel media owners to declare their bias towards and against specific political parties in each news content, upfront. Particularly important during election period, is the need for each media (including newspapers) to have an independent editor – potentially one from the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to ensure that each piece of content produced is validated as bias or impartial.
Communication Science
M.A. (Communication Science)

This study examines the mediation of multilingualism, localism and the nation in the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, henceforth, ZBC as the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies subsumed in the Broadcasting Services Act (2001) and the Broadcasting Services Amendment Act (2007) respectively translated into radio and television programming. This purpose is pursued by analysing the language choices and practices on the ZBC radio and television stations and programming. This study is informed by an eclectic approach within the critical theory tradition and therefore it disapproves the domination, marginalisation and exclusion of the indigenous African languages in the ZBC as a public sphere. Against this backdrop, the study envisages the promotion of linguistic diversity and indigenous African languages in the ZBC broadcasting. Data for this study was gathered from the ZBC employees, academics and the ZBC audience using questionnaires, interviews, and focus group discussions. As the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies translated into ZBC programming, this study detected a hierarchical organisation of the languages spoken in Zimbabwe on the radio and television stations where English is the most dominant language, while Shona and Ndebele dominate the minority languages, Shona dominates Ndebele and the supremacy of the Zezuru dialect in the Shona language is easily felt. This is a confirmation of the fragility of Zimbabwean linguistic nationalism in the ZBC which is convoluted by the ideological and political nature of the media, electronic colonisation, the political economy of broadcasting, the transformation of the ZBC public sphere by the market and state interests, the influence of the global media firms, and the relentless hegemony of the western countries in the world system. This study established that broadcasting in indigenous African languages is obligatory if the informative, communicative and symbolic functions of the public service broadcasting are to be achieved. However, this study contends that it is remarkably insufficient for linguists to minimally identify, lament and deplore the marginalisation and exclusion of the indigenous African languages in the ZBC without taking into account the economic, political and technological factors which contribute to the marginalisation and exclusion of these languages in the ZBC broadcasting in the context of the local content and multilingual broadcasting policies. Therefore, this study implores scholars in the discipline of language studies to ameliorate their sophistication by espousing a multidisciplinary approach to the study of language if they are to make meaningful arguments which can influence meaningful language policy outcomes instead of parroting.
African Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The author employs Hoffman and Ford’s method for analyzing organizational rhetoric to examine the discourse of Google, Inc. Employing a hybrid method, built on rhetorical criticism which incorporates elements of organizational communication theory, the analysis examines identity rhetoric present in Google’s discourse regarding its operations in China. Using this approach, the author leverages the method to critically examine hegemonic aspects of the discourse in order to examine how Google constructs its Western consumer based audience regarding online privacy and free speech.

German text
Diese Forschungsarbeit versucht aufzuzeigen, inwiefern der Glaube an die Trinität als Gemeinschaft von Vater, Sohn und Heiligem Geist zu einem erfüllenden zwischenmenschlichen Zusammenleben in sozialen Online-Netzwerken beitragen kann. Im Gespräch mit den drei Theologen Jürgen Moltmann, Leonardo Boff und Gisbert Greshake wird das Konzept der Sozialen Trinität mit seinen Implikationen für das zwischenmenschliche Zusammenleben erarbeitet. In einem zweiten Teil werden die neuen Möglichkeiten von sozialen Online- Netzwerken und die deutlichsten damit verbundenen Mängel für das zwischenmenschliche Zusammenleben am Beispiel von Facebook dargestellt. Schlussendlich wird danach gefragt, inwiefern die Erkenntnisse aus der theologischen Diskussion für den spezifischen Kontext sozialer Online-Netzwerke fruchtbar gemacht werden können. Es werden drei unterschiedliche Aspekte herausgearbeitet, in denen der Glaubende durch das Eingebundensein in die göttliche Gemeinschaft eine neue Sicht auf seinen sozialen Kontext erhalten und eine hilfreiche Ressource finden kann, um den Unzulänglichkeiten des zwischenmenschlichen Zusammenlebens in sozialen Online-Netzwerken entgegenzuwirken.
This thesis wishes to demonstrate in how far faith in the Trinity as community of Father, Son and Holy Spirit can contribute to a fulfilling human communal life on social networking sites. In conversation with the three theologians Jürgen Moltmann, Leonardo Boff and Gisbert Greshake, a concept of the Social Trinity and its implications on human communal life is being elaborated. In a second part, the new possibilities and the gravest shortcomings of human interactions on Facebook are depicted. Finally, it is asked, in how far the findings of the theological discussion can be fructified in the specific context of social networking sites. In three different aspects it will be elaborated, in which the believer can find, through his or her incorporation into the godly community, a new perspective for his social context and a helpful resource to counter the shortcomings of human communal life on social networking sites.
Philosophy & Systematic Theology
M. Th. (Systematic Theology)