Tesis sobre el tema "Elections, 2022"
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Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai. "Conflict management in Kenyan electoral conflict: 2002-2012". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12286.
Texto completoFrolova, Ksenia. "Presidential elections - Russia 2012". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-161879.
Texto completoFuller, Jan. "Využití nástrojů politického marketingu v předvolební kampani ODS ve volbách do krajského zastupitelstva Jihomoravského kraje 2012". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142250.
Texto completoAlmeida, Camilo Ximenes. "A participação de sociedades timorense nas eleições presidenciais:um estudo comparativo das eleições presidenciais de 2002, 2012 e 2012". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/5879.
Texto completoO presente trabalho insere-se na área de Ciências Sociais e Políticas. Nesta área disciplinar abordamos o tema “Participação da Sociedade Timorense Nas Eleições Presidenciais”. É um estudo comparativo sobre as eleições presidenciais que ocorreram em Timor-Leste, entre 2002 e 2012. A investigação teve como objetivo analisar o nível e o tipo de empenho da participação da sociedade timorense enquanto povo e nação nessas ditas eleições, segundo o conceito de Estado soberano defendido por John Locke. Este trabalho tem assim como objetivo geral principal, por um lado, melhorar a compreensão relativamente à responsabilidade dos cidadãos timorenses na política de consolidação do estado democrático; e, por outro lado, uma tentativa de dar conhecer a realidade política e cívica que norteia a sociedade timorense, nesta primeira década do século XXI, já num quadro de uma nação totalmente livre e soberana. De uma forma mais concreta, os objetivos específicos deste estudo são os seguintes: 1) fazer um estudo comparativo da participação da sociedade timorense nas eleições presidenciais de 2002 a 2012; 2) identificar os principais problemas que a sociedade timorense enfrenta na transição e consolidação democrática em curso em Timor Leste. Palavras-chave: Participação Política, Sociedade civil, Democracia, Partidos Políticos, Eleições Presidenciais.
This work inserts in the area of Social and Political Sciences. In this scientific area we approach the subject on "The Participation of Timorese Society in the Presidential Elections." It is a comparative study on the Presidential Elections that had occurred in Timor-Leste from 2002 to 2012. The research aimed to establish the participation’s levels and types of Timorese society in that election, as a people and as a nation, according to the concept of sovereign state defended by John Locke. This work has as main goal, firstly, to improve our understanding towards the responsibility of Timorese citizens in the political consolidation of the democratic state, and on the other hand, an attempt to meet civic and political reality that guides the Timorese society. The specific objectives of this study are: (1) to make a comparative study on the participation of the Timorese society in the presidential elections from 2002 to 2012; (2) to identify the main problems that Timorese society faces in implementing democratic consolidation that took place in Timor-Leste.
Caicedo, Andrea. "The 2012 Presidential Election Gender Gap". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/578550.
Texto completoBeaulieu, Emily Ann. "Protesting the contest election boycotts around the world, 1990-2002 /". Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3212022.
Texto completoTitle from first page of PDF file (viewed July 11, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 217-226).
Favila, Alcalá Mariana. "New Insults on Facebook during the 2012 Mexican Presidential Elections". Thesis, Universidad de las Américas Puebla, 2013. http://catarina.udlap.mx/u_dl_a/tales/documentos/lio/favila_a_m/.
Texto completoKhamidova, Aziza. "Mexico after general elections 2012: Successful reforms or wishful thinking?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198207.
Texto completoNikolic, Louise. "Registration of foreign residents for municipal elections :A mixed-methods study of the 2012 municipal elections in Belgium". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/259551.
Texto completoDoctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Merge, Steven. "Cable News Coverage of the 2012 Presidential Election". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13449.
Texto completoTzeng, Wei Feng. "Elections and Authoritarian Rule: Causes and Consequences of Adoption of Grassroots Elections in China". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011791/.
Texto completoLambe, Paul James. "Political dealignment in Britain : the local evidence 1959-1979". Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2052.
Texto completoVernet, Laurène. "L'Europe à l'aune des élections présidentielles françaises, 1965-2012". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL187.
Texto completoFrench citizen since the 1960s have seemed to be generally in favour of the idea of a European community, and later, the European Union. However, French politicians who have run for presidential elections did not feel the need to include Europe as an electoral topic in their campaigns. If in the 1990s, Europe did become a programmatic data, it was still not considered as a topic that could create political cleavages. This thesis studies the place of Europe as an electoral issue and as a programmatic data inside the political debates. Through the analysis of the electoral programmes, the campaign speeches, and the debates, this essay demonstrates that Europe was a delicate topic and a political space of confrontation that candidates have invested very little. Europe disturbed the candidates as well as the citizen because its political treatment presupposed a strict definition of France’s role in Europe and the purpose of Europe itself. At the crossroads of the notions of sovereignty, independence, grandeur and identity, this thesis analyzes the place of Europe in the national presidential elections. Our immersion in the heart of the issues of national interests reveals a process of desideologisation of the European theme. It also shows, in regard to the electoral ecology, that there was, during the following European referendums and presidential elections, a potential populist tendency which the political treatment of the European issue was maybe not the only culprit. Which of soverainist France or europeanist France expressed itself in the French presidential elections from the Ve republic, for which Europe?
Mosier, Joshua. "E-mails, propaganda, and the 2012 presidential election: a content analysis". Kansas State University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/15633.
Texto completoDepartment of Journalism & Mass Communications
Sam Mwangi
This study examines what function presidential candidate e-mail messages serve. Are messages being sent out most frequently as an acclaim, a defense, or an attack? Are these messages attempting to reach the undecided voter or mobilize the already-committed? Furthermore, are these messages getting into policy discussion? Taking into consideration the commonalities between presidential rhetoric and propaganda theory, a content analysis was conducted on 280 official campaign emails from the 2012 Romney and Obama Campaigns covering the span of September 16, 2012 to November 6, 2012. Specifically, this study investigates the prevalence of “acclaim” messages versus “attack” messages, compares messages dealing with character to those dealing with policy, codes messages as being either informational content, involvement and engagement, or mobilization, and analyzes the differences of messages sent by presidential candidates in 2012. In all, 82.6% of candidate e-mails were coded as an “acclaim” message, and the majority of candidate messages (59.1%) fell under “involvement and engagement”, meaning they requested an initial commitment be made by the recipient. Fifteen percent of messages were coded as being related to character, while policy messages made up 20% of all messages. Romney held an edge in overall number of “attack” messages sent out at 25%, compared to just 6.4% sent out by Obama. Results seem to suggest that persuasion of the undecided voter was not the purpose of presidential e-mail messages in the 2012 election.
Musumeci, Maria D. "COVID-19 Threat Perceptions and Voting in the 2020 Presidential Election". University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1628025640916147.
Texto completoFernandes, Monize Arquer 1988. "Voto, partidos e contexto : uma análise da volatilidade eleitoral nos municípios brasileiros entre 2000 e 2012". [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279724.
Texto completoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T16:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernandes_MonizeArquer_M.pdf: 2086168 bytes, checksum: 26b3585953586bf012c68634f8b238c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que o contexto local - seja ele sociodemográfico ou institucional - importa na decisão do voto. Assim, buscamos contribuir para a literatura sobre comportamento eleitoral e sobre sistema partidário. A partir de uma amostra representativa de todos os municípios brasileiros, analisamos a volatilidade eleitoral partidária e ideológica para o cargo de vereador nas eleições de 2000 a 2012. Dessa forma, colaboramos com estudos que dizem respeito tanto à organização e ao funcionamento do sistema partidário em nível local, como também àqueles que buscam compreender o que determina a decisão do eleitor, apresentando quais características contextuais são capazes de explicar sua alternância entre os diversos partidos. Os resultados comprovam a relevância das características contextuais para explicar a variação do voto
Abstract: The central aim of this research is to demonstrate that the context matters for the electoral choice. Using a sample of the Brazilian cities, we analyzed the electoral volatility of each political party and of the ideological groups of parties for city councilors in four municipal elections ¿ 2000, 2004, 2008 and 2012. Our intention is to identify which variables (sociodemographic or institutional) explain vote change between two consecutive elections. In this way, we contribute to the literature about electoral behavior and about party systems. The results show that context is important to understand the dimensions of the electoral decision
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestra em Ciência Política
Lewandowski, Andrew David. "Obama(TM)| Political branding and participation in the 2012 U.S. presidential election". Thesis, Georgetown University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1536653.
Texto completoThis study examines the relationship between political branding and political participation in the 2012 U.S. presidential election and argues for a consumer-oriented polity to reinvigorate what it means to participate in elections and democracy in the United States in the 21st century. Political branding is positioned at the nexus of political marketing, political consumerism, and political participation. A theoretical framework was developed employing political branding to research its effects on the election. A national survey of 1,398 American adults was conducted to measure political brand recognition, modes of participation, and attitudes toward candidates Barack Obama and Mitt Romney. Findings show young people ages 18-34 participated at higher rates across new and social media modes than people age 35 and older. There is a statistically significant relationship of moderate strength between political brand recognition and political participation, suggesting that strong political branding may encourage participation. Findings also show the Obama brand was stronger than the Romney brand, exhibiting greater social, cultural, and emotional connotations reflected in material and immaterial brand markers and built through time that manifest as political brand equity. The study concludes political branding is a democratizing principle, making the political process more accessible and relevant to average citizens, especially young people.
Dufief, Elise. "The politics of election monitoring : the case of Ethiopia and the European Union". Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0103.
Texto completoMy dissertation examines the construction of power relations in the international system, through the lens of international election monitoring and its politics. Focusing on the relationship between the European Union and Ethiopia, I argue that election monitoring reflects a complex hierarchy of power and serves contradicting purposes. In the hands of the monitors, it is an instrument of discipline, intended to monitor domestic behavior and enforce a standard of performance. The recipient of monitors, while accepting the general rule, finds interstices to manoeuvre within, playing with and against interests and agendas of external actors. Ultimately, the politics of election observing functions as an arena of struggle where power strategies are at stake. Power relations are eventually reversed when international actors are weakened, giving more space for the recipient country to pursue its own electoral strategies
Gordon, Josef. "Comparative Geospatial Analysis of Twitter Sentiment Data during the 2008 and 2012 U.S. Presidential Elections". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13424.
Texto completoHlavacova, Zuzana. "The Electoral Geography of the Slovak Republic: A Comparison of the 1994, 1998, and 2002 Parliamentary Elections". FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/106.
Texto completoKangira, Jairos. "A study of the rhetoric of the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18250.
Texto completoThis study focuses on rhetorical discourse of the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe. The thesis analyses the rhetoric used by the two major contenders of this controversial election - the incumbent president Robert Gabriel Mugabe, candidate of Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and the challenger Morgan Tsvangirai, candidate of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The study first traces the origin of rhetoric, the art of persuasive communication, to ancient Greek and Roman traditions. Following Hanson (1997), the study treats Kenneth Burke's and Chaim Perelman's different rhetorical theories as complementary. The argument is that, although the two contemporary scholars offer different views on the nature and process of rhetoric, these views are two sides of the same coin as the ultimate goal is to convince people, to create a communion between the rhetor and the audience. The study shows that both parties used negative advertisements in the election campaign. This persuasive attack produced negative images of both candidates. The rhetoric induced political cynicism of the candidates in the minds of the voters. Mugabe used collective memory and nostalgia in four funeral speeches in order to persuade the voters to vote for him. As the chief interpreter of past events, he chose those events that presented him as the vanguard of the values of the liberation struggle. His rhetoric called on the voters to guard against forces of imperialism by voting him back to the presidency. Consistently, Mugabe centred his campaign rhetoric on the achievements of his government over 22 years since independence in 1980 and attacked his opponent as a sell-out, a puppet of Britain and the whites in the country. Mugabe's land rhetoric was popular with people in the rural and peri-urban areas whose lives depended on land. Tsvangirai's rhetoric focused on the need for a change of government. He attacked Mugabe and his government for mismanaging the affairs of the country, resulting in the economic and political meltdown in the country. Tsvangirai offered practical ways of delivering the country from its economic and political quagmire and end the suffering of the people. This study argues that Tsvangirai's rhetoric of change was so persuasive to voters that had the electoral process been free and fair, he could have easily won this election.
Shaughnessy, Brittany Rose. "Masking the Second Amendment: Issue agenda building during the 2020 American presidential election". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/103776.
Texto completoMaster of Arts
This study examined tweets from 2020 presidential candidates Donald J. Trump and Joseph R. Biden, as well as the National Rifle Association, a gun rights advocacy organization, and Everytown for Gun Safety, a gun control advocacy organization. These tweets were examined from September 7 to November 3, 2020, from Labor Day until Election Day. For the presidential candidates, it was found that although candidates were talking the same general campaign issues, they were using different substantive attributes when speaking of them. The findings also revealed that Biden was successful at influencing Trump's Twitter focus during the examined time period. Tweets from advocacy organizations were tested for presence of gun-related issues. The advocacy organizations spoke about the same issues as the other, but neither group was successful at influencing what the other said. This study highlights the importance of digital political public relations.
Mahayni, Basil Riad. "Evo Morales and the indigenous peoples in Bolivia an analysis of the 2002 and 2005 presidential elections /". [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2007.
Buscar texto completoMin, Byung-O. "Electoral change and voting behaviour of independent voters in South Korea, 1992-2002 : are independent voters rational in voting choice?" Thesis, Online version, 2004. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/26005.
Texto completoTeixeira, Augusto César Santiago. "A Assembleia de Deus e a política aracajuana: análise da eleição de 2012". Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, 2014. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/6286.
Texto completoO presente texto analisa as estratégias eleitorais utilizadas por candidatos ligados à Igreja Assembleia de Deus, à Câmara Municipal de Aracaju, no pleito de 2012. Esforço interpretativo que procurou compreender como os evangélicos desta denominação religiosa estruturaram suas campanhas eleitorais. Assim, analisa a relação entre pastores evangélicos e o voto, enquanto cabos eleitorais. Foca a atenção sobre os membros que são escolhidos para a candidatura a vereador; as estratégias e o voto dentro da Igreja; as estratégias e o trabalho do voto fora da Igreja. A escolha da Igreja Assembleia de Deus deve-se ao fato dessa ter uma incursão mais longa no campo político em Aracaju, datando da década de 1980. E, entre as conclusões destaca-se a candidatura evangélica como uma realidade em Aracaju, apesar destes mesclarem um conjunto de estratégias religiosas com velhas práticas eleitorais, a exemplo do assistencialismo. Nota-se também a importância do candidato ser pastor e utilizarem as mídias sociais (rádio, televisão e internet) na conquista de votos, ou ainda, a realização de reuniões e visitas domiciliares para a aproximação com o eleitorado. É nesse ambiente que a mulher assume um papel importante na conquista de eleitores.
Komorová, Michaela. "Uplatňovanie politického marketingu počas parlamentných volieb na Slovensku". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142262.
Texto completoBuratti, Brenda. "Analysis of the Social Media of the Obama and Romney Campaigns in the 2012 Election". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18329.
Texto completo2015-09-29
Grove, DeeAnn. "An issue of "special opportunity": the politicalization of education in presidential election campaigns, 1968-2012". Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6585.
Texto completoLuca, Davide. "Essays on the political economy of development : elections, public investment and regional economic growth in post-2002 Turkey". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3237/.
Texto completoAshenafi, Abate. "The Framing of the 2005 Ethiopian National Election by Privately Owned Print Media Outlets in Ethiopia". Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-20223.
Texto completoDyachenko, Nina. "Russia’s ‘Sovereign Democracy’ : A Case Study of the Public Protests in Connection with Parliamentary and Presidential Elections 2011-2012". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-233896.
Texto completoAmbrózyová, Miroslava. "Nové parlamentné politické strany na Slovensku po voľbách v roku 2010 a 2012". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-125143.
Texto completoHeintze, Roland. "Die Rolle des Internets bei der Wahlkampagnenführung der Parteien in den Bundestagswahlkämpfen 2002 und 2005". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16800.
Texto completoThis paper focuses on the latest element in electronic election campaign communication: the Internet. In the USA, e-campaigning first played a major role during presidential elections in the year 2000. By 2002 it had already begun to gain ground at Germany’s federal elections. In order to examine this aspect of political communication systematically, a dedicated approach known as baseline measurement was developed on the basis of the US American example. It was then applied to the Internet election campaign activities of the parties represented in Germany’s parliament during the 2002 federal election campaign, and then supplemented to include the 2005 campaign. If we compare the results of the study with the objectives which the parties said they were pursuing in their online campaigns, we see that those online campaigns did not fulfil the aspirations articulated publicly by campaign managers. For example, the opportunity to address swing voters, who are crucial to election victory, was inadequately utilised. Analysis reveals that the online instruments familiar to observers of US American campaigns were often simply copied and then not applied consistently enough or with sufficient attention to aims. The Internet campaigns run by German parties also indicated that when adopting US American Internet formats, they ignored the social differences between the two countries that affect things like people’s willingness to support political campaigns. The Internet was not recognisable as an independent campaign instrument used in the dimensions of Portrayal, Activation or Control. This paper shows that the Internet still harbours considerable strategic potential for specifically German election campaign management – potential which was not utilised in 2002 or 2005.
Khan, Javed. "The effects of technology, demographic and economic factors on voter error : an analysis of the 2002 and 2006 Florida gubernatorial elections". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1098.
Texto completoBachelors
Sciences
Political Science
Conceição, Bruno da Silva. "Competição eleitoral no Brasil : análise da influência da fórmula eleitoral nas disputas majoritárias municipais (2008-2012)". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/103881.
Texto completoWe investigated the effect of the electoral formula in the Brazilian city, more precisely, in the elections for the office of Mayor in 2008 and 2012. We use the concept of electoral competition that corresponds to the number of effective candidates competing in each election. To measure this, we use the number of effective candidates (NCE), an index that establishes the actual number of applications that have weight in an electoral contest. Our guiding question is whether there would be differentiation on competition policy in cities with a single round using the formula Plurality (simple majority), compared with those cities that have the possibility of runoff using the formula Majority Runoff (absolute majority)? Our goal is to test the Laws of Duverger indicate that when using the formula Plurality tend to bicandidaturas while when we use the formula Majority Runoff tend to multicandidaturas in majority contention. This task is performed by the comparative analysis of municipal competitions in all Brazilian cities, using data from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) that holds the results of the general elections in the country.
Jaitner, Margarita. "Exercising Power in Social Media : A Study of Hard and Soft Power in the Context of Russian Elections 2011--‐2012". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2893.
Texto completoStewart, Joshua. "The Pre-Emptive Election: How the Mass Media Determine Winners and Losers in Presidential Primaries, 1988-2012". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6364.
Texto completoM.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American & Comparative Politics Track
Yu, Shu-Chen y 杜淑貞. "Studies on the Election Factors of the Voters Comparison between Kaohsiung Mayor Elections in 2002 and 2006". Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/x44sdb.
Texto completo國立中山大學
政治學研究所
96
Election is the fundamental system to maintain one’s political leadership a democratic country.Election will decide the development of political system and fulfill the spirit of democracy.This is a study about Kaohsiung City mayor voter votes factor of the choice in the 2002 and 2006 Election. The results of the research are as follows:-- 1. In 2002, there are three causes that make a voter to change his decision in choosing a candidate. They are the age of a voter, the education level of the voter, and his personal racial group in the society. These three causes influence a voter’s recognition of another racial group in the society, his stand on the problem of Taiwan being united or divided from one China, his point of view on how much support a candidate will get from his party and other parties, a voter’s evaluation of a candidate’s behavior and conduct. We found that the difference between a voter and another voter shows very distinct or extremely distinct in making a decision.In 2006, there are two causes that make a voter to change his mind in choosing a candidate. They are the education level of the voter, and his personal racial group in the society. These two causes influence a voter’s recognition of another racial group, his stand on the problem of Taiwan being united or divided from China, his point of view on how much support a candidate will get from his party and other parties, a voter’s evaluation of a candidate’s behavior and conduct. We found that the difference between voters and voters showed very distinct different or extremely distinct different in making a decision.Briefly speaking, a voter’s individual personality and his living social background, are the reasons that really related to his stand on the problem of Taiwan being separated from China or not. And we found that a voter’s personality related to his stand point on the problem of Taiwan being separated or not from one China, apparently influence a voter’s decision more in the election of 2002 than in that of 2006. 2. Both in the study of the election in 2002 and 2006, we found it made no difference in making a choice of a candidate if the voter is female or male. The result does not achieve the standard of difference level(P>00.5). . Besides the voters’ age related to the choice of a candidate appeared “rather difference”, the voters’ personal education level, their racial group, and their income, with their individual social background were the reasons that influenced a voter’s decision when making a choice of a candidate. These reasons related to a voter’s decision “appear apparently different and extremely different.” 3. In the research of both the election in 2002 and in 2006, except that people’s evaluation of Huang Tian-Shang related to the voters’ decision of making a choice, did not apparently achieve the standard of difference level (P>00.5), that is, except that the variety factors related to the voters’ decision , did not appear apparently difference level , other variety factors related to the voters’ decision in making a choice, “apparently appeared difference level .”
Sinclair, John Andrew. "Of Primary Importance: American Primary Elections 1945-2012". Thesis, 2013. https://thesis.library.caltech.edu/7756/1/Dissertation_Sinclair_JAndrew_finalapproved052413.pdf.
Texto completoKUMAR, BHANU. "PREDICTION OF USA ELECTIONS 2020 USING SENTIMENT ANALYSIS". Thesis, 2021. http://dspace.dtu.ac.in:8080/jspui/handle/repository/19000.
Texto completoMARCHALOVÁ, Miroslava. "Krajské volby 2012 v Jihočeském kraji". Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-174195.
Texto completoBrox, Brian Joseph Shaw Daron R. "Candidates, parties, and campaign effects in congressional elections, 1992-2002". 2005. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/1518/broxb44134.pdf.
Texto completoBrox, Brian Joseph. "Candidates, parties, and campaign effects in congressional elections, 1992-2002". Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1518.
Texto completo劉元立. "The research of 2012 R.O.C Presidential election advertisment". Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ba626k.
Texto completoHui-HuanLin y 林彙桓. "An Empirical Study on the Election Bull Run in Taiwan’s Stock Market: 2012 Presidential Election". Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/3b3zaa.
Texto completo國立成功大學
經營管理碩士學位學程(AMBA)
101
The fifth direct presidential election for Taiwan was held on 14 January 2012. Due to the historical background of Taiwan which was under the influence externally by the United States and the People’s Republic of China, and internally by the split view on sovereignty issue, people in Taiwan have become very sensitive to major political events. With no exception, Taiwan’s stock market had been subject to the repercussions of presidential elections. In 2012, a number of the well known entrepreneurs came forward to reveal their preference for the candidates and their proclaimed policies. This study aims to evaluate the impact of pre-election announcement in the stock market if the election outcome turns to be expected. This study employs Event-Study approach supplemented by statistical testing to examine the existence of the election bull run after the 2012 Taiwan presidential election. Its major difference from other previous studies lies in the consideration of political position announcement. Further, this study applies quantitative analysis to measure the announcement impact on the election bull run. To achieve this purpose, the research begins with an examination of the different stock performances between companies with and those without political announcement, which is followed by an analysis of the impact of announcement on the performance of selected stocks. The empirical results are summarized in three parts: (1) After the 2012 presidential election, all publicly traded companies including those which did not reveal political preference enjoyed an election bull run. (2)The cumulative average abnormal returns are significantly different between the companies with political announcement and those without it. Moreover, the former’s cumulative average abnormal returns are less than the latter’s. The difference only occurred during a longer examination period. (3)Pre-election announcement has significantly caused a negative impact on the cumulative average abnormal returns over shorter time period for those companies that had made announcement. The announcement effect that was quantified by the amount of relevant news had not show significant influence on the cumulative average abnormal returns.
Lo, I.-Ching y 羅宜敬. "Internet Political Marketing Strategy of 2012 Taiwan Presidential Election". Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/20608155431833253363.
Texto completo世新大學
行政管理學研究所(含博、碩專班)
100
Commercialization not only changes the relationship between human beings and material goods, but also changes the ways of election. Besides, Internet and Web 2.0 social networking sites are well-developed in recent years. These phenomena make political candidates and their campaign teams inevitable considering breaking their traditional thoughts, and planning efficacious strategies of internet political marketing. These strategies will attract a lot of attention of web users, and help candidates win the election. This study takes three campaign teams as research subjects. The theoretical basis are the theories of political marketing and IMC. It aims to examine the strategies these teams use on Internet political marketing. Moreover, this study examines whether these strategies consist with the five characters of IMC. The findings show that Soong’s team did not use aggressive strategies because of limited resources. However, Ma’s and Tsai’s teams both were aware of the trends of Internet marketing and concerned the using habits of web users. The strategies of Ma’s and Tsai’s were different mainly because of the role of candidates--incumbent or challenger. Finally, the unique abilities of interactive and immediate respons of Web 2.0 social networking sites are considered very helpful for election.
Lin, Chao-Yang y 林昭揚. "A Study of Election Loser’s Political Attitudes and Behavior:A Case Study of Taiwan 2012 Presidential Election". Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ss9t9b.
Texto completo淡江大學
公共行政學系公共政策碩士班
101
Since the 1980s, the political system in Taiwan has gradually transformed from authoritarian to democracy. The key to democracy is election. Election not only provides a fair competition for candidates but also gives the basic right of political participation to the public. However, the elections will inevitably produce election losers. Some scholars argue that if the losers disagree with the election’s results, they might be a serious threat to the survival of democratic institutions. Therefore, the discussion of the political consequences of the election loser is an important issue in the academic and practice fields. This study suggests that the presidential election in 2012 in Taiwan is an appropriate case for discussion. According to the past literature, election losers tend to question the fairness of the election and even the mode of operation for the majority rule. In addition, based on dissatisfaction with the incumbent government, the losers will have more political participation behaviors. The results demonstrate that, defeat is really affecting people''s political attitudes and behaviors. Literature mentioned that losers’ political attitudes and behaviors will be significantly differences with other voters. This argument agrees with the 2012 presidential election. In addition, the study also finds that "tyranny of majority" will affect people''s political attitudes and behaviors.
Tsai, Yung-Chih y 蔡永志. "2012 presidential election KMT and DPP''s China policy dvocates impact on election results". Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/19519253488578651624.
Texto completo淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
102
In the 2012 presidential election, the KMT candidate, Ma Ying-jeou, who was seeking re-election and the DPP candidate, Tsai Ing-wen, were the competitors, and that the general public named the election “Showdown of Two Ings”. DPP was originally seeking to be the ruling party for the third time in history but unfortunately it failed. Incumbent president Ma won the election against the DPP candidate, Tsai Ing-wen, by close to 800,000 votes, or 6%. China policy is unique in that it not only involves policy research but also the positioning of the country in terms of unification or independence, so that it is an important indicator reflecting ideologies of political parties. Affected by a variety of historical factors, main political parties all take distinctive stances in the unification-independence issue which reflects the handling of China policy. Also, with the changes in time, social environment and the switch of ruling party, the political stance of every party also changes, making China policy a hot topic during elections. In the 2012 presidential election, Tsai Ing-wen proposed the so-called “Taiwan Consensus” as the core philosophy for her China policy, distinguishing it from “1992 Consensus” offered by KMT. Before the election, everyone assumed a small gap of votes for the two candidates, even went as far as predicting Tsai Ing-wen would win the election. However, she lost by close to 800,000 votes. The key factor in the DDP’s defeat in the presidential election was widely perceived as that DDP never offered a concrete cross-strait policy. After losing the presidential election, DDP again faces the transformation of cross-strait policy. If DPP does not offer a cross-strait policy better than “1992 Consensus” before the 2016 election, it very likely will repeat the 2012 “Taiwan Consensus” mistake. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the contributing factors to earning voters’ recognition and winning the election in terms of China policy offered by KMT candidate, Ma Ying-jeou, and DPP candidate, Tsai Ing-wen.
Tian-HongLi y 李添弘. "The Internet Campaign Strategies of the 2012 Taiwan Presidential Election". Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59173167767598608087.
Texto completo國立成功大學
政治經濟學研究所
101
The democratization in Taiwan has rooted since the directed presidential elections in 1996. After the peacefully political trasistion in the 2012 presidential election, it had set a new milestone in the chronicle of democratization. With the help of the new communication technology, the media tools of campaign have been changing a lot, such as the Internet. The Internet has been used by the candidates in Taiwan since 1996. Because of the influence of YouTube, the video-sharing website, becomes more and more powerful. The campaign advertising has been shared on YouTube by political consultants and the political campaign staffs. This study focuses on the campaign advertising through YouTube. By analyzing the contents of campaign advertising, this study tries to categorize Ads and demonstrate the differences between them. This study applies the methodologies of the case study and the in-depth interviews to analyze the different Ads from different candidates and the political campaign team. Firstly, as the results shown, the candidates prefer more positive Ads than negative ones in the presidential election of 2012. Secondly, the sharing of the campaign Ads is not only one-side communication but also the interactive process. Thirdly, the campaign advertising pushs political parties to improve their softwares and hardwares equipments to improve the Internet campaign. Fourthly, the researches on the Internet campaign advertising is more and more important.
Yi-ShiuanChen y 陳婷怡. "A Bayesian Prediction Model for the Taiwan 2012 Presidential Election". Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/48930565622860771408.
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