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1

Fischer-Bovet, Christelle. "EGYPTIAN WARRIORS: THEMACHIMOIOF HERODOTUS AND THE PTOLEMAIC ARMY". Classical Quarterly 63, n.º 1 (24 de abril de 2013): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881200064x.

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The role and status of the Egyptians in the army of Hellenistic Egypt (323–30b.c.) has been a debated question that goes back to the position within Late Period Egyptian society (664–332b.c.) of the Egyptian warriors described by Herodotus asmachimoi. Until a few decades ago, Ptolemaic military institutions were perceived as truly Greco-Macedonian and the presence of Egyptians in the army during the first century of Ptolemaic rule was contested. The Egyptians were thought of as being unfit to be good soldiers. Egyptians would have been hired only as late as 217b.c.to fight against the Seleucid king Antiochus III in Raphia. The Ptolemaic victory (in fact rather a status quo) was made possible thanks to the addition of twenty thousand Egyptians to reinforce the Greek army. For a long time the subsequent role of Egyptians in the Ptolemaic army in the second and first centuriesb.c.did not attract much attention. One usually assumed that they were ‘second-rate soldiers’ calledmachimoi. In recent decades, the scholarship on Ptolemaic Egypt, notably Demotic studies, reasserted the role of Egyptians in the Ptolemaic army from the late fourth century onwards.
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2

A. S. M. Hussein, Heba y Nermeen A. S. Rady. "Study of Palatal Rugae Patterns and their Use in Sex and Ethnicity Identification in a Sample of Adult Egyptians and Malaysians". 99 3, n.º 1 (15 de febrero de 2021): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26735/thcv2791.

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Background: Palatal rugoscopy is the use of palatal rugae for identification of unknown persons. The majority of the population in Egypt consists of Egyptian people. However, some Malaysian people live in Alexandria city of Egypt for the purpose of education. So in case of mass disaster, there is a critical need for a reliable and easy method to differentiate between Malaysians and Egyptians. Aim: Study palatal rugae patterns in two diverse populations; Egyptians and Malaysians and its relation to sex and population difference. Subjects: Eighty students of Alexandria Faculty of Dentistry; forty Egyptians (20 females and 20 males) and forty Malaysians (20 males and 20 females). The age ranged 18-30 years. Results: Significant difference was noted between Malaysian males and females according to total number of rugae on both sides. Malaysians had significantly higher total rugae number on both sides than Egyptians. Curved shape was the predominant shape in the total sample. Significant difference was detected between Egyptians and Malaysians according to the predominant palatal rugae direction on both left and right sides. Egyptian females had significantly higher percentage of absent unification than Egyptian males. Linear regression models for sex and ethnicity identification were built up.
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3

Rahman, Hend Mohamed Abdel. "EGYPTIAN REACTIONS TO THE DISCOVERY AND EXCAVATION OF TUTANKHAMUN’S TOMB, 1922-1930". Socialis Series in Social Science 4 (24 de enero de 2023): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.20319/socv4.7595.

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The discovery and excavation of Tutankhamun's tomb by Howard Carter and Lord Carnarvon in 1922-1930 sparked Egyptian interest in Egyptology and archaeology learning, as well as effective participation in excavation missions in Egypt. Egyptians have worked hard to expand their role in Egyptology education and to increase their participation in excavation missions. This article focuses on how Egyptians reacted to the excavation of Tutankhamun's tomb between 1922 and 1930. It traces the impact of such discoveries on Egyptian officials and intellectuals, who worked tirelessly to raise public awareness of archaeological discoveries and encourage Egyptology education for Egyptian students both at home and abroad. A descriptive analytical methodology will be used in this paper. However, there was hardly an Egyptian Contribution to Clearing and conserving the Tutankhamun Collection whose discovery was as a chock motivated the Egyptians to improve their position in the world of Archaeology.
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4

Liszka, Kate. "“We have come from the well of Ibhet”: Ethnogenesis of the Medjay". Journal of Egyptian History 4, n.º 2 (2011): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416611x612132.

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Abstract Our current understanding of the ancient Nubian people called the Medjay has been informed by textual and artistic representations created by the ancient Egyptians. By studying these sources, Egyptologists have argued that the Medjay were an ethnic group living in the Eastern Desert near the Second Cataract. Yet these studies exhibit an Egyptocentric bias, in which the Egyptian sources have been interpreted literally. This paper reexamines Egyptian references to the Medjay before the New Kingdom and demonstrates how the Egyptians conceptualized and fostered the creation of a Medjay ethnicity. The Egyptians perceived the people of the Eastern Desert near Lower Nubia as one unified ethnic group. Yet these people were not politically unified and did not identify themselves as Medjay until the middle of the Twelfth Dynasty. Increased interaction between the Egyptians and the people of the Eastern Desert caused certain pastoral nomads to adopt the term “Medjay.” Whatever role ethnicity may have played in their society previously, ethnogenesis of a “Medjay” ethnic group began towards the middle of the Twelfth Dynasty.
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5

Bochi, Patricia. "Time in the Art of Ancient Egypt: From Ideological Concept to Visual Construct". KronoScope 3, n.º 1 (2003): 51–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852403322145388.

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AbstractThe pervasiveness and immutability of time forced the ancient Egyptians to deal with its impact on everyday life in various ways. Yet, so far most studies have focused on the written expression of the concern for time, thus overlooking other areas of cognition equally capable of accounting for the ancient Egyptians' attempt at addressing the issue. Thus, the present study focuses on the way in which the ancient Egyptians conceptualized and visually represented the phenomenon of time. After examining the image-making process, the study analyzes the socio-cultural implications of such visual approach within the context of ancient Egyptian society.
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6

El-Dakhs, Dina Abdel Salam. "Compliments and compliment responses in Egyptian and Saudi Arabic". Pragmatics and Society 12, n.º 4 (29 de octubre de 2021): 537–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.18037.eld.

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Abstract The current study reports on a variational pragmatic comparison of compliments and compliment responses between Egyptian and Saudi Arabic. Data were collected by using Discourse Completion Tasks from 443 Egyptian and 428 Saudi undergraduates, and were analyzed using adaptations of Yuan’s (2002) and Herbert’s (1986) models. The results reveal significant differences in politeness management between Egyptian and Saudi youth, particularly with Egyptians producing more explicit compliment strategies and Saudis showing stronger preference for implicit compliment strategies and combination patterns. Less difference is noted in compliment responses with only Egyptians exhibiting higher use of additional strategies. The findings are interpreted in light of politeness theory and the interplay between cultural values and linguistic behavior.
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7

Sayed, Ibrahim M. y Sayed F. Abdelwahab. "Is Hepatitis E Virus a Neglected or Emerging Pathogen in Egypt?" Pathogens 11, n.º 11 (12 de noviembre de 2022): 1337. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/pathogens11111337.

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Though Egypt ranks among the top countries for viral hepatitis and death-related liver disease, Hepatitis E virus (HEV) is a neglected pathogen. Living in villages and rural communities with low sanitation, use of underground well water and contact with animals are the main risk factors for HEV infection. Domestic animals, especially ruminants and their edible products, are one source of infection. Contamination of water by either human or animal stools is the main route of infection. In addition, HEV either alone or in coinfection with other hepatotropic viruses has been recorded in Egyptian blood donors. HEV seropositivity among Egyptian villagers was 60–80%, especially in the first decade of life. Though HEV seropositivity is the highest among Egyptians, HEV infection is not routinely diagnosed in Egyptian hospitals. The initial manifestations of HEV among Egyptians is a subclinical infection, although progression to fulminant hepatic failure has been recorded. With the improvement in serological and molecular approaches and increasing research on HEV, it is becoming clear that HEV represents a threat for Egyptians and preventive measures should be considered to reduce the infection rate and possible complications
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8

El-Dakhs, Dina Abdel Salam. "Saying “Yes” and “No” to requests". Language and Dialogue 8, n.º 2 (12 de octubre de 2018): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00014.eld.

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Abstract The current study adopts a variational pragmatic approach to compare the dialogic sequence of the directive speech act of request and its reaction of consent versus refusal in Egyptian and Saudi Arabic. To this end, 413 Egyptian and Saudi undergraduate students completed a Discourse Completion Task (DCT). Data analysis indicated more differences between Egyptian and Saudi Arabic in request consent strategies than refusal strategies. Among the noted differences in consent strategies were Egyptians’ stronger preference for direct strategies and elaborate responses than Saudis who displayed more varied combination patterns and exhibited stronger gender differences. In refusal strategies, however, a general similarity between Egyptians and Saudis was obvious at the level of strategies, combination patterns and the influence of social factors.
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9

Voytenko, Anton. "Egyptians and Byzantium. On the Question of Political Subjectivity in Late Antiquity". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n.º 6 (diciembre de 2022): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.12.

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Introduction. The article focuses on the reasons for the lack of political subjectivity among the Egyptians in the Byzantine period (4th – first half of the 7th centuries). During this period, the population of Egypt did not demonstrate it at any level: social movements (uprisings) did not offer such agenda; studies on literature and rhetoric show that the Egyptians were under the influence of the Roman statehood (Eastern Roman Empire). The aims of the study are therefore concentrated around the consideration of the causes and terms of the loss of political subjectivity by the Egyptians, and the reasons for the increase of it among the Romans. An additional task was a comparative analysis of the political and religious systems of Ancient Rome and Ancient Egypt and the possible influence of religious features on the configuration of political systems. Methods. The main methods used in the study are factor analysis and the comparative method. Analysis. The ancient Egyptian political system was “introverted” and static in nature. The complete loss of political subjectivity by the Egyptians can be, however, attributed to the Roman period. In the Persian and Ptolemaic ones, its existence is preserved due to two main factors: the practices of the Persians and Ptolemies to present themselves as Egyptian pharaohs and the strong positions of the Egyptian priesthood, who could keep an ancient political subjectivity. Results. The Romans, who refused to continue Ptolemaic practices and took drastic measures to limit the economic independence of the Egyptian priesthood, managed to nullify its authentic political subjectivity. Thanks to an “extroverted” and transformative political model, supported by a “political theology” based on the “Roman myth”, the Roman state managed to maintain (or even strengthen) its subjectivity in the period of late Antiquity.
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10

Ahmed, Ayman Mohamed. "Imitation of the Lotus Flower in Architecture: its Use in the Decoration of Walls and Ceilings of Palaces, Houses, and Tombs in Ancient Egypt". Res Mobilis 11, n.º 14 (12 de febrero de 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/rm.11.14.2022.1-20.

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Plant motifs were of great importance in the arts of ancient Egypt. It was very interested in decorative units and its aesthetic forms. The lotus flower is one of the most well-known plants in ancient Egyptian civilization due to its association with the religious and daily life of the ancient Egyptians. This fragrant flower in its colors white, blue, red, and as a sacred symbol in the life of the ancient Egyptian was not only an aesthetic decorative component that was depicted by the ancient Egyptians on walls of temples, or used in the manufacture of perfumes and cosmetics, but also used it in the decoration of palaces, houses and tombs in a specific decorative form. This study investigates on how the ancient Egyptians imitated the lotus flower in architecture and used it in decorative decoration of walls and ceilings in naturalistic scenes on walls or ceiling decoration with floral composition, and also in the form of pattern border strip (frieze), both in civil and religious architecture.
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11

Al-Sheikh, Rua. "The 2011 Egyptian Revolution: Its effects on the Egyptian community in the UK in terms of political participation, media use, belonging, and Egyptian identity". for(e)dialogue 1, n.º 1 (16 de marzo de 2016): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/for(e)dialogue.v1i1.533.

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This research seeks to examine the role played by the Egyptian Diaspora living in the UK during the 2011 Egyptian revolution and the extent to which they participated in it. The aim is to detangle the factors impacting the UK Egyptian community in terms of identity and belonging, and discuss whether the 2011 uprising had increased their political involvement through mass media or not. The assumption that diasporic communities are politically apathetic is considered. Little research has been conducted in this area of Diaspora, and a qualitative approach has been used to explore this. Preliminary findings indicate that Egyptians in the UK are more involved in political activities with regard to Egypt since 2011 uprising. When the Egyptian revolution broke out, some Egyptians living in the UK engaged in the revolution by voicing their opinions over the Internet and social media, while others travelled to Egypt to participate in the uprising.
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12

Badawy, Tarek. "Egyptian Citizenship Legislation, Private International Law, and Their Impact on Individual Rights". Middle East Law and Governance 6, n.º 3 (5 de diciembre de 2014): 272–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00603006.

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Under Egyptian law, citizenship plays a major role in defining the rights that a person may exercise. While Egyptians are generally free to work in any profession and own all types of property, foreign nationals are subject to restrictions, which vary depending on the rights they wish to exercise and their legal status in the country. Access to Egyptian citizenship is a discretionary process that is potentially discriminatory along ethnic, religious, and national lines. This article examines recent developments in legislation governing citizenship and individual rights in Egypt. It proceeds to outline areas in which non-Egyptians are subject to legal restrictions in accordance with applicable legislation, notably in the areas of residence, property ownership, adjudication, employment, and education. It finds that Egyptian law in effect creates a complex hierarchy of rights based primarily on citizenship status.
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13

Stewart, Jon. "Hegel's Analysis of Egyptian Art and Architecture as a Form of Philosophical Anthropology". Owl of Minerva 50, n.º 1 (2019): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/owl2019501/26.

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In his different analyses of ancient Egypt, Hegel underscores the marked absence of writings by the Egyptians. Unlike the Chinese with the I Ching or the Shoo king, the Indians with the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the Persians with the Avesta, the Jews with the Old Testament, and the Greeks with the poems of Homer and Hesiod, the Egyptians, despite their developed system of hieroglyphic writing, left behind no great canonical text. Instead, he claims, they left their mark by means of the architecture and art. This paper explores Hegel’s analysis of the Egyptians’ obelisks, pyramids, sphinxes, etc. in order to understand why he believes that these are so important for understanding the Egyptian spirit. This analysis illustrates Hegel’s use of history and culture in the service of philosophical anthropology.
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14

Brancaglion Junior, Antonio. "OS SEGUIDORES DE OSÍRIS: O Pós-Vida nas Estelas Egípcias do Museu Nacional". CLIO Arqueológica 33, n.º 2 (15 de agosto de 2018): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.20891/clio.v33n2p269-300.

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Talvez nenhuma outra cultura tenha criado um conjunto de crenças e práticas funerárias tão complexo e diversificado quanto os egípcios antigos. Em um panteão repleto de divindades funerárias, Osíris se destaca como a própria essência e princípio explicativo da morte e do pós-vida. Entre as práticas funerárias destaca-se a peregrinação até a cidade de Abidos, local de devoção a Osíris, onde eram depositadas estelas em honra ao deus e aos mortos. O Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro possui uma grande coleção destas estelas, testemunhos da piedade pessoal e da esperança em uma vida postmortem sob as graças de Osíris. WORSHIPPING OSIRIS: Afterlife Conceptions in the Egyptian stelae of the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro ABSTRACTLike no other culture, the ancient Egyptians are known for having created a whole set of complex funerary beliefs and practices. Amongst several deities, the Egyptians attributed a prominent role to Osiris, as the very essence and explanatory principle of their afterlife conceptions. The journey to Abydos, sacred city associated with Osiris, was an important part of the devotion to this god. There, the Egyptians left votive stelae dedicated to Osiris and the deceased. The National Museum of Rio de Janeiro houses a large collection of Egyptian stelae, which are sources for the study of the Egyptians’ personal piety and belief in an afterlife associated with Osiris.Keywords: Osiris, funerary practices, funerary stelae, the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro.
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15

Fouskas, Theodoros. "Low-status work repercussions on Egyptians’ collective organisation". International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 34, n.º 7/8 (8 de julio de 2014): 418–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-04-2013-0043.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to focus on the repercussions of work and employment in low-status jobs upon the collective organisation and representation of Egyptian immigrant workers. Design/methodology/approach – Focusing on results from 117 in-depth interviews, the qualitative research (2010-2013) and analysis examines the case of Egyptians in Athens, Greece and on how the frame of their work and their employment affects participation in the immigrant work association Union of Egyptian Workers in Greece/EL-RAPTA and in Greek trade unions as well. Findings – Evidence from in-depth interviews proves that Egyptians are supported by friendly and relative relations in search for solidarity; they develop individualistic behaviours and find alternative solutions for survival and protection. Practical implications – Through the research, what is analysed is how immigration has affected social welfare and collective forms of representation but also how the immigrants themselves view and act within the collective frameworks. The results are of great concern to immigration policymakers to facilitate integration, combat undeclared work and identify weaknesses in worker rights and organisations. Originality/value – The research, the first in Greece specifically for Egyptians immigrant workers and their work association, contributes to the broader body of sociological literature on the study of labour migration and immigrant voluntary associations and it is original as it is based on primary research on the experiences of Egyptian immigrants.
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16

Sahrasad, Herdi. "REFORMASI MESIR: BERKACA PADA INDONESIA?" Dialog 34, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2016): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47655/dialog.v34i2.158.

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Nowadays, Egypt is in the hand of military that leads Egypt to the democratic life. In the same time, it was reported by media masses that one of five Egyptians lived under poverty line, and the 12% inflation reduced Egyptians income dramatically and caused impediment to get education, basic need and health. After Mubarak, Egyptian reformation is far from over. Will Egypt reformation be in common with Indonesia? How should Egypt be governed post-Mubarak? How are political, economic and social circumstances of Egypt after Mubarak? This paper explores deeply those questions.
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17

Mitchell, Timothy. "The World as Exhibition". Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, n.º 2 (abril de 1989): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015802.

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The Egyptian delegation to the Eighth International Congress of Orientalists, held in Stockholm during the summer of 1889, traveled to Sweden via Paris and paused there to visit the World Exhibition. The four Egyptians spent several days in the French capital, climbing twice the height (they were told) of the Great Pyramid in Alexandre Eiffel's new tower, and exploring the city and exhibition laid out beneath. Only one thing disturbed them. The Egyptian exhibit had been built by the French to represent a street of medieval Cairo, made of houses with overhanging upper stories and a mosque like that of Qaitbay. “It was intended,” one of the Egyptians wrote, “to resemble the old aspect of Cairo.” So carefully was this done, he noted, that “even the naivt nn the bildings was made dirty.”
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18

Culang, Jeffrey. "“The Shari‘a must go”: Seduction, Moral Injury, and Religious Freedom in Egypt's Liberal Age". Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, n.º 2 (27 de marzo de 2018): 446–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000117.

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AbstractSince the 2011 uprising in Egypt, the Egyptian state has increasingly used the charge of contempt of religion (izdira’ al-din) to regulate speech. This charge, though sometimes assumed to be a medieval holdover, is part of a modern genealogy of the politics of religious freedom. This article examines how religious freedom accumulated meaning in Egypt after World War I, when it became an international legal standard. Protestant missionaries in Egypt advocated religious freedom as the right to proselytize and the right of Egyptians to convert. For many Egyptians, by contrast, it came to mean the right to protect one's religion from perceived missionary attacks (ta‘n). Using British state archival records, missionary sources, and Egyptian parliamentary transcripts and periodicals, this article traces the formation of this paradox in public discourse and law. Drawing on theorizations of seduction and moral injury, I show how Egyptians articulated notions of religious freedom centered around feelings of moral injury and through a local ethical vernacular that, though embedded within the Islamic tradition, was broadly shared. The Egyptian state gradually incorporated these sensibilities into its expanding modern legal system as part of maintaining a majority-defined public order, transforming offense to religion from a moral issue into a punishable crime. Forged through a contingent process involving missionaries, local communities, and the Egyptian state under the shadow of colonial rule, religious freedom has exacerbated rather than resolved religious divides in Egypt, and has helped to define and delimit the country's political, moral, and religious imaginaries.
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19

Tyler, J. Landon, Robert L. Sacci, Jinliang Ning, David R. Mullins, Kun Liang, Jagjit Nanda, Jianwei Sun y Michael Naguib. "Egyptian blue: from pigment to battery electrodes". RSC Advances 11, n.º 32 (2021): 19885–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1039/d1ra00956g.

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Herein we report on using a well known pigment that was used by ancient Egyptians and called Egyptian blue as an anode material for Li-ion batteries (background photo by Kokhanchikov via Adobe Stock).
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20

Hutto, David. "Ancient Egyptian Rhetoric in the Old and Middle Kingdoms". Rhetorica 20, n.º 3 (2002): 213–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2002.20.3.213.

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The rhetorical ideas inherited from the Greeks have established the notion that skilled use of language is always indicated by eloquent expression, and that silence is either an aberration or a lack of skill. As we penetrate the silence that has surrounded one of the great civilizations of the earth, however, and look at Egyptian rhetoric, we find alternative views on what makes a skilled speaker. While the Egyptians esteemed eloquent speaking, a skill that in fact had a very high value in their society, Egyptian rules of rhetoric also clearly specify that knowing when not to speak is essential, and very respected, rhetorical knowledge. The Egyptian approach to rhetoric is thus a balance between eloquence and wise silence. Egyptian rules of speech also strongly emphasize adherence to social behaviors that support a conservative status quo. For the Egyptians, much more than for the Greeks, skilled speech should support, not question, society. The few studies of Egyptian rhetoric which have previously been done discuss some of the moral components of that rhetoric and the importance of silence. The current study looks at Egyptian attitudes toward language as both a magical and a practical element of life, and in addition this study places the rules of Egyptian rhetoric solidly within the Egyptian social system.
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21

Mahfouz, Iman Mohamed. "Word Shortening Strategies: Egyptian vs. Non-Egyptian English Tweets". English Language and Literature Studies 8, n.º 3 (22 de agosto de 2018): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v8n3p27.

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The language of Computer-mediated Communication (CMC) is known to deviate from standard language in many ways dictated by the characteristics of the medium in order to achieve brevity, speed as well as innovation. Together with the intrinsic features of CMC in general, the character limitation imposed by the popular social media platform, Twitter has triggered the use of a number of linguistic devices including shortening strategies in addition to unconventional spelling and grammar. Using two parallel corpora of English tweets written by Egyptians and non-Egyptians on a similar hashtag, the study attempts to compare the shortening strategies used in both datasets. A taxonomy for orthographic and morphological shortening strategies was adapted from Thurlow and Brown (2003) and Denby (2010) with particular focus on message length, punctuation, clipping, abbreviations, contractions, alphanumeric homophones and accent stylization. Given the scarcity of linguistic studies conducted on Egyptian tweets despite the vast amount of data they offer, the study compares the findings about tweets written by Egyptians in English as a foreign language to previous studies. The findings suggest that Egyptians tend to omit punctuation more frequently, whereas non-Egyptians favor abbreviations, contractions and clipped forms. The results also indicate that Twitter may be shifting towards longer messages while at the same time increasingly employing more shortening strategies. The study also reveals that character limitation is not the only factor shaping language use on Twitter since not all linguistic choices are governed by brevity of communication.
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22

Naem, Ali Dakhil y Lajiman Bin Janoory. "The Cairo Trilogy: An Existential Reading in Three Generations of this Novel". Budapest International Research and Critics in Linguistics and Education (BirLE) Journal 3, n.º 1 (31 de enero de 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birle.v3i1.747.

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The researcher in this paper elaborates the writings of Naguib Mahfouz from an existential perspective in Cairo Trilogy. Mahfouz concludes that western scholars and politicians conceal the realities of daily life in Egypt, which Mahfouz reveals. In Mahfouz’s Cairo Trilogy, one can find an openness and acceptance in Egyptian society for other faiths and cultures. The researcher will illustrate how there is an important acceptance of internal existential and religious struggles amongst individuals in the society during this novel. The researcher focuses on the character and the inner psychological conflicts in these characters. It seems that this is an important aspect of Egyptian identity. The idea that Egyptians or Muslims are struggling mainly with the West is contradictory to Mahfouz’s characterizations. He asserts that Egyptians have their own internal struggles because of the diversity of their ideologies.
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23

Fahmy, Ziad. "MEDIA-CAPITALISM: COLLOQUIAL MASS CULTURE AND NATIONALISM IN EGYPT, 1908–18". International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, n.º 1 (14 de enero de 2010): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990547.

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In Egypt, during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, older, fragmented, and more localized forms of identity were replaced with new, alternative concepts of community, which for the first time had the capacity to collectively encompass the majority of Egyptians. The activism of Mustafa Kamil (1874–1908) and the populist message of the Watani Party began the process of defining and popularizing urban Egyptian nationalism. After Kamil's premature death in 1908, there was more of an “urgent need,” as described by Zachary Lockman, for “tapping into and mobilizing new domestic constituencies in order to build a more broadly based independence movement.” This article argues that the eventual mobilization of the Egyptian urban masses, and their “incorporation into the Egyptian nation,” was due in large part to the materialization of a variety of mass media catering to a growing national audience. To be more specific, I will examine early Egyptian nationalism through the lens of previously neglected audiovisual colloquial Egyptian sources. This, I argue, is crucial to any attempt at capturing the voice of “ordinary” Egyptians. Finally, the article documents the role of early colloquial Egyptian mass culture as a vehicle and forum through which, among other things, “hidden transcripts” of resistance and critiques of colonial and elite authority took place.
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24

Payne, Joseph N. "Ideas". Arithmetic Teacher 34, n.º 1 (septiembre de 1986): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/at.34.1.0026.

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The ancient Egyptian numerals used as far back as 3400 B.C. had groupings by ten but no place values. The use of these symbols will help students understand our base-ten system and the efficiency of our place-value notation. The basic rules for writing ancient Egyptian numerals (Egyptians now use Hindu-Arabic numerals, as we do) are relatively simple.
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25

Wassef, H. Hassan. "Food habits of the Egyptians: newly emerging trends". Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal 10, n.º 6 (13 de junio de 2004): 898–915. http://dx.doi.org/10.26719/2004.10.6.898.

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Acelerated changes are taking place in the food habits of the present day Egyptians. Examples are drawn from foods that continue to be consumed by those considered guardians of the Egyptian tradition [Coptic Christians and isolated farming communities] and from interpretation of archaeological evidence. Recent decades have witnessed the progressive erosion of the traditional Egyptian diet and the introduction of new foods and eating habits. Sociocultural and economic changes are accelerating this erosion. The main features of the traditional Egyptian way of eating are presented along with a review of the emerging trends and of some of the important factors underlying food consumption patterns. Attention is drawn to the potential risk to health that these new trends represent, in particular to child nutrition and development
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Frerichs, Sabine. "Egypt’s Neoliberal Reforms and the Moral Economy of Bread". Review of Radical Political Economics 48, n.º 4 (3 de agosto de 2016): 610–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613415603158.

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The Egyptian Revolution 2011 has its roots in neoliberal policies, the premises of which are not shared by a large part of the Egyptian population. Starting from the call for “bread, freedom, social justice,” this paper sheds light on the moral economy of the Egyptian people and finds the seeds of the revolution in a loss of entitlements which structural adjustment policies entailed for Egyptians as producers and consumers of bread, the symbol of life.
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Gamrat, Marcin. "Egyptian Kitchenware in Southern Levant during Early Bronze IB2 Period". Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 23 (31 de diciembre de 2019): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.23.2019.23.02.

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Egyptian vats and bread molds from the Early Bronze IB2 period are found in abundance on numerous sites in Southern Levant. During that time many groups of Egyptians settled across Canaanean towns and villages, which the archaeological material proves. The presence of kitchenware proves that they preserved their culinary traditions and still used this characteristic type of vessel. The latest excavations at Tel Erani (2013- 2018) resulted in finds of significant amounts of kitchenware concentrated around one building, as well as some hearths and flint tools, which relates well with this theory and suggests that a group of Egyptians indeed lived there among the local population during the end of the Early Bronze I period.
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28

Barrons, Genevieve. "‘Suleiman: Mubarak decided to step down #egypt #jan25 OH MY GOD’: examining the use of social media in the 2011 Egyptian revolution". Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2012): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.645669.

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For the last decade, a debate has raged over the place of social media within popular uprisings. The 2011 Egyptian revolution shed new light on this debate. However, while the use of social media by Egyptians received much focus, and activists themselves pointed towards it as the key to their success, social media did not constitute the revolution itself, nor did it instigate it. Focusing solely on social media diminishes the personal risks that Egyptians took when heading into the streets to face rubber bullets and tear gas, as well as more lethal weapons. Social media was neither the cause nor the catalyst of the revolution; rather it was a tool of coordination and communication.
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Evans, Linda y Philip Weinstein. "Ancient Egyptians’ Atypical Relationship with Invertebrates". Society & Animals 27, n.º 7 (11 de diciembre de 2019): 716–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-00001827.

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AbstractDespite the ubiquitous presence and vital role of invertebrates in all known ecological systems, insects and arachnids are largely viewed as repugnant by people. Consequently, until nature intervenes in the form of infestations, swarms or plagues, we largely prefer to ignore them, lest our attention invite unwelcome interaction. In contrast, the people of ancient Egypt did not distance themselves from invertebrates but instead celebrated their myriad forms. Egyptian appreciation of insects and arachnids is reflected in a range of art, artefacts, and texts dating from the predynastic era until the Greco-Roman period, revealing many positive cultural roles, from practical to conceptual. By assigning them a useful function, they were rendered visible and relevant to Egyptian society. The Egyptians’ example suggests that as necessity forces us to acknowledge the value of invertebrates—from their function as pollinators to becoming future food sources—our respect for them may also grow.
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Fanous, Andrew A. y William T. Couldwell. "Transnasal excerebration surgery in ancient Egypt". Journal of Neurosurgery 116, n.º 4 (abril de 2012): 743–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2011.12.jns11417.

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Ancient Egyptians were pioneers in many fields, including medicine and surgery. Our modern knowledge of anatomy, pathology, and surgical techniques stems from discoveries and observations made by Egyptian physicians and embalmers. In the realm of neurosurgery, ancient Egyptians were the first to elucidate cerebral and cranial anatomy, the first to describe evidence for the role of the spinal cord in the transmission of information from the brain to the extremities, and the first to invent surgical techniques such as trepanning and stitching. In addition, the transnasal approach to skull base and intracranial structures was first devised by Egyptian embalmers to excerebrate the cranial vault during mummification. In this historical vignette, the authors examine paleoradiological and other evidence from ancient Egyptian skulls and mummies of all periods, from the Old Kingdom to Greco-Roman Egypt, to shed light on the development of transnasal surgery in this ancient civilization. The authors confirm earlier observations concerning the laterality of this technique, suggesting that ancient Egyptian excerebration techniques penetrated the skull base mostly on the left side. They also suggest that the original technique used to access the skull base in ancient Egypt was a transethmoidal one, which later evolved to follow a transsphenoidal route similar to the one used today to gain access to pituitary lesions.
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31

Okasha, Tarek A. "Social aspects of ethno-psychopharmacology: an Arab perspective". International Psychiatry 4, n.º 3 (julio de 2007): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600001910.

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Some 7000 years ago Egyptians believed in one God, the after-world and that our worldly deeds would be balanced in the day of judgement. This led James Breasted to consider that the emergence of Egyptian culture marked the dawn of conscience (Breasted, 1934; Okasha & Okasha, 2000).
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32

Martin, M. A. S. "Egyptians at Ashkelon? An Assemblage of Egyptian and Egyptian-Style Pottery". Ägypten und Levante 18 (2009): 245–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/aeundl18s245.

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Trubeta, Sevasti. "Balkan Egyptians and Gypsy/Roma Discourse". Nationalities Papers 33, n.º 1 (marzo de 2005): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500053788.

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Since the 1990s, yet another entity has emerged among the wide range of groups and minorities in the Balkans attracting the attention of politicians, scholars and the public. Known as “Egypcani” in Macedonia and Kosovo, or as “Jevgs/Jevgits” in Albania, these Albanophone Muslims are usually identified as Albanianised “Gypsies” by the societies in which they live, although they consider themselves to be descendents of Egyptian immigrants to the Balkans. Today, Balkan Egyptians are officially recognised as a distinct population group in the Republic of Macedonia, while they enjoy political influence through representative and cultural organisations in Kosovo and Albania.
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34

Wilson, M. L., C. Aldred y P. H. Newby. "The Egyptians". South African Archaeological Bulletin 43, n.º 147 (junio de 1988): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3887618.

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35

Lembright, Robert. "The Egyptians". History: Reviews of New Books 26, n.º 2 (enero de 1998): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1998.10528040.

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36

Lang, Johannes K. y Herbert Kolenda. "First appearance and sense of the term “spinal column” in ancient Egypt". Journal of Neurosurgery: Spine 97, n.º 1 (julio de 2002): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/spi.2002.97.1.0152.

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✓ In contemporary anatomical nomenclature terms have often been derived from an ancient perspective of the human body. The term “spinal column” was used in ancient Egypt, symbolized by the “djet column.” The authors discuss the first appearance of the term “spinal column,” taking the ancient Egyptian interaction between religion and daily life into consideration, and they describe the different segments of the spinal column known to the ancient Egyptians. Inspection of medical papyri provides insight into the knowledge held by ancient Egyptian physicians and embalmers. It is assumed that hieroglyphs were used to depict the different vertebral regions of the spinal column (cervical, thoracic, and lumbar). The knowledge was gleaned, in fact, in pursuit of religious goals. The djet might be an example of how anatomical knowledge can improve understanding of a symbol that was previously thought to have a primarily religious meaning. The authors maintain that modern medical knowledge is useful for making a more precise and anatomically correct interpretation of the presumed sense intended by the ancient Egyptians.
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37

Adamo, D. T. "The African Joseph and his contribution to Africa and Ancient Israel (Gen. 41: 41-45)". Theologia Viatorum 40, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2016): 32–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/tv.v40i2.8.

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The contentious Africanness of ancient Egypt/Egyptians is discussed at a great length since most Eurocentric biblical scholars erroneously believe that ancient Egypt/Egyptians belong to either Europe or Asia, despite the ancient Egyptian claim in their monuments (inscription of Hasheptsut) that they belong to Africa, precisely Punt. A close examination of Genesis 41:41-45 shows that the purpose of the elaborate ceremony/ritual is not only for Joseph’s promotion to the position of a vizier, but also mainly to make Joseph a full citizen of Egypt/Africa in order that he may be able to perform his duty as an Egyptian Deputy Governor. Unfortunately biblical scholars miss this fact. I have also emphasized that Joseph’s contribution to ancient Israel and Egypt/Africa is of great importance, despite the underestimation of these achievements of an African Joseph. This article aims to emphasize the fact that Joseph was made an African citizen and that he made great contribution to ancient Israel and Africa which is seldom recognized by many biblical scholars.
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38

Ezzat, Azza. "Animals in Human Situations in Ancient Egyptian Ostraca and Papyri". Arts 10, n.º 3 (22 de junio de 2021): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts10030040.

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It has been said that the ancient Egyptians were raised to tolerate all kinds of toil and hardship; they nevertheless also liked to amuse themselves with comic relief in their everyday life. For example, ancient Egyptian drawing can be quite accurate and at times even spirited. What scholars have described as caricatures are as informative and artistic as supposed serious works of art. Ancient Egyptians have left countless images representing religious, political, economic, and/or social aspects of their life. Scenes in Egyptian tombs could be imitated on ostraca (potsherds) that portray animals as characters performing what would normally be human roles, behaviors, or occupations. These scenes reveal the artists’ sense of comedy and humor and demonstrate their freedom of thought and expression to reproduce such lighthearted imitations of religious or funeral scenes. This paper will focus on a selection of drawings on ostraca as well as three papyri that show animals—often dressed in human garb and posing with human gestures—performing parodies of human pursuits (such as scribes, servants, musicians, dancers, leaders, and herdsmen).
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39

Ostendorf, Ann Marguerite. "Racializing American “Egyptians”: Shifting Legal Discourse, 1690s–1860s". Critical Romani Studies 2, n.º 2 (2 de diciembre de 2020): 42–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29098/crs.v2i2.50.

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This article situates the historical “Egyptian,” more commonly referred to as “Gypsy,” into the increasingly racist legal structures formed in the British North American colonies and the early United States, between the 1690s and 1860s. It simultaneously considers how those who considered themselves, or were considered by others, as “Egyptians” or “Gypsies” navigated life in the new realities created by such laws. Despite the limitations of state-produced sources from each era under study, inferences about these people’s experiences remain significant to building a more accurate and inclusive history of the United States. The following history narrates the lives of Joan Scott, her descendants, and other nineteenth-century Americans influenced by legalracial categories related to “Egyptians” and “Gypsies.” This is interwoven with the relevant historical contexts from American legal discourses that confirm the racialization of such categories over the centuries.
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40

Alanzi, Adnan M. y Bader M. Alansari. "Relationship between Dimensions of International Culture and the Five-Factor Model of Personality for Kuwaitis and Non-Kuwaiti Teachers". Journal of Educational and Psychological Studies [JEPS] 12, n.º 1 (29 de enero de 2018): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.53543/jeps.vol12iss1pp76-95.

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This study aimed to examine the relationshipbetween the dimensions of international culture and the five factors of personality in a sample of 1080 Kuwaiti and Egyptian teachers which was selected randomly from secondary schools in Kuwait, measured by Hofstede’s five cultural dimensions and five-factor model; gender and nationality were also considered. The results indicated significant positive correlations between agreeableness and power distance, conscientiousness and both individuality and masculinity. There are also significant negative correlations between agreeableness and each individuality and masculinity and uncertainty avoidance, conscientiousness and the variable of power distance, uncertainty avoidance and long-term trend. Also, the results showed that males differed from females on four out of the five cultural dimensions. However, Kuwaitis differ from Egyptians on four out of the five cultural dimensions. Except in the long-termtrend, there were no significant differences between the Kuwaitis and Egyptians.
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41

Alanzi, Adnan M. y Bader M. Alansari. "Relationship between Dimensions of International Culture and the Five-Factor Model of Personality for Kuwaitis and Non-Kuwaiti Teachers". Journal of Educational and Psychological Studies [JEPS] 12, n.º 1 (29 de enero de 2018): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jeps.vol12iss1pp76-95.

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This study aimed to examine the relationshipbetween the dimensions of international culture and the five factors of personality in a sample of 1080 Kuwaiti and Egyptian teachers which was selected randomly from secondary schools in Kuwait, measured by Hofstede’s five cultural dimensions and five-factor model; gender and nationality were also considered. The results indicated significant positive correlations between agreeableness and power distance, conscientiousness and both individuality and masculinity. There are also significant negative correlations between agreeableness and each individuality and masculinity and uncertainty avoidance, conscientiousness and the variable of power distance, uncertainty avoidance and long-term trend. Also, the results showed that males differed from females on four out of the five cultural dimensions. However, Kuwaitis differ from Egyptians on four out of the five cultural dimensions. Except in the long-termtrend, there were no significant differences between the Kuwaitis and Egyptians.
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42

SHERIF, BAHIRA. "The Prayer of a Married Man Is Equal to Seventy Prayers of a Single Man". Journal of Family Issues 20, n.º 5 (septiembre de 1999): 617–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251399020005003.

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This study examines the central role of marriage among upper-middle-class Muslim Egyptians in Cairo, Egypt. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out over a total of 20 months by the author between 1988 and 1996. Using religious and legal sources as well as semistructured interviews and participant observation among two generations of 20 households, this study indicates that marriage continues to occupy a significant place in the life course of both upper-middle-class Muslim men and women. This article indicates that societal norms, as well as family structure and expectations, influence the prevalence of marriage as a necessary rite of passage for achieving adulthood among this class of Egyptians. Furthermore, this article describes the actual customs, beliefs, and practices associated with Muslim Egyptian marriages to counteract the Western bias that often obscures studies of this area of the world.
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43

V., Meretskyi y Meretska I. "Comparative Pharmacotherapy of Hypertension". Ukraïnsʹkij žurnal medicini, bìologìï ta sportu 6, n.º 6 (25 de diciembre de 2021): 148–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26693/jmbs06.06.148.

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The purpose of the study. This study aims to review the practice of the utilization of antihypertensive drugs of various pharmacological groups within the condition of the therapeutic hospital in Ukrainian and Egyptian patients, adherence to treatment in patients with hypertension in Ukraine and Egypt. Materials and methods. A study of 120 patients who were treated for hypertension II stage in a therapeutic hospital in Ternopil and Cairo was conducted. All subjects completed a questionnaire that included personal, socio-demographic, and medical data. The number and type of hypotensive drugs or drug combinations were analyzed. Results and discussion. Regarding the pharmacotherapy of hypertension the use of β-blockers among Ukrainian participants did not differ from Egyptian. The use of calcium channel antagonists was a little bit higher among Egyptians than Ukrainians. Diuretics were used more often by Ukrainians than by Egyptians. The use of ACEI/ARBs surpassed the use of all other classes of antihypertensives among both groups. Whereas the ACEI/ARBs use among Egyptians was lower than Ukrainians. In this study we conducted a determination of compliance which was defined as an act of adhering to the regimen of care recommended by the clinician and persisting with it over time. The majority of Ukrainian and Egyptian patients with hypertension do not always perform the doctor's prescription. The reason for the unfull implementation of medical prescriptions with the same frequency was called deficiency of funds and forgetfulness. Near 80% of Ukrainian respondents are ready to complete the prescription with understanding, however, 14% of the patients stated that they were not always ready to fulfill the prescription, and the smallest part of patients did not think it was necessary to follow the regularity of treatment and treatment regimen. We noted no significant difference in the adherence to antihypertensive therapy between Ukrainian and Egyptian participants. Early discontinuation of treatment and suboptimal daily use of the prescribed regimens are the foremost common facets of poor adherence to treatment as well as non-adherence to antihypertensive therapy correlates with a better risk of cardiovascular events. Conclusion. ACEI/ARBs are the most commonly used group of antihypertensive drugs among Ukrainian and Egyptian patients. The majority of Ukrainian and Egyptian participants with hypertension do not always perform the doctor's prescription. Only 50% had an objective reason for insufficient compliance
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44

Marren, Marina. "The Ancient Knowledge of Sais or See Yourselves in the Xenoi: Plato’s Message to the Greeks". Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 3 (8 de diciembre de 2019): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v3i0.28.

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It is easier to criticize others and their foreign way of life, than to turn the mirror of critical reflection upon one’s own customs and laws. I argue that Plato follows this basic premise in the Timaeus when he constructs a story about Atlantis, which Solon, the Athenian, learns during his travels to Egypt. The reason why Plato appeals to the distinction that his Greek audience makes between themselves and the ξένοι is pedagogical. On the example of the conflict between Atlantis—a mythical and, therefore, a foreign polis— and ancient Athens, Plato seeks to remind the Greeks what even a mighty polis stands to lose if it pursues expansionist war. On the example of the failure that befalls the mythical Atlantis, and on the basis of the religious similarity between ancient Athens and ancient Sais (21e), Plato bridges the distance between the Greeks and the Egyptians, who would have been seen as actual (as opposed to mythical) ξένοι. The next step that Plato encourages his contemporaries to take is this: look at the history of Egypt (8 – 7BC) and the internal conflicts that led to the demise of the last bastion of Egyptian power—Sais—and recognize in the internal political intrigues of the “Athens-loving” (21e) ξένοι the pattern of the destructive actions of the Greeks. Plato moves from the less to the more familiar—from the story about a mythic past and Atlantis, to ancient Athenians, to ancient Egyptians, to the Egyptians and Athenians of Solon’s time. The meeting between the ξένοι—the Egyptians at Sais—and the quintessentially Athenian Greek, Solon (7BC – 6BC), undeniably problematizes the customs, national identity, and political dealings of Plato’s contemporaries, the Greeks in the 5BC – 4BC. By the time that Plato writes the Timaeus, circa 360BC, in the aftermath of the Peloponnesian War, Athens is all but undone. However, the fate of Greece is not yet sealed. Why turn to Egypt? Toby Wilkinson’s (2013) description of the Egyptian kingdom offers a clue: “The monarchy had sunk to an all-time low. Devoid of respect and stripped of mystique, it was but a pale imitation of past pharaonic glories” (The Rise and Fall of Ancient Egypt 431). The Greeks face that same prospect, but how to make them see? Direct criticism (the Philippic addresses of Demosthenes, for example) fails. Plato devises a decoy—make Greeks reflect on the repercussions of their poor political decisions by seeing them reflected in the actions and the history of the Egyptians—the Greek-loving and, by Plato’s time, defeated ξένοι.
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45

Reed, Justin Michael. "Ancient Egyptians in Black and White: ‘Exodus: Gods and Kings’ and the Hamitic Hypothesis". Religions 12, n.º 9 (2 de septiembre de 2021): 712. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090712.

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In this essay, I consider how the racial politics of Ridley Scott’s whitewashing of ancient Egypt in Exodus: Gods and Kings intersects with the Hamitic Hypothesis, a racial theory that asserts Black people’s inherent inferiority to other races and that civilization is the unique possession of the White race. First, I outline the historical development of the Hamitic Hypothesis. Then, I highlight instances in which some of the most respected White intellectuals from the late-seventeenth through the mid-twentieth century deploy the hypothesis in assertions that the ancient Egyptians were a race of dark-skinned Caucasians. By focusing on this detail, I demonstrate that prominent White scholars’ arguments in favor of their racial kinship with ancient Egyptians were frequently burdened with the insecure admission that these ancient Egyptian Caucasians sometimes resembled Negroes in certain respects—most frequently noted being skin color. In the concluding section of this essay, I use Scott’s film to point out that the success of the Hamitic Hypothesis in its racial discourse has transformed a racial perception of the ancient Egyptian from a dark-skinned Caucasian into a White person with appearance akin to Northern European White people.
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46

El Gendi, Yosra y Marco Pinfari. "Icons of contention: The iconography of martyrdom and the construction of Coptic identity in post-revolutionary Egypt". Media, War & Conflict 13, n.º 1 (18 de septiembre de 2019): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635219866137.

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This article explores the changing iconography of martyrdom in Coptic religious icons in recent decades, with particular emphasis on the years that followed the 2011 Tahrir revolution and its role in articulating a more contentious version of Coptic identity vis-à-vis the Muslim majority in Egypt. The authors analyse the iconographical and iconological symbolism of the work of leading artists belonging to the so-called neo-Coptic school, focusing specifically on Victor Fakhoury’s icon of The Martyrs of Maspero and the interaction between Christian and Pharaonic imagery in his ‘New Martyrs’ series. The article argues that the presence of Pharaonic imagery in icons that portray episodes of collective martyrdom is designed to make the martyrs appear as true Egyptians. This portrayal, in turn, reinforces the so-called ‘sons of Egypt’ narrative – the suggestion that Copts are the direct descendants of ancient Egyptians and that they have a strong claim to Egyptian-ness. As such, these icons reflect an increasingly explicit attempt by the Coptic community to frame its identity in opposition to the Muslim majority and, in the process, to contest the content and meaning of Egyptian nationalism during a (failed) democratization process.
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47

Guirguis, Marianne Nabil, Rania Rushdy Moussa, Khaled M. Dewidar y Naglaa Mohamed Yossif. "The Effect of Landscape Features Implemented in Egyptian Parks on Satisfying the Human Needs and Well-being". WSEAS TRANSACTIONS ON ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT 18 (9 de enero de 2022): 100–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.37394/232015.2022.18.11.

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Recently, parks have been recognized as one of the main contributors in the strategic objectives of urban projects, since they provide job opportunities, place attractiveness, increase the real estate market and property values, tourist development, increase the since of social belonging between the residents, improving the public health and the quality of the residents’ life. The presented research is aiming to investigate the effect of Landscape features on the quality of life (QOL) inside Egyptian parks. This study has been inspired by early theorists like “Maslow” and other theorists who have followed Maslow’s footsteps. They analysed and measured the concept of quality of life (QOL)into two well-known terms “human needs” and “well-being”. The study explores the impact of landscape features towards “human needs and well-being”. Lately, Egypt is suffering from inflation and economic crisis which affect the Egyptians life style. Most of the Egyptian society is living a stressful life; this study will examine whether the Egyptian parks help Egyptians as an escape way where all the negative vibes are going to meet with nature resulting in a positive outcome. This research used qualitative investigation method to measure the impact of implementing landscape features in Egyptian parks on enhancing the quality of the Egyptian life by measuring the (QOL) with regards to “human needs and well-being”. The presented research investigated the impact of landscape elements implemented in Al-Azhar Park and Family Park on “human needs and well-being”. That shall pave the way to investors, policymakers, architecture and civil practitioners to realize the potentials of designing and constructing parks in Egyptian urban environment, as an efficient tool to improve the quality of Egyptian life.
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48

Sell, Ralph R. "Egyptian International Labor Migration and Social Processes: Toward Regional Integration". International Migration Review 22, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1988): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838802200304.

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This article reviews evidence that contemporary Egyptian international labor migration to oil-rich Arab countries has followed a classic social process which starts with a homo economicus phase, advances into a goal reorientation phase, and ends with the establishment of diaspora communities in destination societies. The history of Egyptian migration, current estimates of migration, the role of Egyptians in selected Arab countries, and emergent processes all were found to support the predictions of the social process model. Particularly important support comes from the finding that all social classes participated in this migration. Conclusions suggest the likelihood that Egyptian migration processes will promote economic and perhaps social integration in the region.
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49

Murashko, Andrei. "Laughter, carnival and religion in ancient Egypt". European Journal of Humour Research 9, n.º 2 (20 de julio de 2021): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.2.437.

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The article highlights the problem of interaction of the ancient Egypt laughter culture with the category of sacred. A person is confronted with the fact that the examples in question can often be phenomena of a different order, and the use of terms such as “carnival” or even “religion”, “temple” or “priest” in relation to ancient Egypt requires an additional explanation. We find “funny” images on the walls of tombs and in the temples, where the Egyptians practiced their cult. In the Ramesside period (1292-1069 BC) a huge layer of the culture of laughter penetrated a written tradition in a way that Mikhail Bakhtin called the carnivalization of literature. Incredible events are described in stories and fairy tales in a burlesque, grotesque form, and great gods are exposed as fools. Applying of the Bakhtinian paradigm to the material of the Middle and New Kingdom allows to reveal the ambivalent character of the Ancient Egyptian laughter: the Egyptians could joke on the divine and remain deeply religious.
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50

LEISER, GARY. "The First Flight Above Egypt: The Great Week of Aviation at Heliopolis, 1910". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 20, n.º 3 (4 de junio de 2010): 267–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186310000039.

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AbstractThis article describes in detail the beginning of aviation in Egypt, with special reference to the Great Week of Aviation at Heliopolis in 1910, and the effect of this new technology on Egyptians. With the exception of a few flights in North Africa made by French pilots in late 1909, it also describes the first flights in the Arab world. Based primarily on contemporary Egyptian Arabic newspapers, it recounts how a group of colonial entrepreneurs sponsored a great aviation meeting at Heliopolis in order to promote their development of the ‘Oasis of Heliopolis’, or ‘Ayn Shams/Misr al-Jadida, as a new suburb of Cairo. The article focuses on the concept for the meeting, the first flights in Egypt before the meeting, the promotion of the meeting, and the international competitors and their performances. It then summarises the consequences of the meeting for aviation in general, aviation in Egypt – including the reaction of Egyptians to aviation – and the development of Heliopolis.
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