Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Eastern Chrisitan attitudes to Islam"

AbstractThe subjective correlates of abortion attitudes for six different religious traditions (Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, Eastern Orthodoxy, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam). For all six groups, attitudes toward sexual morality exhibit the strongest relationship with abortion attitudes, followed by the effects of attitudes toward human life. Gender role attitudes are much less powerful predictors of abortion attitudes. Further, the multivariate models which explain abortion attitudes are remarkably similar across religious traditions, with inter-religious differences largely being attributable to differences in the marginal distributions of the independent variables.

The rapid development and achievements of science and technology provides people to improve their lives. Over the past 10 years, genetic researches have grown significantly. Today they are the subject of debate not only by doctors, lawyers, but also theologians. Currently, legislation of countries in Middle East regulates genomics and genetic research differently. Countries are having orient towards religion and therefore pay more attention in these countries to the ethical regulators of Islam besides only legal regulation of genomics (humans, animals, plants, i.e. all living things). Ethical standards are gradually becoming legal norms. In some countries of the Middle East, there are draft laws on the legal regulation of genetics; in some countries given attention in the legal acts of executive authorities in genomics sphere, and in some, have been developed local acts of leading medical centers. A number of eastern countries are also highlighted, in the legislation of which some aspects of the legal regulation of genetic research act as legislative novels. In the most economically developed Middle Eastern countries, genetics is one of the priority programs of the state, in particular, there are national strategic programs for the development of countries already use of modern methods of genome sequencing, bioinformatics, and validation methods. Many Middle Eastern countries have ratified international acts in genetic research and on issues related to their regulation. In addition, Islamic states have developed an independent concept of genomics regulation, taking into account the attitudes of the fundamental sources of Islamic law. Based on the read material of the article, the reader learns about the legal, ethical and legal regulation in the field of genomics of Middle Eastern Islamic states.

Using Arab Barometer data (2011), the authors examine Muslim men’s gender attitudes in four predominantly Muslim Middle Eastern and North African countries (Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen) during the Arab Spring. They examine if living in insecurity – which may threaten men’s ability to attain masculine ideals – is related to male overcompensation, evident in strong support for patriarchal gender ideology. They then investigate if Islamic religiosity influences this relationship. Results reveal that political Islam is strongly related to Muslimmenamen’s patriarchal gender attitudes across the region. The effects of living in insecurity and other facets of Islamic religiosity on men’s gender ideology vary by country. The results on the many effects of insecurity and Islam on men’s gender ideology challenge stereotypical representations of the region as uniformly Islamic and patriarchal.

AbstractConclusions from empirical analyses on how Islam influences democratic attitudes in Arab countries differ widely, and the field suffers from conceptual ambiguity and largely focuses on “superficial” democratic support. Based on the non-Middle Eastern literature, this study provides a more systematic theoretical and empirical assessment of the linkages between Islamic attitudes and the popular support for democracy. I link belonging (affiliation), commitment (religiosity), orthodoxy, Muslim political attitudes, and individual-level political Islamism to the support for democracy and politico-religious tolerance. Statistical analyses on seven WVS surveys for Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia show that tolerance levels are remarkably lower than “democratic support”; the influence of being (committed or orthodox) Muslim and Muslim political attitudes are negligible however. Political Islamist views strongly affect tolerance negatively. They also influence “support for democracy,” but if the opposition in an authoritarian country is Islamic, these attitudes actually strengthen this support.

This paper utilises data dimension reduction to settle a heavily debated question concerning the dimensionality of political ideology in the Arab World. It relies on recent data available through the World Values Survey to generate a stable solution for the number of important and exciting dimensions defining ordinary citizens’ political attitude structures. The findings of the analysis suggest that in four Arab states, political ideology is multi-dimensional on the mass level. This negates the widespread assumption made about Arab politics where Islam and secularism constitute the only dimension organising voters’ attitudes and behaviours. This is important because many analyses of Middle Eastern politics start with this assumption without questioning its validity. Further, models of political ideology are to be modified when transferred to studying Middle Eastern political attitudes. The single-dimension hypothesis applicable in some Western settings is not attainable in the Arab World.

Conventionally, the first Muslim-Buddhist encounters are thought to have taken place in the context of the Arab-Muslim expansions into eastern Iran in the mid-seventh century, the conquest of Sind in 711 and the rise of the Islamic empire. However, several theories promoted in academic and popular circles claim that Buddhists or other Indians were present in western Arabia at the eve of Islam and thus shaped the religious environment in which Muhammad’s movement emerged. This article offers a critical survey of the most prominent arguments adduced to support this view and discusses the underlying attitudes to the Islamic tradition, understood as a body of ideas and practices, and Islamic Tradition, understood as a body of texts. Such theories appear to be radical challenges of the Islamic tradition insofar as they seek to reinscribe the presence of religious communities in conventional narratives of Islamic origins that do not acknowledge them. On the other hand, they often operate with an unreconstructed reliance upon the sources of the Islamic Tradition. The assessment focuses ondescriptions of the Ka’ba and objects associated with it as well as on a story about an Indian physician who diagnosed an illness of Muhammad’s wife Aisha. While Indian or Buddhist connections with western Arabia and early Islam do not appear to be entirely impossible, the evidence does not amount to a persuasive case for the early seventh century.

This article provides a textual and visual analysis of Hirsi Ali and van Gogh’s controversial short film Submission (2004) and Marc Forster’s The Kite Runner (2007). Emphasis is placed on rhetorical and plot strategies, aimed at reinforcing unproductive Orientalist stereotypes of Islam and Muslims. The aim of this analysis is to find out how Muslims and Islam are presented in Submission and The Kite Runner, based on E. Said's (1978) work “Orientalism” and to identify Theo van Gogh's assassination, influenced public attitudes towards Muslims. The following means are used to reach the aim: to analyze the concept of Orientalism and stereotypes, connections with the media and the influence of popular culture on their expression; to find out the role of the Muslim minority in the process of constructing social reality (stereotypes); to analyze how Muslims and Islam are presented in the films Submission and The Kite Runner. Summarizing the analysis of the film Submission, it should be noted, that the main character is supposedly portrayed as being oppressed by Islamic culture, who lived in complete isolation, thus reinforcing the negative attitudes and stereotypes in society towards Muslims, especially women. However, the subject of Submission, feminism or the oppression of women was never the main subject of discussion, on the contrary, it was Islamic radicalism, extremism and terrorism. Meanwhile, after analyzing the film The Kite Runner, it should be noted, that the plot reveals stereotypes about Islam and Muslims that exist in both Western and Eastern societies. Oriental characters are portrayed in the film as much lower in morality and values than, for example, Westerners. The film’s episodes emphasize the fanatical consequences of both terrorism and Islamism, and the relationship between the main characters reflects the orientalist culture of Afghanistan.

For the first time in Russian historiography, a Russian-language translation from Turkish (literary version of Ottoman) of a manuscript of an article by the Samara imam Mukhammet-Fatykh Murtazin (18751938), sent to the religious and educational journal Asri Musulmanliq (Modern Islam, published in Simferopol in 19241927) editorial board of the People's Administration of Religious Affairs of Muslims of Crimea (NURDMK). The article entitled Islam and Civilization was planned for placement in № 13 for 1926, its translation was carried out by an employee of the Eastern Department of the OGPU in Crimea and sent for approval of the text to the Eastern Department of the OGPU in Moscow. Murtazin's manuscript contains a number of reformist ideas, loyal to the current political moment. He tried to adapt the Islamic tradition to new reality. The article was not allowed for publication due to the desire of its author to present the priority of Islamic civilization over the European and American worlds, which, obviously, did not correspond to the ideological attitudes of the workers of the Soviet special services. The authors also draw attention to the course and nature of intense theological discussion and the development of renovationist thought in the Muslim world of the Soviet Union in the 1920-ies, a discussion that took place under censorship and the emerging ideological pressure.

AbstractThis essay examines the approaches and themes in two overlapping historiographical areas on women and labor since the sixties. The first area examines the scholarship on Lebanese women and modernization. The second area covers the scholarship on women, labor and the family in Arab Middle Eastern society. Despite their general critique of Orientalist representations of the “Muslim” woman, several scholars continue to invest cognate features of the modernization discourse and West-centered models of womanhood. For one, scholars have persistently stated that the social structures in Middle Eastern/Islamic society do not lend themselves to class or gendered divisions. Using classical Eurocentric criteria for gauging women's “empowerment,” these scholars tried to show that Arab working-women are unable to organize themselves on the basis of gender due to cultural taboos, sectarian affiliations, provincial loyalties, family authority, and lack of education. At times, “Islam” or “culture” is presented as operating from above-creating social attitudes that limit women's public activities and involvement in waged work. The primacy given to cultural difference prevents comparability between Western and Middle Eastern/Muslim women on the basis of shared socio-economic experiences. Several studies overlooked the complex interconnections among family, sect, class and gender expressed through the range of activities and experiences linking women's domestic and waged work. There is indeed an overwhelming focus on the ideas and attitudes of bourgeois woman and their legal rights, which are rarely analyzed in connection to historical context, economic arrangements, productive patterns, or social interest. Rather, they are discussed in connection to women's education and work and ultimately levels of modernization. These prevalent features of the historiographical literature give shape to new and subtle Orientalist narratives about Muslim/Middle Eastern women.

Turkey has been characterized as a nation that exhibits an amalgam of Eastern and Western cultural values. For a lengthy period of time, Turkey had prohibited Muslim women’s wearing of the veil in many public venues. Yet, the vast majority of this nation’s citizens are highly devout Muslims. Our study uses these paradoxes as a springboard for investigating early twenty-first century religious influences on Turkish Muslim women’s attitudes toward gender inequality. We introduce the theoretical construct of diversified institutional contexts, arguing that gender is not simply a singular institutional form but rather ebbs and flows with women’s mobility across variegated institutional settings. We hypothesize that religious devotion among Muslim women in Turkey circa the year 2000 will be associated with greater support for gender inequality across several institutional domains, namely, family, education, the workplace, and politics. In addition, we anticipate that as women move across these institutional contexts, they will encounter distinctive gender norms that shape their social opportunities. The public secularism and privatized religious climate of Turkey will yield the most pronounced religious support for gender inequality in family life when compared with other institutional contexts. These hypotheses are proposed for Turkey at the turn of the twenty-first century, prior to the rise of the current ruling party, and are supported with data analyzed from the 2001 wave of the World Values Survey. We conclude by specifying implications of these findings and promising directions for future research, including the continued monitoring of recent developments in this politically changing nation.

Turkey has been characterized as a nation that exhibits an amalgam of Eastern and Western cultural values. For a lengthy period of time, Turkey had prohibited Muslim women’s wearing of the veil in many public venues. Yet, the vast majority of this nation’s citizens are highly devout Muslims. Our study uses these paradoxes as a springboard for investigating early twenty-first century religious influences on Turkish Muslim women’s attitudes toward gender inequality. We introduce the theoretical construct of diversified institutional contexts, arguing that gender is not simply a singular institutional form but rather ebbs and flows with women’s mobility across variegated institutional settings. We hypothesize that religious devotion among Muslim women in Turkey circa the year 2000 will be associated with greater support for gender inequality across several institutional domains, namely, family, education, the workplace, and politics. In addition, we anticipate that as women move across these institutional contexts, they will encounter distinctive gender norms that shape their social opportunities. The public secularism and privatized religious climate of Turkey will yield the most pronounced religious support for gender inequality in family life when compared with other institutional contexts. These hypotheses are proposed for Turkey at the turn of the twenty-first century, prior to the rise of the current ruling party, and are supported with data analyzed from the 2001 wave of the World Values Survey. We conclude by specifying implications of these findings and promising directions for future research, including the continued monitoring of recent developments in this politically changing nation.

This study aims to identify patterns of social interaction and the basis of argumentation of Islamic groups in the history of the consensus formulation of the primary state of Indonesia. This literature research uses a normative-historical approach. Associative and dissosiative intercation patterns become theories of analysis. The results showed that the pattern of social interaction of Islamic groups in the history of the consesus of the basic formulation of the Indonesian state used associative interaction patterns in the form of compromising attitudes towards nationalist groups. There are five big reasons for the compromise to be considered. First, the threat of disintegration from the representatives of Eastern Indonesia if the seven words in the state basis and the Islamic clauses of the Constitution are passed. Second, Indonesia's condition at that time experienced a power vacuum, becoming a momentum toward independence. Third, the promise of the secular nationalist group, after independence, a special meeting will be held to discuss the basis of the state and the constitution. Fourth, General Election discourse six months after Indonesia's independence, if it wins, it is hoped there will be an Islamic constitution. Fifth, the replacement of the sentence "Almighty Godhead" from "Godhead, with the obligation to carry out Islamic law for its adherents." because it is by the teachings of tawhid. Theoretical implications require a symbiotic, inclusive, and moderate paradigm for Muslims to accept the essential pluralism and universalism of the Indonesian state as a multicultural country.

The aim of this article is to analyze the rise of the so-called Islamic State in the perspective of a Middle Eastern and commentator for “The Independent”, Patrick Cockburn, who also publishes in the “London Review of Books. The text begins with a sketch of the geopolitical determinants for the spread of the Islamic holy war, i.e. jihad. Then, it focuses on the disturbing phenomenon of sectarianism – directed mainly at the Shia branch of Islam – the attitudes of extremist Sunni preachers. The third chapter presents the complex combination of events that has contributed to the growth of extremist tendencies in Iraq. The subject of further deliberations is the conversion of the initially secular resistance to the regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria into a civil war, in which jihadists are the main opponents of the president.

Abstract Interest in esoteric and mystical aspects of Islam in present-day Russia and its Soviet and tsarist predecessors is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. The article starts with a critical discussion of Aleksandr Dugin’s (b. 1962) interpretations of Sufism in his ambitious intellectual project Noomachia: Wars of the Intellect [and] Civilizations of Borderlands. The author then compares Dugin’s conceptualizations of Sufism with those of several Russian writers who lived in the second half of the nineteenth century and whose portrayal of Sufism and its followers is similar to Dugin’s in some important respects. These ideologically driven constructions of Sufism stand in sharp contrast to the self-consciously objective scholarly ones (to the extent that was possible) that emerged in the late nineteenth/early twentieth century within the Russian academic and teaching institutions specializing in Eastern religions, languages, and cultures. The author argues that Russian academic conceptualizations of Sufism mirrored those of the fin-de-siècle German Islamology (Islamforschung) and then proceeds to examine the profound changes in Russian attitudes to Sufism, and Islam generally, after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the rise of the Soviet state that based its legitimacy on the Marxist-Leninist concept of history with its pervasive atheism, materialism, and emphasis on class struggle. It shaped Soviet-era academic and nonacademic approaches to Sufism until the mid-1980s, when Soviet scholars began to question the Marxist-Leninist certainties of the previous six decades.

Differences in business behavior due to regional cultural differences are a primary concern in studying the capital markets. This paper highlights the impact of regional trust, regional corruption, and religious beliefs on local business behavior. Firstly, the paper compares the phenomena that occur in companies because of cultural differences between regions. Then, this study analyzes the effect of these regional differences on local business behavior, taking the attitudes of auditors in China and the United States toward the discovery of problems, the prevalence of corruption in 64 transition economies in Eastern Europe and the Middle East and North Africa, and the impact of Islam on local business as examples. Secondly, the paper analyzes the factors influencing business behavior in terms of social trust, corruption, and religion based on the existing literature. Finally, after summarizing the findings of the above literature, this paper suggests possible future research directions. Overall, this study provides a new insight for future studies concerning the impact of local culture on business activities.

International research has shown that immigrants are often at a disadvantage in the labor market and their expertise often underappreciated. The objective of this article is to review the recruitment process of companies in services, in regard to attitudes to foreign applicants by human resource managers. The research is based on the “thinking aloud” method, where interviewees in qualitative interviews were asked to think aloud while reviewing applicant information. The researchers fabricated six CVs for female applicants from six countries. After examination and discussion of the CVs, the human resource managers were asked further questions on the recruitment of immigrants in their company. The main findings are that human resource managers seem aware of prejudice against people from Eastern Europe, and were willing to hire a woman from Lithuania or Poland for the job. The findings further indicate that in the Icelandic labor market, prejudice centers strongly around religion, then Islam. The participants did, however, attempt to separate themselves from prejudice against Islam by referring to gender equality. The research further suggests that it might not be relevant to make a sharp distinction between skilled and unskilled workers. The findings suggest that the applicant ́s experience makes a difference when the experience has been gained in Iceland, while being much less important if gained somewhere else.

The European aristocratic imaginary and the Eastern paradise: Europe, Islam andChina 1100-1780. Batchelor. Robert Kinnaird, Jr. Ph.D. University of California, LosAngeles, 1999.218~A~d.v isers: John Brewer and David Sabean.The disseaion investigates changes in the social imaginary of the European aristocracy,which centered on the garden as a space of social and cultural production, to argue that firstIslam and later China played an integral role in the formation of conceptions of both aristocraticsociety and later the nation in Europe. The nineteenth century institution ofOrientalism as a scholarly and literary form of writing about the East cannot be understoodwithout an historical understanding of its basis in earlier aristocratic attempts to define andmaintain their class status in emerging nation states by drawing upon cultural models perceivedas external and superior to Europe. An interest in the unique combination of sensualityand emtic love with formal geometry and a strict ordering of nature in the Islamic gardendrove this process during the Middle Ages and Renaissance, while in the seventeenthand eighteenth centuries, especially in England, the “irregular” nature of the Chinese gardenwith its “management of contrasts” and “concealment of the bounds’’ captivated the attentionof a “patriotic” and nationally oriented aristocracy and gentry. These exchanges cameout of, and were in turn shaped by, a formal commerce in writings and images that developedfirst locally in the Meditemean and then globally between Europe and China.Bayazid Bistami an analysis of early Persian mysticism (ninth century, Islam). Tehmi,Diane. Ph.D. Cofwnbia University, 1999. 147pp. Adviser: Hamid Dabashi.This study is an analysis of the development of early Persian mysticism with specific referenceto the ninth century Islamic mystic Bayazid Bistami. The study contains historical,political, social, religious, and literary background of Bayazid in Islamic thought. A completetranslation of the sayings of Bayazid, certain metaphors employed by him for the clarificationof his doctrine, and an alphabetized list of names of the persons and places mentionedin the text are also brought into consideration. This study also contains backgroundof his life. contemporaries, and contribution to Sufism. as well as terminology, symbolicmetaphors, and annotation of expressions and technical terms in his work.Terrorism in the name of religion: perceptions and attitudes of religious leaders fromJudaism, Christianity, and Islam in the United States. Al-Khattar, Aref M. Ph.D.Idiana University of Pennsylvania, 1998. 365pp. Adviser: W. Timothy Austin.This dissertation analyzes the way in which spiritual leaders representing Judaism,Christianity, and Islam perceive terrorism. In-depth, semistructured interviews were conductedto explore how Rabbis, Priests, and Imams/Sheiks from three monotheistic religionsdefine and justify terrorism in the name of religion. Also addressed are what functions, ifany, religious leaders can or should play in fostering better understanding of terrorism in theU.S.A. or elsewhere. A stratified, purposive sample of 24 participants was drawn from anavailable population of religious leaders (representing their major sects) from the Northeastregion of the United States. Following traditions appropriate to qualitative research, datawas collected, sorted and analyzed. Findings of this study confiied the difficulty of definingterrorism. All participants agree that terrorism cannot be justified in their religions.Nevertheless, many of them gave some justifications of certain terrorist acts without specificallyconsidering these acts as terrorism. It was concluded that violence, but not terrorism, ...

Until recently, unofficial interpretations of the situation with human rights had remained as an unspoken taboo in Uzbekistan, whereas foreign observers harshly criticized the country, pointing out systematic violations and restrictions of rights by the state. Indeed, not many could predict that the new President Shavkat Mirziyoev, who was elected in 2016, would initiate steps towards improving the human rights situation and, simultaneously, face specific challenges. The 1992 Constitution was developed within the complex transition process from socialism to market economy. This Constitution devotes an entire chapter to human and citizens’ rights. Initially, some authors expected that the Constitution would integrate rights in the context of natural-legal ideas. However, Uzbekistan has largely preserved and strengthened the positivist approach towards constitutional rights, designating the state to grant and limit those rights. The paradox of this situation is that Uzbekistan’s tendencies conflict with the general trends of the post-socialist constitutionalism since the country practically did not change constitutional provisions’ evolutionary development. On the other hand, in the post-socialist Eastern European countries and some former USSR republics, the collapse of socialism led to a constitutional revolution. The author applies historical analysis and cognitive constitutionalism methods to explain a paradox of impossibility to root natural-legal ideas within the (1) deeply-rooted Soviet positivism and (2) revived pre-Soviet traditionalism. On the other hand, the historical 1992 Constitution preparatory process, guided by the special Working group and headed by Islam Karimov, and the theory of human rights in Uzbekistan inherited a strong influence from the doctrine of the Soviet constitutionalism; its positivism, dogmatism and normativism. On the one hand, the author focuses on the impact of traditionalism revived after 1991 in national customs, behavioural attitudes, or social values; and paternalism that had transformed into a “super-presidentialism”, which widely continued a principle of the state’s priority above the individual. In conclusion, the author points to the existing legal imperfections of the constitutional text, and offers approaches to shorten the gap between the supporters of positivism in the 1992 Constitution and the natural right theory’s followers.

Artikkelissani tarkastelen tanskalaisen rikosdraamasarjan Rikos (Forbrydelsen, 2007–2012) musiikki- ja äänidramaturgiaa ja erityisesti siinä esiintyviä erilaisia Lähi-itään viittaavia tyylipiirteitä. Samalla arvioin, minkälaisia strategioita sarjan musiikissa ja äänisuunnittelussa käytetään suhteessa maahanmuuttajuuteen ja erityisesti islamilaiseen kulttuuriin. Kyseessä on poikkeuksellisen hyvin menestynyt draamasarja, joka oli siivittämässä pohjoismaisen audiovisuaalisen rikosdraaman murtautumista maailmanlaajuiseksi kulttuurituotteeksi. Se on myös yksi keskeisistä niin sanotun nordic noirin edustajista, tyylilajin, jossa tyypillisesti on yhteiskuntakriittinen ote.Keskityn analyysissäni sarjan ensimmäiseen tuotantokauteen, jossa selvitetään teini-ikäisen tytön murhaa. Kyseisellä tuotantokaudella sarjassa ei eksplisiittisesti käsitellä islamia tai maahanmuuttajuutta, myöskään mitään selkeää rasismiin tai muukalaisvihaan liittyvää tematiikkaa sarjassa ei ole. Tästä huolimatta erityisesti erityisesti sarjan musiikeissa, mutta myös äänisuunnittelussa, hyödynnetään arabialaiseen ja persialaiseen kulttuuriin viittaavia tyylikeinoja, ja ne nivoutuvatkin keskeiseksi osaksi sarjan kerrontaa ja ilmaisua. Sarjan ensimmäinen tuotantokausi tehtiin ja julkaistiin aikana, jolloin Tanskassa maahanmuuttajuuteen liittyvät kysymykset ja maan suhtautuminen islamilaiseen kulttuuriin olivat juuri olleet runsaasti esillä, johtuen muun muassa niin sanotuista Muhammad-pilapiirroksista. Tarkastelen sarjan musiikki- ja äänidramaturgiaa myös tätä taustaa vasten.The Soundtrack of the Nordic Noir Series The Killing and its “Middle Eastern” TopoiThe Danish TV-series The Killing (Forbrydelsen, 2007–2012) became unprecedentedly successful internationally, and it was one of the series that helped Nordic crime drama films and television series become a global phenomenon. It is also one of the central representatives of the so-called nordic noir, a crime fiction sub-genre, that is often considered to be socially critical by default. In this article I examine the music and sound design of The Killing, and especially those stylistic features that point to the Middle East and the Islamic culture. I also evaluate what types of strategies the series uses in its music and sound design with respect to immigration from Islamic countries in particular. In my analysis I focus on the first season of the series (2007), in which the murder of a teenage girl is investigated. This particular season does not explicitly deal with Islam or immigration, nor does it have any clearly discernible themes related to racism or xenophobia. However, especially the music but also the sound design contain characteristics that point towards Arabic and Persian cultures, which are woven into the narrative and expressive fabric of the series. The first season was made and published in Denmark during a period when questions concerning immigration and the country's attitudes towards Islamic culture were heatedly debated because of the so-called Muhammad cartoons crisis. I consider the music and sound design of The Killing also in light of this backdrop.

Purpose This paper aims to form an empirical study, stemming from a Middle-Eastern context, on eliminating gender discrimination and achieving women’s empowerment. It aims to develop a conceptual model on the principal social and cultural factors inducing the success of Emirati women in attaining senior leadership roles and shaping their leadership style to be transformational. Moreover, it examines the comparability and divergence of the accumulated data on the empowerment of Emirati women in an international context from existing international literature. Design/methodology/approach The design of the study was based on data gathered from face-to-face, semi-structured interviews with four Emirati women occupying the highest leadership positions in various fields, followed by thematic analysis. Findings Data analysis confirmed the significant influence of the study’s key factors, namely, the role of the national government, Islamic work ethic and family, on the subjects’ empowerment and their adherence to transformational leadership style. However, two new k ey factors impacting empowerment emerged, namely, the influence of rulers’ leadership and the efforts in balancing work/life commitments. The findings led to the development of a study model on Emirati women empowerment and leadership style, reflecting the appropriateness of international literature on the Emirati context. Particularly, it is the social and economic circumstances of the nation supported by policies form the major source of empowerment, in addition to the important role that family capital and business ethics play. Remarkably, the challenges facing Emirati working women ought to be different than the rest of the Middle East. Originality/value A dearth of literature pertaining to women’s leadership exists; however, they were mostly carried out within Western contexts that may not be applicable to Arab societies because of cultural and religious differences. The study strives to portray an unambiguous picture to the significant impact of the parenting role and Islam work ethics in relating positively to their daughters and prompt them to develop crucial societal and professional skills, in a country as UAE where expatriates and Westerns dominate the population body. In addition, it shapes the UAE national government as a unique example and role model, to local governments in other Arab states, to learn from regarding supporting women, helping them to achieve excellence. Aiming for feminizing leadership, the Emirati women leadership styles are explored in an attempt to demonstrate the capacities and potentials of Emirati and Arab women in positions of power and influence. It is assumed that this study will help in bringing confidence in Emirati women capabilities, inducing a change in attitudes towards Arab women managers and encouraging employment in non-traditional feminine based jobs.

AbstractUsually the European perception of South Asia and, related to it, academic research into this region, is informed by specific, powerful images and metaphors that establish a dichotomisation of the world. The reasons for this development cannot be analysed in detail here. Suffice it to say, however, that this organisation and designation of the world has deep roots. Until the Reformation, Europe was basically perceived only in terms of geographical boundaries. But the dichotomy between “Europe” and “Asia” acquired a new dimension in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when, in the wake of a change of paradigm into modernity, European self-consciousness gradually developed into a sense of European intellectual superiority. Just as a new form of collective identity had developed within the boundaries of Europe, based on the idea of “nation” in the late eighteenth century, and just as the members of the early nation-states forcibly dissociated themselves by definition from members of other societies in order to be able to establish their own identity, now, with the same intention, though on a different level, Europeans dissociated themselves from “Asia”, the “Orient” and “Islam”. The political recollection of important master narratives kept the mythical fictions in mind and imbued the nation-building process with enormous real power. This development towards a modern European identity was based, as can be deduced from many travellers' testimonies, on the history of reception, reciprocal perceptions, and the development of enemy images. In this process, the Orient and the Orientals were also used by Europeans as a didactic background for the critique of their own (European) urban societies. The literary technique of contextual alienation and distancing, such as can be found in Montesquieu's “Persian Letters”, was born in this period. These and following processes of projection were connected among others things with the fact that Europeans, as colonial masters, advanced to confront the world outside Europe. There they were faced with attitudes and norms that forced them to question their own perceptions. In doing so, they also tended to accept some of these strange and different ideas, and, thus, exposed themselves to cultural hybridisation which could then only be overcome by the reconstructing of their own culture as something “pure”, in contrast to the “degenerate” culture of the colonialised. In this way, collective antagonisms developed. Even the Oriental crusades that had been critically evaluated by European academicians, were now for the first time perceived in terms of cultural clash. Analogously, Europe and Asia were constructed in the eighteenth century and very predominantly in the nineteenth century in terms of arenas of power politics. For instance, it was during this time that the eastern borders of Europe were conceptualised, with the Balkans and Transoxania being considered as buffers or gaps between the two.

Whilst Edward Gibbon's Memoirs of My Life comprise a notoriously complex document of autobiographical artifice, there is no reason to question the honesty of its revelation of his attitudes to geography and its relationship to the historian's craft. Writing of his boyhood before going up to Oxford, Gibbon commented that his vague and multifarious reading could not teach me to think, to write, or to act; and the only principle, that darted a ray of light into the indigested chaos, was an early and rational application of the order of time and place. The maps of Cellarius and Wells imprinted in my mind the picture of ancient geography: from Stranchius I imbibed the elements of chronology: the Tables of Helvicus and Anderson, the Annals of Usher [sic] and Prideaux, distinguished the connection of events . . . This seems a fairly direct comment on Gibbon's attitude to geography as a historian in that it is confirmed by various of his working documents and commonplace book comments not aimed at posterity and by the practice embodied in his great work that was thus targeted, the Decline and Fall. Taking Gibbon's private documents, the first manuscript we have in his English Essays, for example, is a tabulated chronology from circa 1751 when Gibbon was fourteen years old, which begins with the creation of the world in 6000 BC and runs up to 1590 BC, this being exactly the sort of material which could be commonplaced from the likes of Ussher and Prideaux. Matching this attention to chronology is a concern with geography, and indeed the two are coupled together as in his comment in the Memoirs. Thus in his Index Expurgatoris (1768–9), Gibbon berates Sallust as “no very correct historian” on the grounds that his chronology is not credible and that “notwithstanding his laboured description of Africa, nothing can be more confused than his Geography without either division of provinces or fixing of towns”. In this regard, Gibbon the author of the Decline and Fall was a “correct” historian, in that he was careful to frame each arena in which historical events were narrated in the light of a prefatory description of the geography of the location under discussion. This is most readily apparent in the second half of the opening chapter of the work, where Gibbon proceeds on what his “Table of Contents” calls a “View of the Provinces of the Roman Empire”, starting in the West with Spain and then proceeding clockwise to reach Africa on the other side of the Pillars of Hercules, a pattern of geographical description directly mirroring ancient practice in Strabo's Geography and Pomponius Mela's De Situ Orbis. But this practice of prefacing a historical account with geographical description repeats itself at various points in the work, as when, approaching the end of his grand narrative, Gibbon reaches the impact of “Mahomet, with sword in one hand and the Koran in the other” on “the causes of the decline and fall of the Eastern empire”. Before discussing the birth of Islam, Gibbon treats his readers to a discussion of the geography of Arabia, beginning with its size and shape before moving on to its soils, climate and physical–geographic subdivisions.

ABSTRAK Strategi penghimpunan zakat infaq dan sedekah masa kini harus selaras dengan perkembangan teknologi dan perilaku masyarakat 5.0 (society 5.0), dimana Society 5.0 menciptakan masyarakat yang berbasis teknologi sehingga pembayaran zakat, infaq, dan sedekah non tunai harus memanfaatkan teknologi finansial seperti, mobile banking, ATM, QRIS, dompet digital maupun e-commerce. Tujuan penelitian ini yaitu guna mengetahui besarnya penerimaan dan penggunaan layanan teknologi finansial dalam membayar Zakat, Infaq, dan Sedekah (ZIS) menggunakan ekstensi Technology of Acceptance Model (TAM) dengan motivasi spiritual. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah Structural Equation Modeling Partial Least Square (SEM-PLS) dengan sebanyak 129 responden yang berasal dari Kota Bekasi, Bandung, Bogor, Cimahi, Sukabumi, Garut, Majalengka, Tasikmalaya, dan Pangandaran. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa muzakki dalam menerima dan menggunakan layanan teknologi keuangan untuk membayar ZIS secara non tunai dipengaruhi oleh persepsi kemudahan, persepsi kegunaan, sikap, dan intensi. Implikasi dari penelitian ini adalah agar lembaga zakat dapat mengetahui penerimaan dan penggunaan teknologi muzakki dalam menunaikan zakat non tunai sehingga dapat berinovasi dalam menyediakan layanan bagi muzakki maupun masyarakat yang akan membayar zakat non tunai. Kata Kunci: Zakat Non Tunai, Kesejahteraan Umum, Perilaku Mikroekonomi, Ekonomi Keuangan. ABSTRACT The strategy of collecting zakat infaq and alms today must be in line with technological developments and community behavior 5.0 (society 5.0), where Society 5.0 creates a technology-based society. ATM, QRIS, digital wallet, and e-commerce. The purpose of this study is to determine the amount of acceptance and use of financial technology services in paying Zakat, Infaq, and Alms (ZIS) using the Technology of Acceptance Model (TAM) extension with spiritual motivation. The research method used is Structural Equation Modeling Partial Least Square (SEM-PLS) with 129 respondents taken from Bekasi, Bandung, Bogor, Cimahi, Sukabumi, Garut, Majalengka, Tasikmalaya, and Pangandaran. This study found that muzakki in accepting and using financial technology services to pay ZIS non-cash were influenced by perceived ease of use, perceived usefulness, attitudes, and intentions. However, the perceived usefulness does not affect the attitude of muzakki in paying non-cash ZIS, and indirectly the perceived usefulness does not affect the actual use of muzakki to pay ZIS. 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ABSTRAK Penurunan profit bisnis kecil akibat implikasi ekonomi pasca pandemi COVID-19. Persoalan struktur permodalan menjadi kendala dalam mempertahankan dan meningkatkan usahanya secara terus menerus seiring kerubahan zaman. Koperasi Syariah sebagai salah satu lembaga keuangan Islam yang keislaman lebih dekat secara eksistensi maupun teritorial dengan masyarakat tingkat bawah sehingga menjadi alternatif pengembangan usaha masyarakat secara syariah sesuai persyaratan yang diberikan. Studi ini bertujuan untuk untuk menganalisis pengaruh literasi keuangan syariah dalam sikap, pengaruh sosial dan self-efficacy terhadap perilaku pemanfaatan produk koperasi syariah di Indonesia. Studi kuantitatif survey online dengan melibatkan 280 calon anggota koperasi syariah yang membutuhkan pembiayaan dan merupakan pemilik UMKM dijalankan dengan teknik analisis SEM PLS. Hasil studi menunjukkan pengaruh literasi keuangan terhadap sikap, pengaruh sosial dan self-efficacy lalu dilanjutkan arah jalur dukungan hipotesis terhadap niat untuk memilih Koperasi Syariah sebagai solusi kebutuhan finansial UMKM ditemukan. Strategi manajerial khususnya pemasaran dikembangkan dengan mempertimbangkan efek sikap positif, pengaruh sosial dan efikasi diri calon anggota sebagai pemilik bisnis atau produk keuangan syariah yang akan mereka tawarkan kepada pelanggan mereka akan berkontribusi pada pertumbuhan sektor UMKM khususnya UMKM Generasi Millenial dan UMKM Hijau di Indonesia melalui upaya promosi dan kerjasama. Kata Kunci: ASE Model, Ekonomi Islam, Koperasi Syariah, Pemberdayaan, UMKM. ABSTRACT The decline in small business profits due to the post-COVID-19 pandemic economy. The issue of capital structure is an obstacle in maintaining and increasing development continuously in line with the changing times. Sharia cooperatives as one of the Islamic financial institutions are closer in existence and territorially to the lower level of society so that they become an alternative for community business development in accordance with the requirements given. This study aims to analyze the effect of Islamic financial literacy on attitudes, social influence and self-efficacy on the application of Islamic cooperative products in Indonesia. Quantitative study of online surveys involving 280 prospective members of Islamic cooperatives who need financing and are MSME owners carried out with the PLS SEM analysis technique. The results of the study show the effect of financial literacy on attitudes, social influence and self-efficacy, then choosing the direction of hypothesis support for the intention to find Islamic Cooperatives as a solution to the financial needs of MSMEs. Managerial strategies especially marketing that are developed taking into account the effects of positive attitudes, social influence and self-efficacy of prospective members as owners or Islamic financial products that they will offer to their customers will increase the growth of the MSME sector, especially Millennial Generation MSMEs and Green MSMEs in Indonesia through promotional efforts and cooperation. Keywords: ASE Model, Islamic Economics, Sharia Cooperatives, Empowerment, MSMEs. REFERENCES Abourrig, A. (2021). Social influence in predicting Islamic banking acceptance: Evidence from Morocco. International Journal of Accounting, Finance, Auditing, 2(2), 42–56. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4641472 Ajzen, I. (1991a). The theory of planned behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 50(2), 179–211. https://doi.org/10.1016/0749-5978(91)90020-T Ajzen, I. (1991b). The theory of planned behavior. 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The monograph examines the position of "indigenous" Muslims in Eastern Europe. The difference in the approaches of states in relation to the descendants of the Tatars who settled in the countries of Eastern Europe on the example of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is described. Almost all countries have their own special history of relations with the Muslim world. Islam persists as a factor in ethnic identity. The article considers the policy of the European Union, which obliges the EU countries to pursue a policy of accepting certain quotas from countries as "Syrian refugees". The article considers the tightening of antiimmigrant legislation in Eastern Europe and examples of negative attitudes towards this project.

IllegitimacyBack in 1987, Gregory Bateson argued that:Kurt Vonnegut gives us wary advice – that we should be careful what we pretend because we become what we pretend. And something like that, some sort of self-fulfilment, occurs in all organisations and human cultures. What people presume to be ‘human’ is what they will build in as premises of their social arrangements, and what they build in is sure to be learned, is sure to become a part of the character of those who participate. (178)The human capacity to marginalise and discriminate against others on the basis of innate and constructed characteristics is evident from the long history of discrimination against people whose existence is ‘illegitimate’, defined as being outside the law. What is inside or outside the law depends upon the context under consideration. For example, in societies such as ancient Greece and the antebellum United States, where slavery was legal, people who were constructed as ‘slaves’ could legitimately be treated very differently from ‘citizens’: free people who benefit from a range of human rights (Northup). The discernment of what is legitimate from that which is illegitimate is thus implicated within the law but extends into the wider experience of community life and is evident within the civil structures through which society is organised and regulated.The division between the legitimate and illegitimate is an arbitrary one, susceptible to changing circumstances. Within recent memory a romantic/sexual relationship between two people of the same sex was constructed as illegitimate and actively persecuted. This was particularly the case for same-sex attracted men, since the societies regulating these relationships generally permitted women a wider repertoire of emotional response than men were allowed. Even when lesbian and gay relationships were legalised, they were constructed as less legitimate in the sense that they often had different rules around the age of consent for homosexual and heterosexual couples. In Australia, the refusal to allow same sex couples to marry perpetuates ways in which these relationships are constructed as illegitimate – beyond the remit of the legislation concerning marriage.The archetypal incidence of illegitimacy has historically referred to people born out of wedlock. The circumstances of birth, for example whether a person was born as a result of a legally-sanctioned marital relationship or not, could have ramifications throughout an individual’s life. Stories abound (for example, Cookson) of the implications of being illegitimate. In some social stings, such as Catherine Cookson’s north-eastern England at the turn of the twentieth century, illegitimate children were often shunned. Parents frequently refused permission for their (legitimate) children to play with illegitimate classmates, as if these children born out of wedlock embodied a contaminating variety of evil. Illegitimate children were treated differently in the law in matters of inheritance, for example, and may still be. They frequently lived in fear of needing to show a birth certificate to gain a passport, for example, or to marry. Sometimes, it was at this point in adult life, that a person first discovered their illegitimacy, changing their entire understanding of their family and their place in the world. It might be possible to argue that the emphasis upon the legitimacy of a birth has lessened in proportion to an acceptance of genetic markers as an indicator of biological paternity, but that is not the endeavour here.Given the arbitrariness and mutability of the division between legitimacy and illegitimacy as a constructed boundary, it is policed by social and legal sanctions. Boundaries, such as the differentiation between the raw and the cooked (Lévi-Strauss), or S/Z (Barthes), or purity and danger (Douglas), serve important cultural functions and also convey critical information about the societies that enforce them. Categories of person, place or thing which are closest to boundaries between the legitimate and the illegitimate can prompt existential anxiety since the capacity to discern between these categories is most challenged at the margins. The legal shenanigans which can result speak volumes for which aspects of life have the potential to unsettle a culture. One example of this which is writ large in the recent history of Australia is our treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and the impact of this upon Australia’s multicultural project.Foreshadowing the sexual connotations of the illegitimate, one of us has written elsewhere (Green, ‘Bordering on the Inconceivable’) about the inconceivability of the Howard administration’s ‘Pacific solution’. This used legal devices to rewrite Australia’s borders to limit access to the rights accruing to refugees upon landing in a safe haven entitling them to seek asylum. Internationally condemned as an illegitimate construction of an artificial ‘migration zone’, this policy has been revisited and made more brutal under the Abbot regime with at least two people – Reza Barati and Hamid Khazaei – dying in the past year in what is supposed to be a place of safety provided by Australian authorities under their legal obligations to those fleeing from persecution. Crock points out, echoing the discourse of illegitimacy, that it is and always has been inappropriate to label “undocumented asylum seekers” as “‘illegal’” because: “until such people cross the border onto Australian territory, the language of illegality is nonsense. People who have no visas to enter Australia can hardly be ‘illegals’ until they enter Australia” (77). For Australians who identify in some ways – religion, culture, fellow feeling – with the detainees incarcerated on Nauru and Manus Island, it is hard to ignore the disparity between the government’s treatment of visa overstayers and “illegals” who arrive by boat (Wilson). It is a comparatively short step to construct this disparity as reflecting upon the legitimacy within Australia of communities who share salient characteristics with detained asylum seekers: “The overwhelmingly negative discourse which links asylum seekers, Islam and terrorism” (McKay, Thomas & Kneebone, 129). Some communities feel themselves constructed in the public and political spheres as less legitimately Australian than others. This is particularly true of communities where members can be identified via markers of visible difference, including indicators of ethnic, cultural and religious identities: “a group who [some 585 respondent Australians …] perceived would maintain their own languages, customs and traditions […] this cultural diversity posed an extreme threat to Australian national identity” (McKay, Thomas & Kneebone, 129). Where a community shares salient characteristics such as ethnicity or religion with many detained asylum seekers they can become fearful of the discourses around keeping borders strong and protecting Australia from illegitimate entrants. MethodologyThe qualitative fieldwork upon which this paper is based took place some 6-8 years ago (2006-2008), but the project remains one of the most recent and extensive studies of its kind. There are no grounds for believing that any of the findings are less valid than previously. On the contrary, if political actions are constructed as a proxy for mainstream public consent, opinions have become more polarised and have hardened. Ten focus groups were held involving 86 participants with a variety of backgrounds including differences in age, gender, religious observance, religious identification and ethnicity. Four focus groups involved solely Muslim participants; six drew from the wider Australian community. The aim was to examine the response of different communities to mainstream Australian media representations of Islam, Muslims, and terrorism. Research questions included: “Are there differences in the ways in which Australian Muslims respond to messages about ‘fear’ and ‘terror’ compared with broader community Australians’ responses to the same messages?” and “How do Australian Muslims construct the perceptions and attitudes of the broader Australian community based on the messages that circulate in the media?” Recent examples of kinds of messages investigated include media coverage of Islamic State’s (ISIS’s) activities (Karam & Salama), and the fear-provoking coverage around the possible recruitment of Australians to join the fighting in Syria and Iraq (Cox). The ten focus groups were augmented by 60 interviews, 30 with respondents who identified as Muslim (15 males, 15 female) and 30 respondents from the broader community (same gender divisions). Finally, a market research company was commissioned to conduct a ‘fear survey’, based on an established ‘fear of rape’ inventory (Aly and Balnaves), delivered by telephone to a random sample of 750 over-18 y.o. Australians in which Muslims formed a deliberative sub-group, to ensure they were over-sampled and constituted at least 150 respondents. The face-to-face surveys and focus groups were conducted by co-author, Dr Anne Aly. General FindingsMuslim respondents indicate a heightened intensity of reaction to media messages around fear and terror. In addition to a generalised fear of the potential impact of terrorism upon Australian society and culture, Muslim respondents experienced a specific fear that any terrorist-related media coverage might trigger hostility towards Muslim Australian communities and their own family members. According to the ‘fear survey’ scale, Muslim Australians at the time of the research experienced approximately twice the fear level of mainstream Australian respondents. Broader Australian community Australian Muslim communityFear of a terrorist attackFear of a terrorist attack combines with the fear of a community backlashSpecific victims: dead, injured, bereavedCommunity is full of general victims in addition to any specific victimsShort-term; intense impactsProtracted, diffuse impactsSociety-wide sympathy and support for specific victims and all those involved in dealing with the trauma and aftermathSociety-wide suspicion and a marginalisation of those affected by the backlashVictims of a terrorist attack are embraced by broader communityVictims of backlash experience hostility from the broader communityFour main fears were identified by Australian Muslims as a component of the fear of terrorism:Fear of physical harm. In addition to the fear of actual terrorist acts, Australian Muslims fear backlash reprisals such as those experienced after such events as 9/11, the Bali bombings, and attacks upon public transport passengers in Spain and the UK. These and similar events were constructed as precipitating increased aggression against identifiable Australian Muslims, along with shunning of Muslims and avoidance of their company.The construction of politically-motivated fear. Although fear is an understandable response to concerns around terrorism, many respondents perceived fears as being deliberately exacerbated for political motives. Such strategies as “Be alert, not alarmed” (Bassio), labelling asylum seekers as potential terrorists, and talk about home-grown terrorists, are among the kinds of fears which were identified as politically motivated. The political motivation behind such actions might include presenting a particular party as strong, resolute and effective. Some Muslim Australians construct such approaches as indicating that their government is more interested in political advantage than social harmony.Fear of losing civil liberties. As well as sharing the alarm of the broader Australian community at the dozens of legislative changes banning people, organisations and materials, and increasing surveillance and security checks, Muslim Australians fear for the human rights implications across their community, up to and including the lives of their young people. This fear is heightened when community members may look visibly different from the mainstream. Examples of the events fuelling such fears include the London police killing of Jean Charles de Menezes, a Brazilian Catholic working as an electrician in the UK and shot in the month following the 7/7 attacks on the London Underground system (Pugliese). In Australia, the case of Mohamed Hannef indicated that innocent people could easily be unjustly accused and wrongly targeted, and even when this was evident the political agenda made it almost impossible for authorities to admit their error (Rix).Feeling insecure. Australian Muslims argue that personal insecurity has become “the new normal” (Massumi), disproportionately affecting Muslim communities in both physical and psychological ways. Physical insecurity is triggered by the routine avoidance, shunning and animosity experienced by many community members in public places. Psychological insecurity includes fear for the safety of younger members of the community compounded by concern that young people may become ‘radicalised’ as a result of the discrimination they experience. Australian Muslims fear the backlash following any possible terrorist attack on Australian soil and describe the possible impact as ‘unimaginable’ (Aly and Green, ‘Moderate Islam’).In addition to this range of fears expressed by Australian Muslims and constructed in response to wider societal reactions to increased concerns over radical Islam and the threat of terrorist activity, an analysis of respondents’ statements indicate that Muslim Australians construct the broader community as exhibiting:Fear of religious conviction (without recognising the role of their own secular/religious convictions underpinning this fear);Fear of extremism (expressed in various extreme ways);Fear of powerlessness (responded to by disempowering others); andFear of political action overseas having political effects at home (without acknowledging that it is the broader community’s response to such overseas events, such as 9/11 [Green ‘Did the world really change?’], which has also had impacts at home).These constructions, extrapolations and understandings by Australian Muslims of the fears of the broader community underpinning the responses to the threat of terror have been addressed elsewhere (Green and Aly). Legitimate Australian MuslimsOne frustration identified by many Muslim respondents centres upon a perceived ‘acceptable’ way to be an Australian Muslim. Arguing that the broader community construct Muslims as a homogenous group defined by their religious affiliation, these interviewees felt that the many differences within and between the twenty-plus national, linguistic, ethnic, cultural and faith-based groupings that constitute WA’s Muslim population were being ignored. Being treated as a homogenised group on a basis of faith appears to have the effect of putting that religious identity under pressure, paradoxically strengthening and reinforcing it (Aly, ‘Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism’). The appeal to Australian Muslims to embrace membership in a secular society and treat religion as a private matter also led some respondents to suggest they were expected to deny their own view of their faith, in which they express their religious identity across their social spheres and in public and private contexts. Such expression is common in observant Judaism, Hinduism and some forms of Christianity, as well as in some expressions of Islam (Aly and Green, ‘Less than equal’). Massumi argues that even the ways in which some Muslims dress, indicating faith-based behaviour, can lead to what he terms as ‘affective modulation’ (Massumi), repeating and amplifying the fear affect as a result of experiencing the wider community’s fear response to such triggers as water bottles (from airport travel) and backpacks, on the basis of perceived physical difference and a supposed identification with Muslim communities, regardless of the situation. Such respondents constructed this (implied) injunction to suppress their religious and cultural affiliation as akin to constructing the expression of their identity as illegitimate and somehow shameful. Parallels can be drawn with previous social responses to a person born out of wedlock, and to people in same-sex relationships: a ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ kind of denial.Australian Muslims who see their faith as denied or marginalised may respond by identifying more strongly with other Muslims in their community, since the community-based context is one in which they feel welcomed and understood. The faith-based community also allows and encourages a wider repertoire of acceptable beliefs and actions entailed in the performance of ‘being Muslim’. Hand in hand with a perception of being required to express their religious identity in ways that were acceptable to the majority community, these respondents provided a range of examples of self-protective behaviours to defend themselves and others from the impacts of perceived marginalisation. Such behaviours included: changing their surnames to deflect discrimination based solely on a name (Aly and Green, ‘Fear, Anxiety and the State of Terror’); keeping their opinions private, even when they were in line with those being expressed by the majority community (Aly and Green, ‘Moderate Islam’); the identification of ‘less safe’ and ‘safe’ activities and areas; concerns about visibly different young men in the Muslim community and discussions with them about their public behaviour and demeanour; and women who chose not to leave their homes for fear of being targeted in public places (all discussed in Aly, ‘Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism’). Many of these behaviours, including changing surnames, restricting socialisation to people who know a person well, and the identification of safe and less safe activities in relation to the risk of self-revelation, were common strategies used by people who were stigmatised in previous times as a result of their illegitimacy.ConclusionConstructions of the legitimate and illegitimate provide one means through which we can investigate complex negotiations around Australianness and citizenship, thrown into sharp relief by the Australian government’s treatment of asylum seekers, also deemed “illegals”. Because they arrive in Australia (or, as the government would prefer, on Australia’s doorstep) by illegitimate channels these would-be citizens are treated very differently from people who arrive at an airport and overstay their visa. The impetus to exclude aspects of geographical Australia from the migration zone, and to house asylum seekers offshore, reveals an anxiety about borders which physically reflects the anxiety of western nations in the post-9/11 world. Asylum seekers who arrive by boat have rarely had safe opportunity to secure passports or visas, or to purchase tickets from commercial airlines or shipping companies. They represent those ethnicities and cultures which are currently in turmoil: a turmoil frequently exacerbated by western intervention, variously constructed as an il/legitimate expression of western power and interests.What this paper has demonstrated is that the boundary between Australia and the rest, the legitimate and the illegitimate, is failing in its aim of creating a stronger Australia. The means through which this project is pursued is making visible a range of motivations and concerns which are variously interpreted depending upon the position of the interpreter. The United Nations, for example, has expressed strong concern over Australia’s reneging upon its treaty obligations to refugees (Gordon). Less vocal, and more fearful, are those communities within Australia which identify as community members with the excluded illegals. The Australian government’s treatment of detainees on Manus Island and Nauru, who generally exhibit markers of visible difference as a result of ethnicity or culture, is one aspect of a raft of government policies which serve to make some people feel that their Australianness is somehow less legitimate than that of the broader community. AcknowledgementsThis paper is based on the findings of an Australian Research Council Discovery Project (DP0559707), 2005-7, “Australian responses to the images and discourses of terrorism and the other: establishing a metric of fear”, awarded to Professors Lelia Green and Mark Balnaves. 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