Artículos de revistas:

1

Pechatnov, Valentin V. y Vladimir O. Pechatnov. "AMERICA IN THE EYES OF DIPLOMATS AND PRIESTS OF TSAR RUSSIA: THE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS". Научное мнение, n.º 1-2 (16 de febrero de 2024): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25807/22224378_2024_1-2_11.

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The article examines the perception of the United States by Russian diplomats and priests of the Russian Orthodox Church in the United States in 1867–1917. The authors analyse the views of Russian diplomats and clergymen on various aspects of the American reality in the political, social, economic, scientific, technical, cultural and spiritual spheres. The research is based on a wide source base of domestic archives. Conclusions are drawn about the dual nature of perception of the United States by Russian diplomats and clergymen. On the one hand, they admired the level of economic, scientific and technological development of the United States, as well as the religiosity of Americans, on the other hand, they were critical of democracy and secularity of the American civilisation.

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2

Repnikova, Maria y Keyu Alexander Chen. "Asymmetrical discursive competition: China–United States digital diplomacy in Africa". International Communication Gazette 85, n.º 1 (27 de enero de 2023): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17480485221139460.

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This article examines China–US competition for narratives by analyzing whether and how Chinese and American diplomats engage each other in routine diplomatic outreach to African audiences on Twitter. Drawing on case studies of Kenya and South Africa, our study uncovers “asymmetrical discursive competition”—Chinese diplomatic accounts selectively launch discursive attacks (both defensive and offensive) on the United States, while the US diplomatic accounts tend to ignore China. We further find that in invoking the United States, Chinese diplomats largely bypass Africa and African issues, and instead, focus on contesting larger claims about China's legitimacy.

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3

Pechatnov, Val V. y V. O. Pechatnov. "Orthodox Religion and Church in Everyday Life of Russian Diplomats in the United States of the Late 19th – Early 20th Century". Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 42 (2022): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2022.42.81.

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The article, based on documents from Russian and American archives, explores the role of Orthodoxy in the value system of Russian diplomats, their participation in church life and relationships with the clergy. The article reveals the role of Orthodoxy and the Church in the daily life of diplomats of the Russian Empire who worked in the United States in 1867–1917, when the interaction of Russian diplomacy and the Aleutian-Alaska (North American) Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church reached its heyday. It is shown that the entire daily life of diplomats in America was built according to the church calendar with its series of religious holidays, fasts and other church events. It is concluded that, despite the divergence of corporate cultures of these institutions of spiritual and secular power of the Russian Empire, as well as the great differences in the lifestyle of diplomats and clergy, they were united by a common religious and state identity and a common mission – the promotion of Russian influence in the United States. In the conditions of being in an alien environment, Orthodoxy for diplomats became the most important part of Russian self-identification. At the same time, much depended on the individual characteristics of the representatives of the diplomatic corps: social origin, the degree of their religiosity and other features of the worldview. Concrete examples reveal the main types of participation of diplomats in the life of the diocese – from formal to zealously pious. The level of interpersonal communication between representatives of the clergy and the Russian diplomatic colony in the United States is also considered.

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4

Beeman, William O. "Living with Iran". Ethics & International Affairs 1 (marzo de 1987): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1987.tb00516.x.

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In the past nine years the Islamic Republic of Iran has posed the most difficult of all foreign policy problems for the United States—a problem usually confronted by marriage counselors rather than diplomats, for Iran is the nation that the United States cannot live with and cannot live without.

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5

Raspopina, Alena y Varvara Filashkina. "Reflection of the Taiwan Issue in the Diplomatic Discourse of Russia, China and the United States at the Present Stage". Russian and Chinese Studies 8, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2024): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2024.8(1).46-56.

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The article deals with the actual problem of reflecting the Taiwan issue in the diplomatic discourses of Russia, China and the United States. The source of the analysis was the texts of the diplomats' speeches for 2023. The following diplomats and politicians' interviews, speeches, and statements were examined: US Secretary of State — A.J. Blinken, Chinese Foreign Ministers — Qing Gang and Wang Yi, Russian Foreign Minister — S.V. Lavrov. As part of the studied issue of diplomatic discourse, an article by Russian diplomat V.F. Pryakhin about the upcoming visit of E. Blinken to Beijing was also analyzed. For the authors, key characters and words used in the speeches of diplomats who carried emotional and expressive connotations were of immediate interest. Considering diplomatic discourse as a form of communication between diplomatic officials and studying it by analyzing the specific language used in spoken or written language of diplomats, allows us to notice even minor changes in relations between states. When, instead of the usual and accepted emotionally restrained style, diplomats begin to use emotionally colored phrases in speech, we can talk about an increase in tension in communication between states. The works of domestic and foreign scientists were analyzed in a brief historiographical review of the issue under consideration. The purpose of the analysis was to study how the attitude to the Taiwan issue affects the diplomatic discourse of the main parties to the conflict: China and the United States, as well as the diplomatic discourse of a third party — Russia. Content analysis as a research method was used. The results of the study are presented in the form of a table of the three countries’ diplomatic discourses’ main elements, as well as in the form of a graph of expressiveness in the texts of different speeches. It was revealed that the Russian and Chinese diplomatic discourses are the most expressive.

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6

Garnett, Richard. "STATE AND DIPLOMATIC IMMUNITY AND EMPLOYMENT RIGHTS: EUROPEAN LAW TO THE RESCUE?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 64, n.º 4 (24 de agosto de 2015): 783–827. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589315000366.

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AbstractThe issues of State and diplomatic immunity in cases involving persons employed by foreign States in embassies or consulates or engaged directly by diplomats remain controversial. The focus of this article is on recent developments in European law, in particular under the European Convention on Human Rights, the Brussels I Regulation and the Charter of the European Union, the effect of which has been to enhance the rights of employees of foreign States. Analysis is also made of the United Nations Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and their Property and the current domestic practice of States with the aim of identifying the present international law standard on State immunity and embassy and consular employment. Employees of diplomats, however, remain inadequately protected and this article considers possible strategies for improving their position.

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7

Nickles, David. "Telegraph Diplomats: The United States' Relations with France in 1848 and 1870". Technology and Culture 40, n.º 1 (1999): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.1999.0049.

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8

Roett, Riordan. "Brazil and the United States: Beyond the Debt Crisis". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, n.º 1 (febrero de 1985): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165662.

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North American political scientists and foreign policy observers spend a good deal of time lecturing Brazil on its proper role in world affairs. Brazilian diplomats and foreign policy specialists are occupied with formulating appropriate responses to the well meaning, but basically inaccurate, attempts of the Americans to push Brazil into global leadership (Política e Estrategia, 1983).With the coming change in government on March 15,1985, the debate will again erupt. Will Tancredo Neves reformulate Brazilian foreign policy? Can Paulo Maluf redefine his country's role in world affairs? My own sense of the evolution of Brazilian foreign policy is that the concern is irrelevant. Brazil's world view, for some decades, has manifested a high degree of coherence and even predictability, if one listens to what Brazilian foreign policy elites say as well as what they do.

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9

Hewitt, Elizabeth. "Founded in Fiction: The Uses of Fiction in the Early United States". Genre 56, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2023): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00166928-10346873.

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10

Marchukov, A. N. "The EU Public Diplomacy in the United States under the D. Trump Administration: Challenges, Key Projects and Outcomes". Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, n.º 4 (24 de marzo de 2023): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-4-125-144.

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Public diplomacy is one of the key foreign policy instruments of the European Union for strengthening its international stance. In that regard, Brussels pays special attention to ensuring trust-based relations with the United States, which traditionally acts as the EU’s leading trade and military partner. The apparent cooling in transatlantic relations provoked by harmful rhetoric and practices of D. Trump administration forced the EU to focus on non-traditional channels of interacting with the American audience. In this context, the analysis of the EU’s attempts to adapt its public diplomacy programmes in the United States to the new realities is of particular interest. The first section outlines the political, economic, administrative, and image risks faced by EU diplomats in this area during the presidency of D. Trump (2017−2020). The second section examines the main thematic priorities, mechanisms and projects of the EU public diplomacy aimed at the American audience. The author argues that during the period under review the EU placed special emphasis on advocacy, cultural diplomacy, and exchange programmes for young people. The author concludes that, although European diplomats failed to achieve a qualitative improvement in transatlantic relations during D. Trump’s tenure, the EU public diplomacy demonstrated resilience and flexibility in the face of adverse circumstances. Indeed, the EU diplomats proved their creativity in developing innovative programmes which can be instrumental for future development of the EU public diplomacy in general.

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11

Larson, Ethan. "Open to the Public: Serbs and Ethnic Crossover in the United States". Two Homelands, n.º 55 (28 de noviembre de 2022): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/dd.2022.1.04.

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Diasporas are often imagined as impermeable communities. Yet the boundaries of the Serbian diaspora in the United States were surprisingly porous to certain outsiders, such as Ruth Mitchell, who routinely dressed as a Chetnik to address Serbian immigrants. Mitchell’s act of ethnic crossover, this paper argues, fits into a broader pattern of ethnic outsiders joining Serbian organizations in the United States. Four case studies besides Ruth Mitchell are discussed: Eleanor Calhoun, Johann Blose, Charles DeHarrack, and Frank Melford. Diplomats acted as gatekeepers to these Serbophiles, limiting access to emigrant social and political networks as they saw fit—but only rarely was the Serbophiles’ ethnic background a factor.

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12

BFN, Helen Boxwill, Kristine Dinnison, Linda Whitmore, Leslie Allen, Anita H. Morris, Belinda Y. Louie et al. "Booksearch: Recommended Historical Fiction Set in the United States". English Journal 81, n.º 5 (septiembre de 1992): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/819909.

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13

Lewandowsky, Stephan, Werner G. K. Stritzke, Klaus Oberauer y Michael Morales. "Memory for Fact, Fiction, and Misinformation". Psychological Science 16, n.º 3 (marzo de 2005): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0956-7976.2005.00802.x.

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Media coverage of the 2003 Iraq War frequently contained corrections and retractions of earlier information. For example, claims that Iraqi forces executed coalition prisoners of war after they surrendered were retracted the day after the claims were made. Similarly, tentative initial reports about the discovery of weapons of mass destruction were all later disconfirmed. We investigated the effects of these retractions and disconfirmations on people's memory for and beliefs about war-related events in two coalition countries (Australia and the United States) and one country that opposed the war (Germany). Participants were queried about (a) true events, (b) events initially presented as fact but subsequently retracted, and (c) fictional events. Participants in the United States did not show sensitivity to the correction of misinformation, whereas participants in Australia and Germany discounted corrected misinformation. Our results are consistent with previous findings in that the differences between samples reflect greater suspicion about the motives underlying the war among people in Australia and Germany than among people in the United States.

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14

Ekengren, Ann-Marie, Fredrik D. Hjorthen y Ulrika Möller. "A Nonpermanent Seat in the United Nations Security Council". Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 26, n.º 1 (9 de abril de 2020): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02601007.

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Abstract This article contributes with a novel systematic theoretical and empirical exploration of why states find a nonpermanent seat in the UN Security Council attractive. Three conceptualizations of power—to influence, to network, and to gain status—guide the empirical analysis. A telephone interview survey with diplomatic staff at Member States’ permanent missions to the United Nations in New York provides readers with original and unique empirical knowledge of state perceptions of power. The candidature for a seat comes with expectations of influencing decision-making, despite modest estimations of the opportunity to have impact. Opportunities to network and to gain status are not frequent reasons for a candidature. Diplomats’ estimations are nevertheless higher on the opportunity to actually establish relevant relationships and to gain status brought by a seat.

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15

van der Maar, Rimko. "“Easily Emotional” and “Always Inclined to Extremes.” Ambassador Herman van Roijen and Dutch Anxiety about American Anti-Communism, 1947–53". Diplomatica 4, n.º 1 (23 de marzo de 2022): 100–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-bja10063.

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Abstract This article presents anti-communism as a flexible, chameleon-like phenomenon that took on various guises in different countries, depending on their specific domestic circumstances. Historical scholarship remembers both the Netherlands and the United States as strongly anti-communist. However, in the 1950s Dutch officials contrasted their own supposedly sober-minded approach to communism with what they regarded as emotional responses to communism in America. Based on the private correspondence of Dutch ambassador in Washington, Herman van Roijen, and his interactions with The Hague, it is argued that the Red Scare in the United States (1947–54) unsettled Dutch policymakers and diplomats. The initial phase of the transatlantic alliance was complicated by disagreements between allies about geostrategy and budgetary questions, but also by anti-communism, which revealed a deep cultural divide between Europe and the United States and tested allied relations from the outset.

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16

Zhimin, Chen. "US Diplomacy and Diplomats: A Chinese View". Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6, n.º 3-4 (21 de marzo de 2011): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119111x583932.

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This article presents mainstream views in China about US diplomacy in general and particularly US diplomacy towards China in the twenty-first century. In general, US diplomacy is seen as primacy-seeking, missionary pragmatism, hard power first, with persistent impulsive unilateralism, and only constrained by a disruptive power-sharing domestic political system. Chinese leaders and diplomats tend to favour those American counterparts who can demonstrate pragmatism, appreciation, commitment and professionalism. They believe that China needs to negotiate from a position of strength with normally over-demanding American counterparts, and to pay extraordinary attention to detail in negotiations. While the Chinese held a negative view about the overall diplomacy of US President George W. Bush, they welcomed his pragmatic diplomacy towards China and regarded it as his most positive diplomatic legacy. Although the Chinese have developed a more positive view towards President Obama’s diplomacy, in considering the United States’ persisting desire for primacy, its missionary tradition and highly pluralistic domestic politics, the Chinese are more cautious in embracing the Obama administration’s charm-offense diplomacy than many US allies.

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17

Sohár, Anikó. "From the United States (via the Soviet Union) to Hungary". Pázmány Papers – Journal of Languages and Cultures 1, n.º 1 (13 de junio de 2024): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.69706/pp.2023.1.1.12.

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Isaac Asimov was the favourite American science-fiction author in the Kádár era due to extraliterary reasons, many of his works were therefore translated when science fiction, a previously prohibited popular genre was introduced to the Hungarian public. This paper analyses the first two Hungarian translations, that of a short story entitled ‘Victory Unintentional’ and that of a collection of short stories entitled I Robot. Both indirect and direct translations exhibit multiple traces of censorship and revision, significantly changing the structure, atmosphere and message of the original works. The paper also calls attention to the need to gather information about the literary translators of the Kádár era as long as some of them are still alive, make use of oral history.

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18

Taylor, James, Daniel Galvez, Chady Atallah y Bashar Safar. "The facts and fiction of breaking into the United States". Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 99, n.º 1 (enero de 2017): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/rcsbull.2017.42.

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19

Jiang, Wencheng. "A Study on the Construction of the National Media Image of American Science Fiction Films in the New Century". Advances in Humanities Research 3, n.º 1 (20 de noviembre de 2023): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7080/3/2023016.

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As a significant genre of Hollywood blockbusters, science fiction films showcase the unbeatable technological prowess of the United States, serving as a vital avenue for international communication and the display of a powerful national image. Science fiction films have left a distinctive impression on audiences worldwide, portraying the United States as the global leader in technology, owing to the presence of real scientific research facilities, enigmatic scientific symbols, advanced research equipment, and extraordinary imagination within the genre. Since the turn of the century, American science fiction films have undergone a significant shift in their communication strategy, presenting a "hardcore Iron Man" national media image. This paper, employing agenda-setting theory and content analysis methodology, explores the specific pathways through which American science fiction films constructed the national media image from 2000 to 2019.

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20

TYMCHENKO, Roman. "DIPLOMATS OF UNR AND ZUNR AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE". Contemporary era 6 (2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-105-118.

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In January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference began for the establishment of the world post-war order and solution of territorial conflicts and new national borders. Ukrainians, having proclaimed an independent state, hoped for the legal recognition. The negative attitude of the Entente states to Ukraine aggravated this situation, as well as the retreat of the UNR and ZUNR armies under the pressure of Bolshevik on the east and Polish troops on the west, that were not allies. These states wanted to establish their political domination on the Ukrainian lands. The necessity of the international recognition of the Ukrainian state had required the leadership of the UNR and ZUNR to pursue a common foreign policy. The Ukrainian delegation arrived in Paris very late and without an official invitation. The author determined that united Ukraine was represented by diplomats of different political orientations whose professional background did not suit the level of the tasks of the Peace Conference. A large number of members of the delegation have complicated the situation of Ukrainians at the conference because of different political and ideological positions. The case of Western Ukraine was on the agenda almost all the time, and united Ukraine was mentioned only sporadically. Therefore, the Galicians, hoping for the implementation of the principles of the Woodrow Wilson points, tried to act separately from the joint Ukrainian delegation. They issued their own papers and appeals, which often contradicted the statements of the joint Ukrainian mission. Eventually, the internal confrontation led to a split of the joint Ukrainian delegation, and in December 1919, Galician representatives Vasyl Paneiko and Stepan Tomashivsky dismissed from the joint delegation. As a result, the delegation did not fulfill the task: The Entente had never recognized the sovereignty of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The pessimistic attitude towards the Ukrainians of the Entente states, the domestic split of the Parisian delegation, and the inability to clearly represent “the Ukrainian issue” did not bring the success. Despite this, Ukrainians denied part of Entente’s stereotypes and were able to outline some issues, especially concerning Eastern Galicia. Keywords Paris Peace Conference, Ukrainian People's Republic, West Ukrainian People's Republic, Eastern Galicia, diplomacy.

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21

Klimasmith, Betsy. "Founded in Fiction: The Uses of Fiction in the Early United States by Thomas Koenigs". Journal of the Early Republic 42, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2022): 672–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2022.0097.

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22

Rezek, Joseph. "Founded in Fiction: The Uses of Fiction in the Early United States by Thomas Koenigs". Early American Literature 58, n.º 1 (2023): 258–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eal.2023.0019.

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23

Boyle, Francis A. "The world court lawsuits by the Republic of Iraq against the United States and the United Kingdom". Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 13, n.º 2 (1 de septiembre de 2019): 205–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00008_1.

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The article explores the author’s experience of crafting legal actions meant to bring a case against the governments of the United States and the United Kingdom for the genocidal conditions that arose from their actions against the people of Iraq from 1991 to 2003. Based on a similar effort, successfully brought to the International Court of Justice on behalf of the people and Republic of Bosnia in 1993, the strong potential for a legal and peaceful remedy to bring an end to Iraqi civilian suffering ‐ as well as the potential to avert a future war ‐ existed and drove the author to implore Iraqi legal action before the ICJ. Iraqi state officials, from the President’s Office to that of Deputy PM Tariq Aziz, through Iraqi diplomats in New York, were canvassed and engaged in an effort for the author to receive their support to act on Iraq’s behalf at the ICJ. Published here is the author’s recollection of this effort to prosecute international crimes against the Iraqi people as well as an overview of the ICJ case that while never brought forward, could have prevented the 2003 invasion and its aftermath.

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24

Nugroho, Bhakti Satrio. "‘Firearming’ Fairytales: NRA and Gun Culture in American Fan-Fiction". J-Lalite: Journal of English Studies 3, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2022): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.jes.2022.3.2.6061.

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Gun issue becomes one of the most polemic issues in the United States alongside racism. Regardless, the last major gun control legislation to make it into law was the assault weapons ban in 1994 as part of a larger crime-related bill approved during Bill Clinton presidential period. After the assault weapons ban expired, American society is threatened by the increasing numbers of gun violence issue such as mass shooting and gun homicide. In this case, NRA involvement is vital towards gun culture in the United States. As non-profit organization, NRA has influential lobbying for any policies towards gun policies. Thus, this paper discusses the dissemination of gun culture on NRA family website www.nrafamily.org. In 2016, Amelia Hamilton rewrote two Grimm’s fairytales “Little Red Riding Hood (Has a Gun)” and “Hansel and Gretel (Have Guns). Since gun becomes commodity, these NRA versions of fairytales can be analyzed as part of consumer manipulation by using consumer capitalist theory. Thus, this analysis shows that those fan-fictionalized fairytales consist of two main aspects: gun as protector and gun culture as common culture in the United States. It embraces the rationalization of gun ownership’ in the United States despite its lethal consequences.

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RUANE, ABIGAIL E. ""Real Men" and Diplomats: Intercultural Diplomatic Negotiation and Masculinities in China and the United States". International Studies Perspectives 7, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2006): 342–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1528-3585.2006.00258.x.

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26

Liudmila, Ivkina. "Russian diplomacy and the liberal Russian press on the events of the Ten-Year War of Independence (1868-1878)". Latin-american Historical Almanac 28, n.º 1 (9 de noviembre de 2020): 54–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2020-28-1-54-85.

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The article examines Russia's position on the War of Independence in Cuba (1868-1878), which marked the beginning of a long process of national liberation. The tone of the reports of Russian diplomats from Spain and the United States was determined by the policy of neutrality and non-interference typical of Russia's foreign policy towards Spain after Аlexander II's accession to the Russian throne in 1855. Events of the liberation struggle of the Cuban people, methods and forms of liberation movement, the policy of the United States and Spain in relation to the war of independence in Cuba received coverage in the liberal Russian press, such publications as "World Illustration", "The Case", "The Herald of Europe". Articles and notes contained objective information about the events taking place in Cuba, expressed feelings of solidarity and support for the Cuban people, condemned the policy of Spain, which sought by any means to suppress the revolutionary process, criticized the Cuban policy of the United States, persecuted their vested economic interests and not interested in the independence of Cu-ba.

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27

Barone, Dennis. "Machines are Us: Joseph Papaleo and the Literature of Sprawl". Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 42, n.º 1 (marzo de 2008): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458580804200106.

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This essay examines the work of Italian American fiction writer Joseph Papaleo in the context of suburbanization, globalization, and ethnic heritage and identity. In doing so I demonstrate that Papaleo's fiction provides understanding of how Italian Americans have looked at Italy as they experienced the alienation of a consumer culture. Papaleo's fiction presents a mixed nostalgia for what Italy represents and recognition that it, too, like the United States, confronts continuous auto-dependent sprawl. Papaleo adds a suburban focus to the more frequently urban-centered literature of Italian Americans and he adds an ethic perspective to the predominantly Anglo American literature of the suburbs. His 1970 novel Out of Place depicts a materially successful Italian American, Gene Santoro, who cannot fill a deeper spiritual need in either the United States or Italy.

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28

Weisbrode, Kenneth. "ROOSEVELT'S MAN IN EUROPE". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, n.º 1 (enero de 2016): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000602.

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Lewis Einstein (1877–1967) was a little-known diplomat who became one of Theodore Roosevelt's closest advisers on European affairs. Roosevelt's attraction to Einstein derived not only from a keen writing style and considerable fluency in European history, literature and politics, but also from his instinct for anticipating the future of European rivalries and for the important role the United States could play there in preserving peace. The two men shared a perspective on the twentieth century that saw the United States as a central arbiter and enforcer of international order—a position the majority of Americans would accept and promote only after the Second World War. The relationship between Roosevelt and Einstein sheds light on the rising status of American diplomacy and diplomats and their self-image vis-à-vis Europe at the turn of the twentieth century.

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Ingleson, Elizabeth O’Brien. "The Invisible Hand of Diplomacy". Pacific Historical Review 90, n.º 3 (2021): 345–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.3.345.

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In December 1977, a tiny group of U.S. glove makers—most of whom were African American and Latina women—launched a petition before the U.S. International Trade Commission calling for protection from rising imports. Their target was China. Represented by the Work Glove Manufacturers Association, their petition called for quotas on a particular kind of glove entering the United States from China: cotton work gloves. This was a watershed moment. For the first time since the Communist Party came to power in 1949, U.S. workers singled out Chinese goods in pursuit of import relief. Because they were such a small group taking on a country as large as China, their supporters championed the cause as one of David versus Goliath. Yet the case has been forgotten, partly because the glove workers lost. Here I uncover their story, bringing the history of 1970s deindustrialization in the United States into conversation with U.S.-China rapprochement, one of the most significant political transformations of the Cold War. The case, and indeed the loss itself, reveals the tensions between the interests of U.S. workers, corporations, and diplomats. Yet the case does not provide a simple narrative of U.S. workers’ interests being suppressed by diplomats and policymakers nurturing globalized trade ties. Instead, it also underscored the conflicting interests within the U.S. labor movement at a time when manufacturing companies were moving their production jobs to East Asia.

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Bakshaev, Maxim. "The Conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain in the Lens of American and Soviet Diplomacy, the 1970s". ISTORIYA 13, n.º 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022287-4.

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The article analyzes the conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain (Partido Comunista de España, PCE) in the 1970s through the prism of Soviet-American relations during the era of Detente. Since the late 1960s, the Communist Party of Spain, headed by General Secretary S. Carrillo, began to distance itself from the CPSU, the leader of the International Communist Movement (ICM). In the conditions of the ongoing Cold War, the growing conflict between the parties meant the threat of a split within the ICM, which could not but attract the attention of the United States. The purpose of the article is to determine how the conflict between the CPSU and the Communist Party of Spain was perceived by American and Soviet state leaders, diplomats and the expert community during the 1970s, in order to establish how the assessments of this conflict in the United States and the USSR influenced the adjustment of the foreign policy strategies of these powers. The article examines the key stages of the development of relations between the leadership of the Soviet and Spanish Communist parties – "shadow" and public – as well as the perception of this conflict by Soviet and American diplomats, their assessments and reactions. The research is based on the sources of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI), available documents of the US State Department and the CIA.

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31

Marmor, Theodore. "Fact and Fiction: The Medicare "Crisis" Seen From the United States". HealthcarePapers 1, n.º 3 (15 de junio de 2000): 82–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12927/hcpap..17373.

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32

Popkova, Anna. "Exploring Citizen Diplomacy’s Local Impact: The Case of Global Ties Kalamazoo". Hague Journal of Diplomacy 17, n.º 2 (10 de marzo de 2022): 248–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10100.

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Summary This article examines the local impact of citizen diplomacy through the case study of a volunteer-driven citizen diplomacy organisation Global Ties Kalamazoo (GTKzoo) based in Kalamazoo, Michigan (United States). Drawing on the data from 25 in-depth interviews with GTKzoo volunteers, this study demonstrates that citizen diplomats view citizen diplomacy as more authentic compared to traditional diplomacy. Representation as a key component of citizen diplomacy is also discussed, with GTKzoo volunteers struggling to reconcile their desire to ‘show the good parts of America’ with their understanding that ‘the good parts’ alone are not giving visitors a complete picture. This study also introduces two approaches to assessing the local impact of citizen diplomacy — instrumental and reflexive. The study concludes that the reflexive approach dominates citizen diplomats’ discussions as they focus on learning from the visitors, feeling inspired to be better community members, and seeing their local community through a more nuanced perspective.

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Balcı, Ali y Talha İsmail Duman. "Turkey’s Candidature to the UN Security Council Seat in 1948: Why the West’s ‘Favorite’ Candidate Lost". Turkish Historical Review 11, n.º 2-3 (29 de junio de 2021): 284–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10017.

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Abstract Following the Second World War, Turkey vigorously pursued a policy of effective participation in international institutions. As part of this policy, Turkish diplomats campaigned for a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council in the year 1948. This article aims to provide descriptive information about this campaign and explain why Turkey lost the election in the UN General Assembly for the seat reserved for the Near East region. In doing so, the article primarily uses historical documents from the Foreign Relations of the United States (frus) series because they provide very detailed information about backstage diplomacy, motivations of candidate countries, and opinions of the US diplomats about candidates. The article concludes that it was the US Cold War policies that influenced the outcome of the 1948 election. Although it was publicly known that the US supported Turkey in this election, a closer examination of the American diplomatic documents reveals that the US voted for Egypt in order to keep it in the Western camp.

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Beck, J. "DANIEL CORDLE. States of Suspense: The Nuclear Age, Postmodernism and United States Fiction and Prose." Review of English Studies 61, n.º 252 (8 de octubre de 2010): 838–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgp094.

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35

Lin, Mao. "Traders as Diplomats: Trade and Sino-American Rapprochement, 1971-78". International Journal of Social Science Studies 5, n.º 10 (26 de septiembre de 2017): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v5i10.2670.

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During the 1970s, U.S.-China relations went through a major strategic transformation. To oppose their common enemy, the Soviet Union, the two countries ended hostilities which lasted for more than two decades and became Cold War allies. Many scholars have discussed this major historic turning point, however, most scholars have focused exclusively on the strategic relations between the two countries, while ignoring bilateral economic and trade relations. This paper argues that trade relations actually constituted an important aspect of American foreign policy towards China. And the development of trade relations in the 1970s was mainly promoted by American businessmen. These American businessmen not only hoped to open the Chinese market, but also consciously regarded themselves as “unofficial ambassadors”, because they believed that trade will contribute to the improvement of the relations between the two countries. By developing trade with China, the United States expected to transform China into a market-oriented economy, and eventually change the political nature of the Chinese regime.

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Fernandes, Clinton. "Accomplice to Mass Atrocities: The International Community and Indonesia’s Invasion of East Timor". Politics and Governance 3, n.º 4 (26 de noviembre de 2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i4.272.

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This paper examines early warning of, and political responses to, mass atrocities in East Timor in the late 1970s. Using newly-declassified intelligence and diplomatic records, it describes Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor in 1975 and its three year military campaign to crush the East Timorese resistance. It shows that the campaign resulted in mass deaths due to famine and disease, and considers the United Nations’ response to the unfolding crisis. It evaluates the level of international awareness of the humanitarian crisis in East Timor by inspecting contemporaneous eyewitness reports by foreign diplomats from states with a keen interest in Indonesia: Australia, the United States, New Zealand and Canada. In contrast to a popular, highly lauded view, the paper shows that these states did not “look away”; rather, they had early warning and ongoing knowledge of the catastrophe but provided military and diplomatic assistance to Indonesia. The paper contrasts a counter-productive effort by civil society activists with a very effective one, and thus demonstrates the role that robust scholarship can play in terminating atrocities.

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Ebben, Maurits. "Het Staatse ambassadegebouw in de zeventiende eeuw. Het logement van Hendrick van Reede van Renswoude in Madrid, 1656-1669". Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 25 (31 de diciembre de 2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c07c43ed1e6e.

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Even though Dutch historians have been investigating seventeenth-century material culture with regard to lifestyle and home furnishing extensively since the early 1980s, no such research has been done on the material world of the United Provinces’ diplomats abroad. This article seeks to provide insights into the main material cultural aspects of the seventeenth-century Dutch embassy: the building’s exterior, lay-out, and furnishing. A detailed inventory of Baron Hendrick van Reede van Renswoude’s movables, the first ambassador of the Lords States General to the Spanish court (1656-1669), is the main source for a detailed case study on the accommodations of the Dutch ambassador. His residence in Madrid, its indoor and outdoor spaces were equipped with the customary attributes of an early modern European diplomat. Although less lavish, opulent and refined than the French or Spanish, the Dutch diplomat’s material cultural world fitted in with the general diplomatic culture, which was increasingly influenced by the ethos of the nobility across Europe in the seventeenth century. At the same time, local conditions and lifestyle conventions shaped the ambassadorial building’s exterior and interior. The fact that Dutch diplomats, like almost all European diplomats,took residence in rented furnished local houses, undermined the implicit separateness of the embassy as a distinctly national space that reflected a typical lifestyle, a political or religious message.

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Blume, Kenneth J. "Preparing the South Pacific for U.S. Influence: The uss Narragansett in Samoa, 1872". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, n.º 1 (19 de marzo de 2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02701002.

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This article explores the diplomatic negotiations that U.S. Navy Commander Richard W. Meade conducted in Samoa in 1872. The resulting agreement that came to be known as “the Meade Treaty” was the first the United States negotiated with Samoa, but scholars usually have not explored the details of it and the process that produced it because the U.S. Senate rejected the treaty. Meade’s motivations and actions in Samoa provide a case study in how the interactions of naval officers, business leaders, islanders, and diplomats converged to produce early U.S. diplomacy in the Pacific. The article sketches the situation in Samoa in 1872 when Commander Meade and his ship, the uss Narragansett, arrived. The role of the United States in the Pacific was changing in the last third of the 19th Century, and Commander Meade’s motivations, influences, and actions illustrate the new wave of U.S. Pacific expansion during the years after the American Civil War.

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McKercher, Asa. "A Helpful Fixer in a Hard Place: Canadian Mediation in the U.S. Confrontation with Cuba". Journal of Cold War Studies 17, n.º 3 (julio de 2015): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00551.

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With the breakdown of relations between Washington and Havana after the Cuban revolution in 1959, officials in Ottawa found themselves in an unenviable position. Increasingly, Canadian diplomats and politicians felt caught between, on one side, their most important ally and trading partner, and, on the other, a country that had not caused harm to Canada in any significant way. Alarmed by this state of affairs, Canadian officials on several occasions considered mediating the dispute between Cuba and the United States. Ultimately, however, policymakers in Ottawa stopped short of taking this step, largely because they recognized that their U.S. allies disapproved of mediation. Many historians, in playing up the differences between Canadian and U.S. foreign policies toward Cuba, have ignored Canada's caution in choosing an independent stance. This article shows that in dealings over Cuba, Canadian officials were mindful both of Canada's limited capabilities and of its position as a close ally of the United States.

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40

Furman, Andrew. "Jewish-American fiction and the multicultural curriculum in the United States; or, what is Jewish-American fiction?" English Academy Review 15, n.º 1 (diciembre de 1998): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10131759885310091.

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Yao, Xine. "Founded in Fiction: The Uses of Fiction in the Early United States by Thomas Koenigs". Eighteenth-Century Fiction 35, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2023): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ecf.35.1.161.

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Moskos, Michelle Ann, Jennifer Achilles y Doug Gray. "Adolescent Suicide Myths in the United States". Crisis 25, n.º 4 (julio de 2004): 176–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910.25.4.176.

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Abstract: In the United States, teen suicide rates tripled over several decades, but have declined slightly since the mid-1990s. Suicide, by its nature, is a complex problem. Many myths have developed about individuals who complete suicide, suicide risk factors, current prevention programs, and the treatment of at-risk youth. The purpose of this article is to address these myths, to separate fact from fiction, and offer recommendations for future suicide prevention programs. Myth #1: Suicide attempters and completers are similar. Myth #2: Current prevention programs work. Myth #3: Teenagers have the highest suicide rate. Myth #4: Suicide is caused by family and social stress. Myth #5: Suicide is not inherited genetically. Myth #6: Teen suicide represents treatment failure. Psychiatric illnesses are often viewed differently from other medical problems. Research should precede any public health effort, so that suicide prevention programs can be designed, implemented, and evaluated appropriately. Too often suicide prevention programs do not use evidence-based research or practice methodologies. More funding is warranted to continue evidence-based studies. We propose that suicide be studied like any medical illness, and that future prevention efforts are evidence-based, with appropriate outcome measures.

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43

Preston, Andrew. "Operation Smallbridge: Chester Ronning, the Second Indochina War, and the Challenge to the United States in Asia". Pacific Historical Review 72, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2003): 353–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2003.72.3.353.

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In 1966 Canadian diplomats and politicians sought to bring the United States and North Vietnam to the negotiating table. Canada's secret search for peace, code-named Operation Smallbridge, was led by retired diplomat Chester Ronning, who twice traveled to North Vietnam. Although Ronning's first mission convinced him that Hanoi was willing to discuss terms, U.S. escalation of the war continued. On his second mission, Ronning discovered that Washington's rejection of Hanoi's overture had hardened the official attitude in North Vietnam. Ronning may have exaggerated the breakthrough from his earlier visit, and his efforts may have unrealistically raised expectations for a settlement. Instead of bringing the adversaries closer together, Operation Smallbridge inadvertently made the Vietnam conflict and its belligerents more intractable and the prospects for a peaceful political solution more unlikely.

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44

Levetin, Estelle y Peter Van de Water. "Changing pollen types/concentrations/distribution in the United States: Fact or fiction?" Current Allergy and Asthma Reports 8, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2008): 418–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11882-008-0081-z.

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Ayriyan, Radmila S. y Anastasia A. Komarova. "THE ROLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN RESOLVING THE FIRST NORTH KOREAN NUCLEAR CRISIS". IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, n.º 3 (211) (30 de septiembre de 2021): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-3-32-38.

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The article examines the relationship between the United States and the DPRK during the first North Korean nuclear crisis. It discusses the events leading up to the crisis and the behavior of both sides and international organizations before and during the crisis. The article draws up the role of South Korea during the escalation of the crisis, as well as influence of other countries interested in resolving the crisis. It analyzes the U.S.-North Korea relationship and the impact of the UN and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) on the international situation at that time. In this aspect, the study of the Korean nuclear program and the role of the United States has not previously been carried out in Russian historiography. The discussion leads to the design and stages of the KEDO creation with attention to the documents on this international consortium. The situation demonstrates different visions on the USA foreign policy strategy chosen in relation to the DPRK nuclear problem in 1990s, namely the opinion of the United States diplomats working on relations with the DPRK, and American researchers in humanities and technology. The paper concludes with the reasons of the Framework Agreements’ failure that led to the crises.

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46

Wiseman, Geoffrey. "Distinctive Characteristics of American Diplomacy". Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6, n.º 3-4 (21 de marzo de 2011): 235–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119111x596082.

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My central claim is that the United States has conducted a distinctive form of ‘anti-diplomacy’, accepting in practice many diplomatic norms and practices while remaining reluctant to acknowledge the fact. To support this claim, this article argues that since its rise as a world power, the United States has participated in international society’s diplomatic culture in a distinctive way and that this distinctiveness stems from seven interconnected characteristics of American diplomacy: (1) America’s long-held distrust and negative view of diplomats and diplomacy, which has contributed to the historical neglect and sidelining of the US Department of State in the United States’ policy-making process; (2) a high degree of domestic influence over foreign policy and diplomacy; (3) a tendency to privilege hard power over soft power in foreign policy; (4) a preference for bilateral over multilateral diplomacy; (5) an ideological tradition of diplomatically isolating states that are considered adversarial and of refusing to engage them until they meet preconditions; (6) a tradition of appointing a relatively high proportion of political rather than career ambassadors; and (7) a demonstrably strong cultural disposition towards a direct, low-context negotiating style. A consequence of these distinguishing characteristics is that American diplomacy tends to be less effective than it might otherwise be, not only in advancing the United States’ own interests, but also in advancing wider international cooperation. A goal here is to provide a working framework with which to evaluate any US administration’s relationship to diplomacy as the country’s interests and identity evolve.

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Levin, Yaroslav Alexandrovich. "Colonial system: balance and prospects after 1945 in the assessments of diplomats of the United States, the USSR and Great Britain". Samara Journal of Science 6, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2017): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201764214.

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The following paper deals with the views of the ambassadors of the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, expressed in telegrams for foreign affairs agencies. Rolling the world to a new global confrontation, the aggressive rhetoric of each participating country, specific actions to build up political and military capabilities required some kind of balanced assessment from experts who were well-versed in the political and social development of states that appeared after the Second World War on different sides of the barricade. In addition, the third world acquired special importance in the new conditions. The disintegration of the colonial system opened great prospects for each of the great powers. Therefore, besides the analyses of prospects and characteristics of relations between the USSR and Western countries, diplomats in their analytical reports affected the prospects for the development of the former colonies, as well as tried to forecast the actions of the probable enemy and the closest allies, comprehended the existing contradictions on this issue and tried to give some assessment, propose solutions to these problems. Considering the influence of the telegrams analyzed in the framework of this study on the formation of the Cold War, conclusions are drawn about the impact of assessments expressed by diplomats on the development of relations with the countries of the third world. The analysis of J. Kennan, N. Novikov and F. Roberts notes shows the difference in the approaches and understanding of each country, both its opponents and its allies, a different view of the process of decolonization and its prospects. The paper is based on the sources on the diplomatic history of the Cold War and on some references on the topic.

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48

Shewry, Teresa. "States of Suspense: The Nuclear Age, Postmodernism and United States Fiction and Prose (review)". MFS Modern Fiction Studies 57, n.º 4 (2011): 764–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mfs.2011.0073.

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Abby J. Kinchy. "States of Suspense: The Nuclear Age, Postmodernism, and United States Fiction and Prose (review)". Technology and Culture 51, n.º 1 (2009): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.0.0412.

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Dubinsky, Alan J. y Abdalla Hanafy. "Executive Insights: The Super Sales Force—Politicians in the World Market". Journal of International Marketing 4, n.º 3 (septiembre de 1996): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069031x9600400306.

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Exporting has become a popular means for businesses to augment sales and profitability and for countries to improve their gross domestic product and balance of trade. As a complement to export selling, high-level government officials increasingly are providing export promotional assistance to their nations’ industries. Much of what is known about this “high-level government selling, “ however, is based on conventional wisdom and anecdotal evidence. This article reports the results of a study that examined non-U.S. politicians’ export selling efforts. Data were obtained from surveys of foreign embassy diplomats in the United States. Findings offer insights into what government officials are doing to stimulate sales of their countries’ exports.

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