Bibliografías temáticas / Diana (Roman deity) in art

Literatura académica sobre el tema "Diana (Roman deity) in art"

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Publicado: 25 de julio de 2024
Última modificación: 26 de julio de 2024

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Diana (Roman deity) in art"

1

Vacinová, Lenka. "Vzácná varianta republikánského denáru typu RRC 222/1 / A rare variety of the Roman Republican denarius of the RRC 222/1 type". Numismatické listy 73, n.º 3-4 (2019): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/nl.2018.014.

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An extremely rare variety of the Roman Republican denarius of the RRC 222/1 type has been identified recently in the numismatic collection of the National Museum in Prague. The article analyses its iconography in a broader context of the Greek and Roman coinages as well as other visual art styles emphasising importance of consistent differentiation between the goddesses Diana and Luna that are frequently confused one with another even in the scholarly literature.
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Lusher, Andrew. "Greek Statues, Roman Cults and European Aristocracy: Examining the Progression of Ancient Sculpture Interpretation". Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, n.º 12 (31 de diciembre de 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v6i12.1313.

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<p>In 1747 Frederick II of Prussia acquired a rare and highly valuable statue from antiquity and gave it the description of Antinous (the ill-fated lover of the Roman Emperor Hadrian). Although the bronze statue had always been accepted as an original from ancient Greece, the statue eventually assumed the identity of the Roman Antinous. How could Frederick II, an accomplished collector, ignore the blatant style and chronological discrepancies to interpret a Greek statue as a later Roman deity? This article will use the portraiture of Antinous to facilitate an examination of the progression of classical art interpretation and diagnose the freedom between the art historian and the dilettante. It will expose the necessary partition between the obligations of the art historian to provide technical interpretations of a work within the purview of the discipline with that of the unique interpretation made by individual viewers. This article confirms that although Frederick II lived before the transformative scholarship of Winckelmann, the freedom of interpreting a work is an abiding and intrinsic right of every individual viewer. </p>
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Spivey, Nigel. "Art and Archaeology". Greece and Rome 63, n.º 1 (29 de marzo de 2016): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000327.

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In 1830 a hoard of Roman silver weighing some 25 kilograms was recovered from farmland near Berthouville, between Rouen and Caen. The silver was mostly worked into drinking vessels and associated items such as jugs, ladles, and bowls. Two statuettes of the god Mercury confirmed this as a votive deposit, as indicated by various dedications from Romano-Gallic pilgrims, notably on nine pieces left by Quintus Domitius Tutus (‘Mr Safe’) in the mid-first century ad. Restored by conservation experts at the Getty Museum, the cache – along with several other treasures from Gaul – has served as witness to ‘Roman luxury’ in an exhibition on tour in the USA. The exhibition's catalogue is a volume that earns its place in any classical library. The Berthouville Silver Treasure and Roman Luxury may not add very much to our understanding of luxuria in Roman discourse: it is left unclear what happens when a ‘luxury object’ is put out of circulation, or at least transferred into the enclosed economy of a sanctuary; and if Mercury was a deity of fortune favoured particularly by freed slaves, perhaps a set of silver spoons was not such an ‘elite’ attribute as supposed? Beyond such factors of value, however, the figurative elaboration on display is striking. At the centre of a libation bowl we find the Lydian queen Omphale in a drunken slumber, exposing her derrière – as if to say ‘Beware how you imbibe’. One wine pitcher shows Achilles leaping aboard his chariot, with the body of Hector trussed in tow; turn the jug round, and there is Achilles again, now himself stricken in battle. On another pitcher, Achilles is among Greeks mourning the death of Patroclus; and there is Hector's corpse in a pair of scales, as the price of his ransom is assessed. We would be impressed to find such ‘sophisticated’ iconography upon objects in use at some stately villa at Rome or around the Bay of Naples. What does its appearance in the moist pastures of Normandy signify – at least for our preconceptions of ‘provincial taste’?
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Jacoby, Thomas. "ROMAN SCULPTURE (Yale Publications in the History of Art). Diana E. E. Kleiner". Art Documentation: Journal of the Art Libraries Society of North America 12, n.º 2 (julio de 1993): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/adx.12.2.27948546.

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Kulakov, Vladimir. "Origin of Symmetrical Composition in Decorative Art of the Viking Age". Izvestia of Smolensk State University, n.º 1(57) (3 de julio de 2022): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2022-57-1-178-186.

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For the first time, a symmetrical composition with figures of a deity standing on the godsof carnivorous animals appeared in the Middle Eastern art of the III–II millennium B.C. In the Mycenaean era, this composition became known to adherents of Hellenic art, who realized it both in painting and sculpture. This composition realizes the idea of their authors striving to convey to recipients the concept of the power of the depicted deity and his power over the animal world. A symmetrical composition with standing predatory animals, which is a clear oriental innovation in the art of ancient Europe, was not represented on our continent in ancient and Hellenistic times. As a result of the gradual increase in the eastern influence on the art of late Rome, symmetry again became known to Europeans in the products of provincial-Roman masters of the 5th century A.D. In late antiquity, goldsmiths in the Roman provinces used this composition on the parts of military belt sets. These images became models for the ancient German masters who represented the God Wotan / Odin surrounded by mythical animals and birds dedicated to him. The decorative art of the Viking Age, alien to symmetry, retains it only in the plot of the pagan canon «Odin and the Crows». Variants of this «pagan icon», realized in the decorative art of the Viking Age, came to an end in the Germanic world of a composition with symmetrically located predators, which began in the Ancient East in Akkadian time. In this case, we have a unique example of the multi-thousand-year existence of the pictorial motive, used by jewelers and stonecutters to make impressive images of mystical creatures. The predators surrounding them were intended to symbolize the unearthly power of the deities.In Byzantium, a symmetrical composition remained relevant until the XIV century. Modern and contemporary historypreserves paired images of predators in heraldic and architectural compositions. However, their genetic relationship with Ancient Eastern images requires additional study.
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Mshvildadze, Marika. "Diety Nike-Victoria of the late Antique period on the territory of Georgia". Pro Georgia 33, n.º 1 (10 de agosto de 2023): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.61097/12301604/pg33/2023/161-168.

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The states on the territory of Georgia were part of the Classical antiquity ecumene. Accordingly, both Iberia and Colchis had close trade-economic and cultural relations with the Roman Empire, from where the deities popular in the empire spread to the territory of Georgia. Among them, a special place is occupied by the ancient god of victory, Nike (Ancient Greek: Νίκη). The name Nike is believed to date back to the pre- Greek period. In Greek mythology, Nike appears as a companion of Zeus and Athena. In Greek art, the deity is mainly depicted with symbols of victory – wings, a crown and a palm branch, but we also find a wingless Nike. In Roman reality, the Victoria (Latin: Victoria) corresponded to Nike. Research has shown that the deity Nike (Victoria) was one of the most widespread cults in late ancient Iberia, which is the result of political and cultural relations with the Greco-Roman world. In late antiquity, the cult of Nike (Victoria) was recorded on the territory of Georgia in the Kingdom of Kartli (Iberia) – on the territory of Greater Mtskheta, Urbnisi, Zhinvali... Since the Hellenistic period, religious syncretism was also reflected on the engraved gems found on the territory of Kartli. Athena-Tikhe-Fortuna- Demeter-Nike depicted in an oval-shaped cornelian intaglio in a fragment of an iron ring. Tomb №27 of Karniskhevi, 2nd-3rd centuries. Nike-Fortuna-Athena is depicted in an oval-shaped white, transparent glass intaglio in an iron seal. Urbnisi necropolis. Tomb №205. 1st-early 2nd century AD. Seals with the image of the deity Nike (Victoria) found in the territory of Georgia belonged to all layers of society. Gemas can be found both individually and in gold, silver and bronze rings. Intaglios with the image of the deity are made of: carnelian, glas, almadine, which are inserted into iron, bronze, silver and gold rings. It is noteworthy that the cult of Nike (Victoria) is mainly prevalent in urban centers. From the above, we can conclude that Nike (Victoria) was popular and in our opinion, mainly among the Romanized population.
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Smith, Tyler Jo. "Highland gods: rock-cut votive reliefs from the Pisidian Survey". Anatolian Studies 61 (diciembre de 2011): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008814.

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AbstractBetween 1982 and 1996 a group of rock-cut votive reliefs was discovered during archaeological survey in Pisidia under the direction of Stephen Mitchell and the sponsorship of the British Institute (of Archaeology) at Ankara. The types represented include a horseman deity, perhaps Kakasbos, the Dioscuri with ‘goddess’ and the moon-god Men. The reliefs are discussed according to their cults and iconography, and their contribution to art and religion both locally and beyond. As a religious phenomenon, they are further considered in relation to both regional traditions and empire-wide practices. It is suggested that reliefs of this type, that are associated with the protection of mortals, should also be viewed as part of the history of devotional art and added to discussions of rock art that extend beyond the Greek and Roman worlds. A detailed catalogue of the reliefs, organised by iconographic type, concludes the article.
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8

Dowling, Melissa Barden. "A Time to Regender: The Transformation of Roman Time". KronoScope 3, n.º 2 (2003): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852403322849224.

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AbstractAt the end of the first century A.D., at the height of the Roman empire, a new abstract deity of eternal time, Aeternitas, appeared. This first discrete personification of abstract time was initially a female image represented on official coins and monuments, but in A.D. 121, a new male personification of eternal time appeared in imperial, state sponsored art. Both male and female depictions of eternal time were accompanied by a rich array of attributes that connected eternity, immortality, and earthly prosperity. This change in the image of time occurred simultaneously with tremendous changes in Roman culture: the creation of universal time keeping, the creation of elaborate beliefs in the afterlife, and transformations in Romans' expectations of life, lead to the embodiment of an ideal of eternity in the personification Aeternitas, and explain the radical transformations in her/his iconography. It is through a study of the representation of time that we identify a profound reenvisioning of the nature of time in Western thought, when human temporal and metaphysical experiences of time were expanded, laying the foundation for the successful spread of the Christian conceptions of eternal blissful time after the apocalypse.
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9

Hirniak, Mariana. "Symbol of light in “Paternal lantern” by Roman Fedoriv". Слово і Час, n.º 6 (26 de noviembre de 2020): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33608/0236-1477.2020.06.31-46.

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The paper deals with the novel “Paternal Lantern” by Roman Fedoriv, namely with the symbolic meanings the light acquires according to its material representation in the work. The writer interprets this symbol, common for the cultures of the whole world, in a rather original way. In the novel, the sunlight is associated with the human internal strength and power of nature; it is a precondition for life as well as evidence of righteous existence on earth. The sunset symbolizes approaching death and thereby manifests the man’s need to rethink his way of life. The fire is a source of light and heat, and even, in accordance with ancestral beliefs, an abode of the deity; therefore it is frequently treated as a guarantee of family’s happiness and longevity, as a patron of the house. The fire has the power to clear evil and passions out; however, it also symbolizes love, which needs care not less than a bonfire. The ambivalence of the fire, namely the fire of life and the one of death, caused by its origin and destination, represents opposite principles of the universe. The ‘free’ fire, lit in the open air due to the community’s will, resembles the lantern of Halychyna land for the novel’s characters. Hidden in the depths of human being, the outbursts of anger, the experience of happiness and joy, and still untapped potential, which makes a person capable of making great things, are also associated with fire. The candle symbolizing “light that enlightens everyone” accompanies characters’ good thoughts and actions, it can be a prophetic sign or guide to the afterlife. The function of ‘lantern’ in the novel is also performed by the things related not to the physical light but the shine of life, insight, and true understanding. These are home (native land), a righteous person, art and texts, minstrels, scholars and teachers that bring enlightenment to the people, help them search for truth and pass it on to the next generations leaving the trace of light in their descendants’ memory.
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10

Ormand, Kirk. "OVID'S HERMAPHRODITUS AND THE MOLLIS MALE". Ramus 51, n.º 1 (junio de 2022): 74–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2022.4.

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Figures of intersexed individuals perhaps representing the minor Greek deity Hermaphroditus became, for reasons that are not entirely clear, strikingly popular in Roman sculpture and wall painting in the latter half of the first century CE. Depicting a fully bisexed human body, these figures have resulted in competing interpretations regarding their purpose, meaning, and effect. As it happens, we also have a text from the Augustan period that purports to explain not only the origin of the intersexed Hermaphroditus, but the production of future bisexed individuals, in Ovid's Metamorphoses Book 4. When discussing the sculptures and wall paintings of Hermaphroditus, as a result, scholars have been inevitably drawn to Ovid's narrative. The pull of Ovid is admittedly almost irresistible, and his reputation as a poet who challenges norms, conventions, and genres makes it attractive to see him as creating room for modern notions of gender fluidity. As Georgia Nugent argued more than thirty years ago, however, Ovid's narrative is, in curious ways, a reductive version of the myth, ‘a paradigmatic example of how what is sexually threatening may be textually recuperated and stabilized’. I wish to reanimate Nugent's arguments here, and to suggest that scholars’ regular invocation of Ovid when interpreting the products of Roman art is a mistake, for two reasons: first, the figure Ovid describes is, in fact, not typical of what we see in Roman sculptures and wall paintings; and second, Ovid presents a version of Hermaphroditus’ gender identity that is deliberately less challenging to the stability of sexual binarism—and to traditional gender roles—than are those material depictions. For those of us who wish to advocate for the rights of intersexed individuals, in other words, Ovid is the wrong champion.
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Tesis sobre el tema "Diana (Roman deity) in art"

1

Hobbold, Susanne. "Das Bild des Mars Untersuchung zum römischen Kriegsgott /". Bonn : Rheinischen-Friedrich-Wilhelms Universität, 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/36578518.html.

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Zalamea, Patricia. "Subject to Diana picturing desire in French Renaissance courtly aesthetics". 2007. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.16804.

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Arya, Darius Andre. "The goddess Fortuna in imperial Rome cult, art, text /". Thesis, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3101196.

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Libros sobre el tema "Diana (Roman deity) in art"

1

Mazza, Giuseppe. Giuseppe Maria Mazza: Diana e Endimione. Bologna: Musei civici d'arte antica, 2001.

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2

Devoti, Luigi. Campagna romana viva: Speculum Dianae ; il Lago della Selva Aricina oggi di Nemi. Frascati, Italy: Associazione Tuscolana "Amici di Frascati", 1987.

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3

(Netherlands), Rijksmuseum, ed. Weaving myths: Ovid's Metamorphoses and the Diana tapestries in the Rijksmuseum. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 2009.

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Hartkamp-Jonxis, Ebeltje. Weaving myths: Ovid's Metamorphoses and the Diana tapestries in the Rijksmuseum. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 2009.

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Mette, Moltesen, ed. A catalogue of sculptures from the Sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis in the University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. Romae: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 2002.

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Fischer-Hansen, Tobias. From Artemis to Diana: The goddess of man and beast. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, 2009.

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Diana, arlecchino e gli spiriti volanti: Dallo sciamanismo alla "caccia selvaggia". Roma: Bulzoni, 2007.

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Vincenti, Maria Cristina. Diana: Storia, mito e culto della grande dea di Aricia. Roma: Palombi, 2010.

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Klöckner, Anja. Poseidon und Neptun: Zur Rezeption griechischer Götterbilder in der römischen Kunst. Saarbrücken: Saarbrücker Drückerei und Verlag, 1997.

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Nievo, Stanislao. Mater Matuta: Rievocazione storica della Madre Mediterranea. Venezia: Marsilio, 1998.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Diana (Roman deity) in art"

1

"Epilogue From Diana via Venus to Isis Viewing the Deity with Apuleius". En Roman Eyes, 289–302. Princeton University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691240244-013.

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