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Castlevetere, Teresa. "Democracia, minshushugi, democracy". Japanese Studies 10, n.º 1 (junio de 1990): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371399008522019.
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Chou, M. "Democrats against Democracy". Cultural Politics an International Journal 10, n.º 2 (1 de enero de 2014): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-2651756.
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Martino, Antonio A. "Crisis de la democracia representativa: alternativas participativas o democracia directa con medios electrónicos = Crisis of representative democracy: participatory alternatives or direct democracy with electronic media". EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, n.º 14 (19 de marzo de 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4153.
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Resumen: El artículo analiza la actual crisis de la democracia representativa criticando la tesis según la cual aquel país que instauraba una democracia y mantenía mínimos índices de solidez económica y social aseguraba su mantenimiento. A tal fin, inicia la explicación de la crisis de la democracia tout court y, después, va analizando las alternativas que se ofrecen a la democracia representativa. Así, aborda directamente la democracia directa para mostrar alguno de sus elementos más relevantes, sobre todo con medios electrónicos, y muestra posteriormente su reforzamiento.Palabras clave: Democracia, representación, democracia directa, democracia participativa.Abstract: The article presents the current crisis of representative democracy criticizing the thesis by which a country that reached democracy and maintained minimum rates of economic and social solidity had it insured. It explains first the crisis of democracy tout court and then analyzes the alternatives offered to representative democracy. It directly focuses on direct democracy to show important elements of it, above all with electronic means, to show later that elements of participatory democracy will be reinforced in the interim. Keywords: Democracy, representation, direct democracy, participatory democracy.
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Oliveira, Joedson De Santana. "Uma concepção bidimensional de democracia como salvaguarda da liberdade/A two-dimensional design of democracy as a safeguard for freedom". Pensando - Revista de Filosofia 4, n.º 8 (8 de julio de 2014): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/pensando.v4i8.1843.
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Este trabalho tem o propósito de apresentar uma concepção republicana de democracia que não é uma democracia participativista nos moldes de Rousseau, que defendeu uma democracia direta, tampouco é uma democracia liberal que resume a participação ao sufrágio. Iremos argumentar que a democracia defendida dentro do republicanismo de Philip Pettit, entendida como democracia bidimensional, por ser ao mesmo tempo eleitoral e contestatória, é não só compatível com a defesa da liberdade, mas, também e, sobretudo, guardiã da mesma.Abstract: This paper aims to present a republican conception of democracy is not a democracy direct the lines of Rousseau, who argued for a direct democracy, nor is it a liberal democracy that summarizes the participation of suffrage. We will argue that democracy advocated in Philip Pettit's republicanism, democracy understood as two-dimensional, being at the same time and contestatory election, is not only compatible with the defense of freedom, but also and above all, the same guardian. Key words: Freedom; democracy; republicanism; Philip Pettit
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Albuquerque, Newton De Menezes y Guilherme Dourado Aragão Sá Araújo. "A democracia contemporânea e a crítica aos limites entre público e privado: por uma nova teoria da cidadania / The contemporary democracy and the critics of the limits between public and private: for a new theory of citizenship". Revista Brasileira de Direito 13, n.º 3 (22 de diciembre de 2017): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.18256/2238-0604.2017.v13i3.1175.
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Resumo: Sob a óptica do problema da legitimidade das decisões democráticas, este trabalho expõe a necessidade de reversão da tendência publicista em prol de maior reconhecimento do poder deliberativo voluntário individual ou comunitário. Demonstrou-se o surgimento da democracia direta na Grécia antiga e as implicações modernas que levaram ao desenvolvimento das formas representativas, bem como seus problemas inerentes. Utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, o ensaio expõe que os mecanismos de verificação da legitimidade democrática não se mostraram suficientes para garantir a verdadeira democracia em seu aspecto material. Concluiu-se que esses problemas provocam a necessidade de se repensar o objeto deliberativo da democracia em questões eminentemente individuais como a união entre pessoas do mesmo sexo ou livre comércio de drogas e armas.Palavras-chave: teoria da democracia; legitimidade; democracia direta.Abstract: From the perspective of the problem of legitimacy of democratic decisions, this paper exposes the need for revert the publicist trend towards greater recognition of the individual or community volunteer deliberative power. It showed the appearance of the direct democracy in ancient Greece and the modern implications that led to the development of the representative forms, as well as its inherent problems. Through literature research, it states that the mechanisms of verification of democratic legitimacy were not sufficient to ensure true democracy in its material aspect. It concludes these problems cause the need to rethink democracy’s deliberative object in eminently individual issues such as same sex marriage or free trade of drugs and arms.Keywords: theory of democracy; legitimacy; direct democracy.
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Przeworski, Adam. "FREEDOM TO CHOOSE AND DEMOCRACY". Economics and Philosophy 19, n.º 2 (octubre de 2003): 265–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267103001159.
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Should democracts value the freedom to choose? Do people value facing distinct choices when they make collective decisions? ‘Autonomy’ – the ability to participate in the making of collective decisions – is a paltry notion of freedom. True, democrats must be prepared that their preferences may not be realized as the outcome of the collective choice. Yet democracy is impoverished when many people cannot even vote for what they most want.‘The point is not to be free, but to act freely.’ Rosa Luxemburg
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Markoff, John. "A Moving Target: Democracy". European Journal of Sociology 52, n.º 2 (agosto de 2011): 239–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975611000105.
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AbstractAchieving consensus on a definition of “democracy” has proven elusive. Institutions that have been taken to be essential to democracy have changed radically since the word “democrat” began to be widely used toward the end of the eighteenth century. Democratic ideas and democratic practice engender conflict that transforms institutions rather than just reproduces them. Its transformative character rests on a half-dozen key attributes of democracy: it is an actor’s concept, as well as an analyst’s; it can arouse strong feelings; it combines not always compatible ideas; it empowers dissent; it involves a dynamic mixture of inclusion and exclusion; and the democratic histories of national states have been intertwined with global domination. Two processes combine to generate much social dynamism. First, democracy’s stirring inclusionary claims have been contradicted by a complex structure of exclusions, including distinctions in rights of full participation among citizens, distinctions in rights between citizens and non-citizens, and distinctions in resources among legally equal citizens. And second, democratic practice has been fertile soil for the development of social movements. Taken together, democracy is an invitation for movements to try to shift the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion, and in so doing to expand or constrict democracy itself.
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Uscanga Barradas, Abril. "Democracia republicana = Republican Democracy". EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad 13 (29 de septiembre de 2017): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2017.3816.
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Resumen: Este trabajo pretende explicar los orígenes e importancia del republicanismo como teoría aplicable a la democracia, así como su posible aplicación como una válvula de escape a la crisis democrática actual, pues últimamente se presentan numerosas y constantes críticas al sistema democrático imperante en nuestros días, lo que nos hace pensar en la existencia de una serie de deficiencias tanto políticas como sociales que, quizás, podrían ser subsanadas replanteando el modelo o visualizándolo desde otra perspectiva más acorde a los fines y necesidades de la sociedad contemporánea.Palabras clave: Democracia republicana, libertad como no dominación, virtudes cívicas, liberalismo, crisis democrática, Estado. Abstract: This paper aims to explain the origins and importance of republicanism as a theory applicable to democracy, as well as, its application like a scape valve of the democratic crisis that prevails today, currently, there are many criticisms of today's democratic system, which makes us think of the existence of a series of deficiencies both political and social that, maybe could be rethought or visualized from another perspective, more in line with the aims and needs of contemporary society.Keywords: Republican democracy, liberty without domination, civic virtues, liberalism, democratic crisis, State.
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Denzin, Norman K. "Homegrown Democracy, Homegrown Democrats". Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 5, n.º 1 (febrero de 2005): 126–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708604271530.
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Belfrage, Claes. "The unintended consequences of financialisation: Social democracy hamstrung? The pensions dilemma". Economic and Industrial Democracy 38, n.º 4 (18 de mayo de 2015): 701–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15586070.
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At the end of the Third Way and no sense of its future, social democrats look to Sweden for inspiration. However, Swedish social democracy is in no better condition. Scholarship is starting to grasp the broad outlines of the movement’s difficulties. Providing greater depth, this article employs the Social Systems of Innovation and Production approach to analyse Swedish social democracy’s current condition by historicising its current policy dilemmas in relation to the public pension system, once the jewel in the crown of the Rehn–Meidner model and the push for economic and industrial democracy, now the constraining legacy of financialisation.
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Pinelli, Cesare. "The Populist Challenge to Constitutional Democracy". European Constitutional Law Review 7, n.º 1 (febrero de 2011): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019611100024.
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Populism and time – Democracy and representation – The open mandate and party democracy – Democracy and non-majoritarian institutions – Populist challenge as symptom of constitutional democracy's malaise
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Chasukwa, Michael. "Multiple Faces of Democrats: Satisfaction with Democracy and Support for Democracy in Malawi". Insight on Africa 11, n.º 1 (24 de diciembre de 2018): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087818814913.
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Matters of satisfaction with and support for democracy have been at the centre of discussion regarding the survival and quality of democracy in Africa since the early 1990s. While the dominant discourse claims that support for democracy keeps on increasing with time, African countries have somewhat deviated from this path. Thus, African countries have had decreasing levels of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy since the third democratisation wave of the early 1990s. This article takes interest in the trends of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy with the objective of explaining factors contributing to the undermining of the survival and quality of democracy. A mixed methods research design, using Afrobarometer survey data for four rounds and secondary data, is deployed to address issues pertaining to critical and satisfied democrats as raised in the article. The article finds that satisfaction with democracy and education are significant predictors of support for democracy in Malawi. It also establishes that critical democrats fight to make democracy work, albeit for their economic survival. The article argues that the survival and quality of democracy in Malawi is compromised by elite critical citizens who show commitment to democracy as a matter of principle when they are instrumentalists.
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O’Dwyer, Shaun. "Confucian Democrats, Not Confucian Democracy". Dao 19, n.º 2 (30 de abril de 2020): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11712-020-09719-y.
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Bermeo, Nancy. "Reflections: Can American Democracy Still Be Saved?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, n.º 1 (20 de diciembre de 2018): 228–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218818083.
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This article reflects on whether the erosion of democracy in the contemporary United States can be halted. Using the cases and conclusions from McCoy and Somer’s eleven country collective project, it argues that democracy’s decline is not inevitable. A case for cautious optimism emerges from analyzing the coalitions around democracy’s disassemblers and democracy’s defenders. The actors disassembling democracy have activated cleavages and adopted a style of rule that exacerbates fault-lines on the Right. The actors defending democracy have thus far done what’s needed to eventually build the sort of winning coalition that has proven successful elsewhere. Creating broad, cross-class networks, mobilizing peaceful protest, and drawing on mass values that are still supportive of democracy bolster the likelihood of successful defense.
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Kaminski, Ricardo S. "DEMOCRACIA RADICAL E PODER NA TEIA GLOBAL DOS INDIGNADOS: horizontes de uma nova cultura política no século XXI". Revista Políticas Públicas 18 (5 de agosto de 2014): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v18nep241-255.
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Constituindo uma teia transnacional de movimentos antissistêmicos, desde 2011 novos atores sociais colocam na pauta contemporânea a discussão sobre o poder e a democracia. Ao questionarem a democracia liberal representativa, propõem um igualitarismo democrático radical que interpela sobre as possibilidades da reinvenção da democracia a partir de novas gramáticas sociais. Tais movimentos desenvolvem dimensões simbólicas e práticas características da cibercultura, em espaços ainda não consolidados no âmbito das instituições contemporâneas. Assim, este artigo apresenta, como eixo central, a cultura política implicada nas concepções de poder e democracia dos "occupies", na disputa contemporânea pelo significado da cidadania e do poder.Palavras-chave: Capitalismo, cultura política, Movimento Occupy Wall Street, movimentos transnacionais, democracia, poder.RADICAL DEMOCRACY AND POWER IN THE GLOBAL WEB OF THE OUTRAGED: horizons of a new political culture in the 21st centuryAbstract: Constituting a transnational web of anti-systemic movements, since 2011 new social actors put on the contemporary agenda the discussion about power and democracy. In questioning liberal representative democracy, they proposed a radical democratic egalitarianism, which asks about the possibilities of reinvention of democracy from new social grammars. Such movements develop symbolic and practical dimensions characteristics of cyberculture, in spaces not yet consolidated in the context of contemporary institutions. Thus, this paper presents, as the centerpiece, the political culture implied in the concepts of power and democracy of "Occupies" in contemporary dispute on the meaning of citizenship and power.Keywords: Capitalism, politic culture. Occupy Wall Street Movement, transnational movements, democracy, power.
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Gagnon, Jean-Paul. "2,234 Descriptions of Democracy". Democratic Theory 5, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2018): 92–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2018.050107.
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In 2010 Milja Kurki explained that although scholars recognize that democracy is described in a variety of ways, they do not typically engage with its many and diverse descriptions. My aim in this agenda-setting research note is to tackle this quandary by first providing a minimum empirical account of democracy’s descriptions (i.e., a catalogue of 2,234 adjectives that have been used to describe democracy) and secondly by suggesting what democracy studies may gain by compiling this information. I argue that the catalogue of descriptors be applied in four ways: (1) drilling down into the meaning of each description, (2) making taxonomies, (3) rethinking the phenomenology of democracy, and (4) visualizing democracy’s big data. Each of the four applications and their significance is explained in turn. This research note ends by looking back on the catalogue and its four applications.
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Albertus, Michael. "Landowners and Democracy". World Politics 69, n.º 2 (14 de marzo de 2017): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000277.
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Are large landowners, especially those engaged in labor-dependent agriculture, detrimental to democratization and the subsequent survival of democracy? This assumption is at the heart of both canonical and recent influential work on regime transition and durability. Using an original panel data set on the extent of labor-dependent agriculture in countries across the world since 1930, the author finds that labor-dependent agriculture was indeed historically bad for democratic stability and stunted the extension of suffrage, parliamentary independence, and free and fair elections. However, the negative influence of labor-dependent agriculture on democracy started to turn positive around the time of democracy's third wave. The dual threats of land reform and costly domestic insurgencies in that period—often with more potent consequences under dictators—plausibly prompted landowners to push for democracy with strong horizontal constraints and favorable institutions that could protect their property more reliably over the long term than could dictatorship. The shift in support for democracy by labor-dependent landowners is a major untold story of democracy's third wave and helps explain the persistent democratic deficit in many new democracies.
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Silva, Jonadabe Gondim. "A DEMOCRACIA, O LIBERALISMO E A ESQUERDA: perspectivas e contradições". Revista Políticas Públicas 19, n.º 2 (16 de junio de 2016): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v19n2p411-421.
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Resumo: Este artigo trata das articulações entre a esquerda, a democracia e as diretrizes liberais que têm alcançado hegemonia no Ocidente nas últimas décadas, sendo determinante para o domínio classista burguês e sobre quais as perspectivas para a reconstrução da democracia em bases realmente igualitárias.Palavras-chave: Democracia, liberalismo, esquerda política.DEMOCRACY, LIBERALISM AND THE LEFT: perspectives and contradictionsAbstract: This article deals with the joints between the left, the democracy and the liberal policies that have achieved hegemony in the West in recent decades, being decisive for the bourgeois class- field and on the outlook for the reconstruction of democracy in really an egalitarian basis.Key words: Democracy, liberalism, political left.
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De Baets, Antoon. "Democracy and Historical Writing / Democracia y escritura de la historia". Historiografías, n.º 9 (28 de diciembre de 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.201592402.
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In this essay, we try to clarify the relationship between democracy and historical writing. The strategy is first exploring the general relationship between democracy and historical awareness, and then, studying the relationship between democracy and historical writing itself to find out whether democracy is a condition for science in general and for responsible historical writing in particular. We also investigate the reverse relationship by testing four claims: the zero thesis, the mirror thesis, the amplifier thesis, and the midwife thesis. The aim is to discover under which conditions historical writing can help foment a democratic culture. We argue that a democratic society is a necessary, though not sufficient, condition for sustained responsible historical writing. Conversely, responsible historical writing reflects democracy to a certain degree, because parts of its procedure are a practical demonstration of values central to democracy. It invests, however, less compromise and more quality control in its operation than the democratic process does. Plausible accounts of the histories of democracy and of historical injustice also strengthen democracy to a limited extent. The provisional historical truth sought after and presented, however, is not always accepted by the public. If it is, it may open old wounds; if it does not, by showing failures, it may undermine the promotion of democracy. Finally, rarely does historical writing shape democracy directly. We conclude, nevertheless, that as a precondition for a strong democratic historical awareness, hence for a democratic culture, the contribution of responsible historical writing, though limited, is necessary for the survival of democracy. They walk the same path to the end.Key WordsDemocracy, dictatorship, historical awareness, new democracies, restored democracies, responsible historical writing, science.ResumenEn este ensayo, intentamos clarificar las relaciones entre democracia y escritura de la historia. Nuestra estrategia consiste en explorar las relaciones generales entre democracia y conciencia histórica, y en estudiar las relaciones entre democracia e historiografía, intentando averiguar si la democracia es una condición para la ciencia en general, y para la escritura de la historia en particular. También investigamos la relación inversa examinando cuatro afirmaciones: la tesis cero, la tesis reflejo, la tesis amplificador y la tesis factor-clave. El objetivo es descubrir en qué condiciones la escritura de la historia puede ayudar a fomentar la cultura democrática. Sostenemos que una sociedad democrática es condición necesaria, aunque no suficiente, para una historiografía responsable que tenga un carácter sostenido. E inversamente: que una escritura de la historia responsable es reflejo de la democracia hasta cierto punto, porque las partes de su método son una demostración práctica de los valores esenciales de dicha democracia, aunque aquella implica menos compromiso y mayor control en la calidad de los pasos que da. Los relatos verosímiles de las historia de la democracia y de las injusticias históricas igualmente refuerzan la democracia en cierto modo. La verdad histórica provisional no siempre es aceptada en cambio por el público. Si lo es, puede abrir viejas heridas, y si no, puede minar la democracia al mostrar sus fracasos. Sostenemos también que raramente la escritura de la historia moldea directamente a la democracia. Concluimos sin embargo que, como precondición para una sólida conciencia histórica democrática y una cultura democrática, se necesita, pese a sus limitaciones, una escritura de la historia responsable, dado que ambas siguen el mismo camino.Palabras claveDemocracia, dictadura, conciencia histórica, nuevas democracias, democracias restauradas, escritura de la historia responsable, ciencia.
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WAGRANDL, ULRICH. "Transnational militant democracy". Global Constitutionalism 7, n.º 2 (11 de junio de 2018): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381718000084.
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Abstract:Ordinarily, militant democracy is about restricting the rights of those who threaten to overthrow the very democracy that guarantees these rights. Hence, militant democracy permits the defence of democracy by disarming its opponents. Turkey’s recent constitutional reform, which arguably is a move away from liberal democracy, forces militant democracy to face up to its transnational application. Can we use militant democracy’s tools to defend not our own, but another democracy? Maybe we can and even should. This article examines the two transnational manifestations of militant democracy. The first is ‘transnational democracy gone militant’, epitomised by the European Union (EU)’s power to enforce liberal democratic standards in its Member States. The second is ‘militant democracy gone transnational’. This manifestation permits treating people rallying in the EU to attack democracy abroad in the same manner in which we are permitted to treat opponents of ‘our own’ democracy. As long as we are dealing with members of the Council of Europe (CoE), the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) gives us the instruments we need. Generally, militant democracy is a militant liberal democracy, which is not neutral towards itself, but is also an opponent of every system that is antithetical to it.
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Levine, Daniel H. "Paradigm Lost: Dependence to Democracy". World Politics 40, n.º 3 (abril de 1988): 377–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010218.
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AbstractAnalysis of transitions to democracy is marked empirically by democracy's own resurgent vigor, and theoretically by shifts away from focus on global political economy to concern with such political variables as organization or leadership, and study of their expression within national arenas. Contributors to Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Prospects for Democracy (edited by Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead) explore these issues with special emphasis on how regime transitions begin and on possibilities for social, cultural, and economic democratization. The collection focuses more on the transitions than on democracy itself, and fails to place transitions in the context of democracy's social and cultural bases. Insufficient attention is given to civil society and to its organized links with politics. This theoretical and empirical position obscures the appeal of liberal democracy to elites and masses, and hinders understanding of why popular groups accept pacts and back the leaders who make them.
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Yonezawa, Shigeru. "Socrates and Democracy". Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 18, n.º 1-2 (2001): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000033.
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The aim of this paper is to reveal Socrates as a thorough democrat. In the first section, I will disprove the credibility of Xenophon’s Memorabilia, a common source for scholars who view Socrates as an antidemocratic thinker. I will then argue, in the second section, that the views of a few scholars who portray Socrates as a prodemocratic thinker represent a far-from-satisfactory depiction of his political views. In the third section, I will then demonstrate that Socrates’ criticism of democracy is not of democracy itself nor of Athenian laws, but instead a criticism of a particular sort of democracy seen in the period of Athenian imperialism, and that it derives from his fundamental recognition of human ignorance. After pointing out Socrates’ special preference for the democratic laws of Athens, seen in the Crito, I will establish, in the fourth section, a preference in his philosophy showing him as a staunch democrat who upheld the concept of the rule of law.
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Andrade de Morais, Lucas y Lucia Santana de Freitas. "Relação democracia e meio ambiente: revisão integrativa da literatura de 1944 a 2019". Revista Jurídica da UFERSA 7, n.º 13 (11 de julio de 2023): 208–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21708/issn2526-9488.v7.n13.p208-237.2023.
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O objetivo deste artigo é compreender as construções discursivas da relação democracia e meio ambiente na literatura científica, por meio das denominações democracia verde, ecológica, sustentável e ambiental. O método de pesquisa utilizado foi a revisão integrativa, de artigos publicados, disponíveis na íntegra nas bases da Web of Science – WoS (da Clarivate Analytics) e Scopus® (da Elsevier), publicados entre 1944 e 2019, com o emprego dos descritores: environmental democracy, ecological democracy, green democracy e sustainable democracy. Foram encontrados 118 artigos, sendo destes selecionados e analisados 61 estudos, sendo a maioria estudos teóricos. Observou-se que as pesquisas sobre democracia verde, ecológica, sustentável e ambiental podem ser vistas como parte de uma constelação maior de pesquisas que conectam valores ambientais e democráticos, incluindo trabalhos teóricos e empíricos sobre participação, justiça ambiental, transparência, responsabilidade e legitimidade na governança ambiental. Cada uma dessas denominações segue discursos científicos com percurso teórico-metodológico que se complementam e explica-os.
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Fuks, Mario, Gabriel Avila Casalecchi y Mateus Morais Araújo. "Are dissatisfied democrats critical? Reevaluating the concept of the critical citizen". Opinião Pública 23, n.º 2 (agosto de 2017): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912017232316.
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Abstract Several studies have used the terms “critical citizen” and “dissatisfied democrat” interchangeably, assuming that both address the same citizen profile. However, recent studies conducted in new democracies have questioned this assumption, arguing that those who are dissatisfied are not always critical. This article investigates this question based on a comparison of the United States and Brazil. Beginning with the classification of two types of citizens, “dissatisfied democrats” and “critical democrats”, we appraise whether dissatisfied democrats are critical. Then, we test which of these two types of citizens is more engaged and has attitudes that are more democratic. The results show that dissatisfied democrats are not necessarily critical and that critical democrats are more engaged in politics and more committed to democracy than non-critical democrats.
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Friberg, Anna. "Democracy in the Plural?" Contributions to the History of Concepts 7, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2012): 12–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2012.070102.
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The article explores some of the composite concepts of democracy that were used in Sweden, primarily by the Social Democrats during the interwar years. Should these be seen as pluralizations of the collective singular democracy or as something qualitatively new? By showing how these concepts relate to each other and to democracy as a whole, the article argues that they should be considered statements about democracy as one entity, that democracy did not only concern the political sphere, but was generally important throughout the whole of society. The article also examines the Swedish parliamentarians' attitudes toward democracy after the realization of universal suffrage, and argues that democracy was eventually perceived as such a positive concept that opponents of what was labeled democratic reforms had to reformulate the political issues into different words in order to avoid coming across as undemocratic.
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Fariñas Dulce, María José. "Neoliberalismo versus democracia = Neoliberalism versus democracy". EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, n.º 14 (19 de marzo de 2018): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4174.
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Kelliher, Rebecca. "Defensores de la Democracia (Democracy Fighters)". American Journalism 37, n.º 1 (2 de enero de 2020): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2020.1715739.
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Shattuck, John y J. Brian Atwood. "Defending Democracy: Why Democrats Trump Autocrats". Foreign Affairs 77, n.º 2 (1998): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048857.
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Saward, Michael. "Enacting Democracy". Political Studies 51, n.º 1 (marzo de 2003): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00418.
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We do not need more ‘models of democracy’, but we do need a fresh view of democratic theory to take full advantage of deliberative, ecological, cosmopolitan and other innovations of recent years. Approaches such as these can be understood in terms of the devices they deploy – deliberative forums and cross-border referendums, for example, as well as more familiar elections and legislatures. Devices enact democratic principles; indeed, it is argued that principles gain their meaning and force through enactment. Devices can also be reordered in different ways; democrats can construct sequences which enact democracy in particular, desired ways. Pursuing this argument involves adopting a reflexive and procedural perspective, which puts a premium on democracy as sensitive to context, open-ended, productive and adaptable.
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Hovey, Craig R. "Democracy beyond Democracy". Theology Today 61, n.º 3 (octubre de 2004): 355–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057360406100307.
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Volk, Steven. "“Democracy” Versus “Democracy”". NACLA Report on the Americas 30, n.º 4 (enero de 1997): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1997.11722837.
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Schemeil, Yves. "Democracy Before Democracy?" International Political Science Review 21, n.º 2 (abril de 2000): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512100212001.
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DeCesare, Tony. "Catholic Social Thought and the Capability Approach". Journal of Catholic Social Thought 19, n.º 2 (2022): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc202219216.
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Despite a growing body of literature that engages both Catholic social thought and the Capability Approach, little has been done to explore what these two traditions of thought might offer to a reassessment of the project of global democracy promotion. This essay brings Catholic social thought and the Capability Approach into conversation for this purpose. What emerges is a framework for thinking about and engaging in what the author calls democratic democracy promotion (DDP). DDP is based on a broadened conception of democracy and avoids a dogmatic commitment to the promotion of Western liberal democracy; it takes a needs-based approach to the allocation of externally driven democracy assistance; and it prioritizes education initiatives as central components of democracy promotion. Refashioned as such, democracy promotion has the potential to bring about more participatory democratic processes, a more inclusive global democracy, and a critical and caring mass of global democrats.
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Saunders, Robert. "Doubtful democrats: Democracy in Britain since 1800". Journal of Modern European History 17, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2019): 184–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835749.
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Over the ‘long’ 19th century, British politics underwent a quiet revolution: a revolution, not in its governing institutions, but in the ideas that underpinned them. In little more than a century, the idea of ‘democracy’—once a term of abuse, from which even radical politicians sought to disassociate themselves—established itself as the civic religion of British politics: the one authority against which there could be no court of appeal. Like other religions, democracy spawned a variety of sects and denominations, each of which sought to defend it against false democratic creeds: ranging from ‘social democracy’ and ‘industrial democracy’ to ‘Tory democracy’, ‘the property-owning democracy’, and ‘the democracy of the market’. The result, paradoxically, was to establish democracy both as the universal principle of British politics and as its central battlefield: an idea to which all paid tribute, but which seemed permanently under siege. This article explores the peculiar voyage of British democratic thought over the 19th and 20th centuries, focusing on its usage as an instrument of political warfare. The first section charts its emergence as the most potent challenge to the dominant narratives of the early-19th century: Whig constitutionalism and ‘reform’. A second section then charts the absorption of democracy into the core narratives of British political thought, while exploring the very different ends to which its authority could be put. A final section identifies three narrative battlegrounds for democracy in the 19th century, opening up fault lines that continue to structure British politics in the present.
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Asara, Viviana. "The Limits of Liberal Democracy". Democratic Theory 7, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2020): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070105.
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This critical commentary discusses Stephan Lessenich’s recent work on democracy. It argues that—to understand the structural boundaries of welfare capitalist democracy—we must critically unearth the limits of liberal democracy. This article first maintains that the absence of an economic democratization dimension is an outcome of liberal democracy’s shrinking of the meaning of the political. It next claims that defining democracy in terms of rights does not duly consider how these unfolded historically and recently, nor clarifies their relation with negative freedom. The article then contends that the environmentally destructive dialectic of democracy and the belittlement of reproductive work stem from the constitution of a narrowly defined economic sphere, from which “reproductive activities” are excluded. Finally, the text reflects on what “democratizing democracy” should entail.
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Uyangoda, Jayadeva y Pradeep Peiris. "State of Democracy in Sri Lanka: A Preliminary Report". PCD Journal 1, n.º 1-2 (6 de junio de 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25676.
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This paper is a preliminary report on citizens understanding and perceptions of democracy in Sri Lanka, as reflected in a survey carried out in 2004-2005. The survey was a part of a South Asian study covering Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka on the theme "State of Democracy and Human Security in South Asia." The report of the overall study has now been published as State of Democracy in South Asia: A Report (2008).In terms of methodology, the study had four methodological 'pathways'. They are (i) case studies, (ii) dialogues, (iii) qualitative assessments, and (iv) cross-section surveys. The cross section survey carried out in each country was the principal instrument of data collection for the study. It sought to elicit broad trends of people's opinions, attitudes and behaviour in relation to democracy. The other three pathways provided qualitative assessments and dimensions that were not captured in the cross-section survey. The pathway of 'Dialogues' was chosen in order to recognise and retrieve bodies and voices of critical knowledge that are available among different social and political constituencies. Under the component 'Qualitative Assessments', scholars active in social science research were asked to 'assess' the experience of democracy in a non-partisan basis. The qualitative assessments addressed questions formulated around five key themes: (i) the promise of democracy, (ii) design of democracy, (iii) working of democracy, (iv) democracy's outcomes, and (v) democracy's futures.
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Agustino, Leo, Mona Sylviana y Mutia Kartika Andalus. "Executive Aggrandisement and Democratic Regression in Indonesia’s Jokowi Administration". JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 12, n.º 2 (17 de octubre de 2023): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jispo.v12i2.24613.
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At the end of 2019, COVID-19 Pandemic has been devastated almost whole of human life sector, including politics and nations. COVID-19 Pandemic existence has urged the onset of misuse of power in several countries that have a weak democracy with “emergency policy” or “discretional rules”, as if it become an opportunity for the government to do the agenda-setting towards illiberal polict without having mobilization concern or opositions counter (Schenkkan 2020). This article aim to explore how executive’s power aggrandisement that was happened in the 2th period of Jokowi’s administrative as a contribution of democracry degradation in Indonesia. With the use of library research, that examine various literature, such as book, journal, report that relevan to the research topics (Neuman 2014), Author explore the data regarding the executive aggrandisement in the 2th period of Jokowi’s Administrative. The result of this research is democracy degradation or democrary backsliding happened during Jokowi’s Administatrative was instigated with several factors which is division of power, executive aggrandisement, and the discourse of 3th period of Jokowi’s administration.
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Saward, Michael. "Agency, design and ‘slow democracy’". Time & Society 26, n.º 3 (4 de mayo de 2015): 362–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x15584254.
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Can democracy be resilient in an increasingly ‘high-speed society’? Social acceleration, some critics argue, poses a serious threat to the idea and practice of democracy. Others invoke but do not develop the idea of ‘slow democracy’ as one important response to this threat. Despite its importance, the critique and response lack analytical depth. In this context, and in an effort to rebuild the debate on a stronger and more fruitful base, the article underscores the potential of political agency to shape democracy’s temporality and reframes ‘slow democracy’ as a challenge of democratic design.
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Syafriadi, Syafriadi. "Pelaksanaan Demokrasi dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Indonesia". UIR Law Review 1, n.º 1 (25 de abril de 2017): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/ulr.2017.1.01.539.
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Pelaksanaan demokrasi di Indonesia dalam praktiknya menghadapi kendala yang bersifat politis dan ideologis. Sungguhpun demikian demokrasi sudah menjadi pilihan politik yang diyakini sebagai salah satu bentuk sistem politik terbaik untuk mencapai efektivitas penyelenggaraan pemerintahan negara. Akan tetapi setelah merdeka, praktik kehidupan demokrasi masih mengalami pasang surut seiring dengan dinamika perkembangan politik di Indonesia. Secara konseptual pemikiran demokrasi yang berkembang di Indonesia dipengaruhi oleh perkembangan pemikiran demokrasi di luar Indonesia, khususnya pemikiran demokrasi yang dikembangkan oleh elit intelektual pada masa pergerakan dan sesudahnya.
Kata kunci: demokrasi dan ketatanegaraan.
The implementation of democracy in Indonesia in practice had hindrance politically and ideologically. However, democracy had been political choice assumed as one of the best political system to achieve effectivity in performing the State. Yet, after independence, the living democracy practice still have to move high and low along with dynamic political growth in Indonesia. Conceptually, democracy’s thought developed in Indonesia affected by the development of foreign democracy’s though, especially thought of democracy developed by intellectual expert at the movement ages and subsequently.
Keywords: Democracy and State system.
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Ahlstrom-Vij, Kristoffer. "Why We Should Stop Fethishing Democracy". Journal of Philosophical Research 46 (2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jpr20211011179.
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Democracy is in trouble, and it is democracy’s own fault—that is Robert Talisse’s intriguing contention is his recent book, Overdoing Democracy: Why We Must Put Politics in its Place (2019). What gets democracy into trouble, according to Talisse, is the idea that a democratic form of government is intrinsically valuable, which in turn entails a deliberative conception of democracy that, in combination with the social-psychological fact of social sorting, leads to rampant polarization. According to Talisse, we therefore need to put democracy in its place by resisting the expansive view of the scope of democracy and making room for non-political spaces of interaction, in which we can form civic friendships. However, in what follows, I argue that what Talisse has actually provided is an excellent reason for rejecting rather than merely mitigating the detrimental effects of the idea that democracy is intrinsically valuable. Specifically, we ought to stop fetishizing democracy and instead embrace an instrumentalist view of democracy as a social practice that is instituted and maintained for purposes external to itself. Once we do this, democracy no longer needs saving from itself.
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Bulman-Pozen, Jessica y Miriam Seifter. "The Democracy Principle in State Constitutions". Michigan Law Review, n.º 119.5 (2021): 859. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.119.5.democracy.
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In recent years, antidemocratic behavior has rippled across the nation. Lame-duck state legislatures have stripped popularly elected governors of their powers; extreme partisan gerrymanders have warped representative institutions; state officials have nullified popularly adopted initiatives. The federal Constitution offers few resources to address these problems, and ballot-box solutions cannot work when antidemocratic actions undermine elections themselves. Commentators increasingly decry the rule of the many by the few. This Article argues that a vital response has been neglected. State constitutions embody a deep commitment to democracy. Unlike the federal Constitution, they were drafted—and have been repeatedly rewritten and amended— to empower popular majorities. In text, history, and structure alike, they express a commitment to popular sovereignty, majority rule, and political equality. We shorthand this commitment the democracy principle and describe its development and current potential. The Article’s aims are both theoretical and practical. At the level of theory, we offer a new view of American constitutionalism, one in which the majoritarian commitment of states’ founding documents complements the antimajoritarian tilt of the national document. Such complementarity is an unspoken premise of the familiar claim that the federal Constitution may temper excesses and abuses of state majoritarianism. We focus on the other half of the equation: state constitutions may ameliorate national democratic shortcomings. At the level of practice, we show how the democracy principle can inform a number of contemporary conflicts. Reimagining recent cases concerning electoral interference, political entrenchment, and more, we argue that it is time to reclaim the state constitutional commitment to democracy.
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Pierson, Christopher. "Democracy, Markets and Capital: Are there Necessary Economic Limits to Democracy?" Political Studies 40, n.º 1_suppl (agosto de 1992): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01814.x.
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This article reviews the neo-liberal case for economic limits to democracy, assesses the counterposed argument of socialists and social democrats and considers why the latters' practical experience in ‘democratizing economic life’ has been so unsatisfactory. The second half of the paper considers the claim that some form of market socialism can overcome these limitations. While the market socialists have some success in undermining the claims of the neo-liberals, there are acute difficulties in transforming their agenda for economic democracy into a practicable politics. At the same time, it is suggested that while there may indeed be some economic limits to democracy, we are still very far from reaching them.
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CLARKE, KEVIN A. y RANDALL W. STONE. "Democracy and the Logic of Political Survival". American Political Science Review 102, n.º 3 (agosto de 2008): 387–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055408080131.
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Although democracy is a key concept in political science, debate continues over definitions and mechanisms. Bueno de Mesquita, Smith, Siverson, & Morrow (2003) make the important claim that most of democracy's effects are in fact due to something conceptually simpler and empirically easier to measure than democracy: the size of the minimum winning coalition that selects the leader. The argument is intuitively appealing and supported by extensive data analysis. Unfortunately, the statistical technique they use induces omitted variable bias into their results. They argue that they need to control for democracy, but their estimation procedure is equivalent to omitting democracy from their analysis. When we reestimate their regressions controlling for democracy, most of their important findings do not survive.
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Moyn, Samuel y Jean-Paul Gagnon. "Globalizing the Intellectual History of Democracy". Democratic Theory 7, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2020): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070107.
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Samuel Moyn provides insight into how the history of democracy can continue its globalization. There is a growing belief that the currently acceptable fund of ideas has not served the recent past well which is why an expansion, a planetary one, of democracy’s ideas is necessary – especially now as we move deeper into the shadow of declining American/Western imperialism and ideology. Deciding which of democracy’s intellectual traditions to privilege is driven by a mix of forced necessity and choice: finding salient ground for democracy is likely only possible in poisoned traditions including European ones.
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Jin, Darren Yutang. "Between Political Meritocracy and Participatory Democracy: Toward Realist Confucian Democracy". Culture and Dialogue 8, n.º 2 (29 de octubre de 2020): 251–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683949-12340086.
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Abstract In this article, I examine the textual underpinnings of participatory Confucian democracy and Confucian meritocracy and propose realist Confucian democracy as an alternative following a balanced reading of classic Confucianism. I argue that Confucian plebeian values do not square with the political meritocrats’ (Daniel A. Bell and Tongdong Bai) advocacy for meritocratic rule while Confucian elitist values undermine participatory democrats’ (Sor-hoon Tan and Stephen Angle) ardor for justifications of active democratic participation. A shared difficulty with both groups is that they tend to overuse one aspect of Confucianism while leaving the status of other elements in limbo. The discussion of participatory democracy and meritocracy is followed by the introduction of an eclectic reading that strikes a dynamic balance between elitist and plebeian values in Confucianism, and which points to the wide gamut of realist democracy that combines democratic election with strong leadership.
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BROWN, DAVID S. y AHMED MUSHFIQ MOBARAK. "The Transforming Power of Democracy: Regime Type and the Distribution of Electricity". American Political Science Review 103, n.º 2 (mayo de 2009): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409090200.
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Theory on democracy and its consequences turns on how democracy influences behavior among politicians and the citizenry. Ultimately, the literature seeks to determine who benefits under democratic rules. This is our concern, posed in a context that allows us to address a classic question: does democracy favor large but diffuse segments of society over small but concentrated interests? We employ sectoral electricity consumption data for a panel of 733 country-years to examine democracy's impact on the distribution of electricity across three sectors that represent distinct political interests: industry, agriculture, and residential consumers. We find that in poorer countries democratization produces significant increases in the residential share of electricity relative to industry, suggesting sectors with less per capita financial clout, but a stronger voice in elections benefit under democracy. Unlike the large literatures on democracy's impact on theamountsof publicly provided goods, our results are among the first on thedistributionof those goods.
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Brooks, Thom. "A Defence of Sceptical Authoritarianism". Politics 22, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2002): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00170.
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Vittorio Bufacchi argued in this journal that democracy was under threat from two extreme philosophical positions: totalitarianism and nihilism. Sandwiched between these polarities is liberal democracy. Bufacchi believes that one of liberal democracy's distinctive properties is an endorsement of scepticism, which he then attempts to illuminate. In contrast, this article will argue that an authoritarian government bound by a constitution permitting civil liberties might also adopt political scepticism. This removes the aforementioned distinctiveness of liberal democracy in this regard and, in addition, leads us toward a rethinking of the possibility of a more plausible consideration of democracy.
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Gonzalez, Maria Gabriela. "Democracia y trabajo social: Una sociedad insoslayable." Debate Público 14, n.º 28 (5 de diciembre de 2024): 12. https://doi.org/10.62174/dpdp.10102.
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Resumen:El artículo plantea el vínculo entre la democracia como forma de organización política y el trabajo social como disciplina. Se analizan las dificultades que enfrentan, asociadas a los modos de concebir la política, en el caso de la democracia liberal, y de comprender y ejercer la profesión, a partir de obstáculos epistemológicos y pragmáticos que se abordan desde una perspectiva histórica. Se establecen relaciones entre la realidad política e institucional y la deriva del trabajo social y se sugieren desafíos urgentes que, en un todo asociados a los de nuestra democracia, condicionan la posibilidad de construir sociedades más igualitarias y democráticas, o perder esa posibilidad.Palabras clave: Trabajo Social, Democracia, Institucionalidad.SummaryThe article raises the link between democracy as a form of political organization and social work as a discipline. The difficulties faced by these groups, associated with the ways of conceiving politics, in the case of liberal democracy, and of understanding and exercising the profession, are analyzed from epistemological and pragmatic obstacles that are addressed from a historical perspective. Relationships are established between political and institutional reality and the drift of social work and urgent challenges are suggested that, in general associated with those of our democracy, condition the possibility of building more egalitarian and democratic societies, or losing that possibility.Key words: Social Work, Democracy, Institutionality.
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Scully, Matthew. "Democratic Aesthetics: Scenes of Political Violence and Anxiety in Nari Ward and Ocean Vuong". American Literature 93, n.º 4 (22 de octubre de 2021): 685–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-9520236.
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Abstract By attending to art and writing that interrogates US citizenship and state violence, this essay foregrounds the structural antagonism between democracy as an instituted form of rule, which depends on inegalitarian hierarchies, and democracy’s egalitarian drive. It argues that the realization of democracy as a form of governance (consensus democracy) occurs by substituting the rule of a part for the whole, which violently forces democracy’s constitutive figures to conform to and negotiate its organizing logics. Nari Ward’s We the People (2011) allegorizes this inherent tension in democracy as one between synecdoche and metonymy. The article then theorizes a new form of democratic politics through an engagement with Jacques Rancière before turning to Ocean Vuong’s “Notebook Fragments” (2016) and “Self-Portrait as Exit Wounds” (2016) as articulations of a democratic aesthetics constituted by figures—including metonymy, irony, and catachresis—that interrupt the substitutions of synecdoche. Vuong’s poetry foregrounds the violence enacted by state fantasies and insists on the democratic equality disavowed by consensus democracy. Together, Ward and Vuong locate the political force of aesthetics not in reassuring visions of inclusion but in operations that disturb and resist any form of hierarchy.
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Elcott, David M. "Can Democracy Survive Democracy?" Public Administration Review 74, n.º 4 (3 de junio de 2014): 532–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/puar.12244.
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