Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Danseuses – Paris (France ; banlieue)"

Résumé RÉSUMÉ : La "Seine Amont" désigne, dans le nouveau Schéma Directeur d'Ile-de-France, une douzaine de communes de la banlieue populaire de Paris. En dépit de son rôle en matière de logistique, c'est un secteur résiduel sur le plan économique. Les activités de haut niveau continuent de s'implanter dans la banlieue Ouest. L'ambition défaire de la Seine Amont un des "secteurs stratégiques" de l'agglomération se heurte à deux difficultés : les communes ont du mal à mettre sur pied un projet commun, mais répugnent à en laisser le soin à l'Etat ; le renchérissement des prix fonciers menace la poursuite de la construction de logements sociaux à proximité immédiate de Paris.

Sur la base d'une enquête menée en 1981 dans cinq municipalités d'union de la gauche situées dans la banlieue «rouge» de Paris, l'auteur examine le comportement d'une section cégétiste d'employés municipaux face à un maire communiste, comment la CGT agissait-elle dans une municipalité socialiste et comment réagit la CFDT

Analyse d’une correspondance à la fin de 1960 entre une jeune Anglaise récemment installée dans un HLM «Renault » aux Mureaux à cinquante kilomètres de Paris et sa mère qui habitait une banlieue résidentielle au nord de Birmingham. Les différences d’attitude entre l’Angleterre et la France, surtout envers les biens de consommation, étaient grandes à cette époque.

Cet article aborde l’étude d’un phénomène récent en France, celui des « Nouveaux Villages », définis comme des ensembles d’habitations individuelles groupées, généralement construits en périphérie de grands centres urbains. Deux de ces ensembles sont examinés (Torny et Vélicourt en banlieue de Paris) dans le but d’y documenter les ajustements sociaux (groupes de voisinage et remaniement des identités) qui sont associés à ce nouveau type d’habitat.

En région Île-de-France, l'activité professionnelle des mères ayant de jeunes enfants à charge varie au sein de l'espace: en prenant l'exemple des femmes vivant avec un conjoint « cadre » ou « ouvrier », on observe que, quel que soit le nombre d'enfants, le taux d'activité des mères dans le centre est toujours supérieur à celui des mères résidant en périphérie. La diminution est particulièrement sensible pour les mères ayant trois enfants ou plus. Le nombre d'enfants est une variable moins discriminante de l'activité des femmes de « cadres » vivant à Paris que de celle de leurs homologues vivant en périphérie. En effet, grâce à leurs caractéristiques spatiales, le centre de la région et sa proche banlieue représentent des espaces plus adaptés à l'insertion professionnelle des mères que la banlieue extérieure ou la périphérie. Les choix restreints dans le domaine du logement et de sa localisation de même que les contraintes spatio-temporelles ont sans doute renforcé la détermination des femmes à refuser une troisième naissance.

Cet article a pour objectif d’aller au-delà de l’opposition société d’origine/société d’arrivée. L’analyse est centrée sur la famille ou sur le groupe dit d’appartenance. Elle est fondée sur plusieurs entretiens formels et informels auprès de migrantes marocaines, régularisées ou pas, effectués en 1999, 2003 et 2007, à Paris et dans sa banlieue proche (Moujoud, 2007). Elle se réfère également à des recherches, conduites de 2002 à 2005, sur la prostitution de femmes étrangères en France (Moujoud ; Texeira, 2005). Il s’agit d’aborder la question de l’autonomie en contexte migratoire, et par conséquent ce que le changement dans la vie des migrantes doit ou non à la migration internationale.

À la fin du vingtième siècle, la qualité du parc de logements s’est dégradée en France, et les cohortes courantes de personnes âgées ont été les principales victimes. Majoritairement propriétaires de leur résidence principale, et pour près d’une sur quatre, d’une résidence secondaire, elles ont une faible mobilité résidentielle comparativement aux plus jeunes. Leur arrivée à l’âge de la retraite ou du veuvage entraîne toutefois de nouvelles formes de mobilité résidentielle, bien que toujours selon l’évolution du marché immobilier et leurs préférences résidentielles (préserver un pied-à-terre en ville et un accès aux services, mais profiter aussi d’une résidence secondaire). L’article, basé sur les données de diverses enquêtes, montre comment les choix résidentiels à la retraite sont liés aux trajectoires de vie et aux configurations familiales et interagissent avec les tendances socioéconomiques des environnements urbains.

ABSTRACTThis article will review the parameters of a grammatical variable within the putative variety ‘Multicultural Paris French’, i.e. its distribution and use within a group of young banlieue speakers. The structure in question stands out as it has rarely been found in previous corpora in France: indirect questions following verbs like savoir, where the question word is post-verb (je sais pas il a dit quoi). We discuss which groups use the new forms in Paris, referring briefly to some comparable changes in London. This structure appears to be an instance of ‘change from below’ (Labov, 2007), which seems to have emerged in the speech of young people of immigrant background. It might also, on the other hand, be a long-standing vernacular variant, which has re-emerged, with specific identity-related significance, in this particular group of speakers. Its exceptional character in the Paris context highlights a lack of evidence for the emergence of a more wide-ranging, distinct multiethnolect, as found in London and other European capitals.

Jacques Jouet est né en 1947 dans la banlieue de Paris. Il se veut écrivain tout-terrain: poésie, nouvelle, roman, théâtre, essai. Depuis 1983, il est membre de l'Oulipo (Ouvroir de Littérature Potentielle). Il est engagé dans plusieurs chantiers d'envergure: La République de Mek-Ouyes, un roman-feuilleton en 2000 épisodes toujours à suivre; Le Poème du jour, poème quotidien depuis le 1er avril 1992, devenu depuis 2013 le PPP Projet poétique planétaire, désormais collectif, consistant à adresser quotidiennement un poème par voie postale à la terre entière. Ses dernières publications sont: Du jour, poésie (P.O.L, 2013); Le Cocommuniste, roman (P.O.L, 2014); La Scène est sur la scène. 'Théêtre' complet (site www.pol-editeur.com); Ruminations du potentiel, essais (Nous, 2016); La Dernière France, roman (P.O.L, 2018).

Cet article traite des compétences mobilisées par des femmes qui gardent chez elles de jeunes enfants, appelées en France, assistantes maternelles. Cette activité, encadrée légalement par la délivrance d'un agrément conféré par les services de la Protection maternelle et infantile, s'exerce sans formation préalable et suppose la préexistence chez ces femmes de compétences « féminines » ou « maternelles » considérées suffisantes pour garder des enfants. La recherche conduite dans une banlieue de Paris permet de démontrer qu'en période de chômage, ces seules compétences sont insuffisantes pour assurer du travail à toutes les assistantes maternelles agréées. C'est au contraire la mobilisation de compétences et de savoir-faire sociaux (aisance dans l'espace public, serendipity), tout comme des compétences subjectives (engagement) qui peuvent favoriser l'accès au métier.

Objectif et méthode : Quelle a été l’expérience du confinement (16 mars 2020–11 mai 2020) en France, chez les patients atteints de cancer ? Au travers de questions ouvertes envoyées par messagerie électronique pendant les deux dernières semaines du confinement (27 avril–11 mai 2020), l’enquête BaroCov a étudié, auprès de patients suivis à l’institut Curie, les motifs de préoccupation et de satisfaction. À partir des réponses libres, 12 thématiques de préoccupation et 8 thématiques de satisfaction ont été extraites de manière inductive, à partir desquelles les réponses ont été codées puis analysées statistiquement. Résultats : Deux mille quatre cent soixante-dix-huit patients ont répondu, dont 90 % ont plus de 40 ans et 58,9 % entre 40 et 65 ans. Quatre-vingt-trois pour cent sont des femmes. Cinquante et un pour cent vivent à Paris et en proche banlieue. 61,4 % déclarent être en cours de traitement. Préoccupations : Les préoccupations concernaient la santé chez deux tiers des répondants (63,6 %). Elles avaient rapport avec le cancer chez la moitié (45,5 %), dont 9,8 % sur la poursuite du traitement et 5,7%sur les effets secondaires. La Covid-19 préoccupait un cinquième (18,1 %) des personnes. Un quart des répondants citaient comme thématique soit la vie quotidienne (16,6 %) [ne pas vivre comme d’habitude, l’activité professionnelle, l’argent, le logement, le climat social], soit les proches (12,8 %) [la séparation, leur santé, leur avenir]. Appréciations : Un tiers des répondants (33,7 %) citaient les relations avec les proches et un autre tiers (32 %) les conditions de vie (avec la qualité de vie chez 14,6 %, prendre son temps chez 10 % et la nature chez 7,4 %). Plus de 10 % des personnes (13,5 %) citaient spontanément une thématique liée à la maladie (chez 7,3 %, l’état de santé et chez 6,2 % les soins). La thématique du travail n’apparaissait quasiment pas (2,8 %). Conclusion : Le thème principal cité pendant le confinement n’était pas la Covid-19, mais plutôt les polarités existentielles de la vie face au cancer avec d’un côté la peur et les préoccupations liées à la maladie et de l’autre l’importance de l’entourage et la réévaluation positive de la vie quotidienne.

This article examines minority citizens’ attempts of civic participation in the working-class banlieue of Tiercy in the Paris area by considering the double-bind they are confronted to: their efforts to perform as active and locally engaged citizens are readily abrogated by suspicions of violating what public authorities understand as appropriate modes of civic participation. By zooming into the chain of events that caused a minority leader of West African origin to be disqualified as a civic actor based on accusations of ‘communitarianism’, it develops a relational analysis of stigmatization as a meso-level mechanism of institutional racism. The analysis shows that competing definitions of ‘civic’ and asymmetrical social relations together engender racially differentiated principles of interaction that prepare the ground for the emergence of stigma in organization settings.

In 2012, a first survey of theses registered or supported in France on transport and logistics was carried out by the French Association of Transport and Logistics Institutes (AFITL). This census was updated in 2016. This paper presents the survey methodology; compares the results with the previous survey (2014); analyzes the results.The data set consists of 469 theses defended since 2010 and further includes 345 theses registered -not yet defended- since 2009. 80% of the dissertations are in social sciences and 20% in engineering sciences. A large number of these theses -almost 44%, but this percentage varies by discipline- are headed by research directors whose name is found only once in the file; i.e. the thesis directors are not specialized in transport and logistics but occasionally supervise students working outside their usual area of research.There are clear groupings in the localities where the theses are registered. 43% are registered in the greater Paris region. There are four universities where the number of theses in all disciplines is greater than 50: Lyon, Marseille, Paris 1, Paris-Est, but 46 where it is under 10. By crossing disciplines and institutions, one easily finds the geography of research in transport and logistics in France. L’Association Française des Instituts de Transport et de Logistique a procédé pour la première fois en 2012, à un recensement des thèses de toutes disciplines, inscrites ou soutenues en France, portant sur les transports et la logistique. Ce recensement a été actualisé en 2016. Cet article présente la manière dont ce recensement a été réalisé ; il compare les résultats avec ceux de la précédente mise à jour (2014) ; il en analyse les résultats.Le fichier comporte 469 thèses soutenues depuis 2010 et 345 thèses inscrites -et non encore soutenues- depuis 2009. 80 % des thèses relèvent des sciences sociales et 20 % des sciences pour l’ingénieur. Un très grand nombre de ces thèses -près de 44 %, mais ce pourcentage est très variable selon les disciplines- sont dirigées par des directeurs de recherche dont le nom n’est présent qu’une seule fois dans le fichier ; autrement dit ces thèses sont encadrées par des directeurs de recherche qui ne sont pas spécialistes du transport ou de la logistique, mais qui, occasionnellement, acceptent de diriger des thèses qui ne relèvent pas de leur domaine habituel de recherche.La dispersion des thèses en fonction de leur ville et établissement de soutenance est également très forte. 43 % des thèses sont inscrites à Paris ou dans les universités de la banlieue parisienne. On compte quatre universités où le nombre de thèses, toutes disciplines confondues est supérieur à 50 : Lyon, Marseille, Paris 1, Paris-Est, mais 46 où il est inférieur à 10. En croisant établissements et disciplines, on retrouve aisément la géographie de la recherche en transport et logistique en France.

Murray Forman’s text The ‘Hood Comes First: Race, Space, and Place in Rap and Hip-Hop provides insightful commentary on the workings of and relationship between place and space. To highlight the difference of scale between these two parameters, he writes that, “place defines the immediate locale of human interaction in the particular, whereas space is the expanse of mobile trajectories through which subjects pass in their circulation between or among distinct and varied places” (25). This statement reflects Doreen Massey’s earlier observation from her book Space, Place, and Gender that “one view of a place is as a particular articulation” of the spatial (5). These descriptions clarify how human action shapes, and is shaped by, what Forman describes as the “more narrowly circumscribed parameters” of place (25) and the broader realm of space. Clearly, these two terms describe interconnected components that are socially constructed and dynamic: that is, they operate at different scales but are constructed in time, constantly reshaped by human action and perception. “Space and time are inextricably interwoven,” states Massey. She continues: “It is not that the interrelations between objects occur in space and time; it is these relationships themselves which create/define space and time” (261). If place and space represent different scales of social interaction and space and time are interconnected, place and time must be linked as well.While this indicates that human experience and representation operate on different scales, it is important to note that these two factors are also interrelated. As Stuart Hall writes, “[I]t is only through the way in which we represent and imagine ourselves that we come to know how we are constituted and who we are” (473). There is no objective experience, only that which is subjectively represented through various means. Through depictions of these relationships between place, space, and time, rap music shapes listeners’ comprehension of these parameters. DJs, MCs, producers, and other creative artists express personal observations through the influence of both the local and global, the past and present. In rap lyrics and their musical accompaniment, countries, cities, neighbourhoods, and even specific government housing developments inform the music, but the identities of these places and spaces are not fixed – for the performers or for the audience. They are more than the backdrop for what happens, inanimate structures or coordinates of latitude and longitude. Their dynamic nature, and their representation in music, serves to continually redefine “how we are constituted and who we are” (473).In MC Solaar’s Léve-toi et Rap from his 2001 album Cinquième as and his song Nouveau Western, from 1994’s Prose Combat, this is demonstrated in two very different ways. Léve-toi et Rap, a personal history told in the first person, clearly demonstrates both American hip-hop lineage and the transnational influences of Solaar’s upbringing. This song serves as an example of the adoption of American musical and lyrical techniques as means through which personally empowering, often place-based stories are told. In Nouveau Western, the narrative demonstrates the negative effects of globalization through this story about a geographically and temporally transported American cowboy. This track employs musical materials in a way that reflects the more critical lyrical commentary on the repercussions of American cultural and economic power. Through the manner of his storytelling, and through the stories themselves, MC Solaar explicitly demonstrates his own agency in representing, and thus constructing the meaning of, dynamic place and space as they are defined from these two perspectives.As a Paris-based French rapper, MC Solaar often makes his affiliation to this geographic focal point significant in his lyrics. This is especially clear in Léve-toi et Rap, in which Parisian banlieues (HLM government housing projects), nightclubs, and other places figure prominently in the text. From the lyrics, one learns a great deal about this rapper and his background: MC Solaar was born in Senegal, but his parents brought him to France when he was young (MC Solaar, “Léve-toi et Rap”; Petetin, 802, 805). He grew up struggling with the isolation and social problems of the banlieues and the discrimination he faced as an immigrant. He began rapping, established a musical career, and now encourages others to rap as a means of making something constructive out of a challenging situation. In the excerpt below, MC Solaar explains these origins and the move to the banlieues (Solaar, “Lève-toi et rap;” All translations by the author).Lève-toi et rap elaborates on the connection between the local and global in rap music, and between place, space, and time. The lyrics and music represent these properties in part by appropriating American rap’s stylistic practices. The introductory chorus incorporates sampled lyrics of the American artists Lords of the Underground, the Beastie Boys, Nas, and Redman (Various Contributors, “‘Lève-toi et rap’ Direct Sample of Vocals/Lyrics,” whosampled.com.). A bassline originally recorded by the funk group The Crusaders grounds the musical accompaniment that begins with the first verse (partially printed above), in which MC Solaar begins to depict his own place and space as he has experienced it temporally.In this chorus, the first sample is “I remember way back in the days on my block” from Lords of the Underground’s song Tic-Toc. This leads to “Oh My God” and “Ah, Ah, Ah,” both samples from Q-Tip’s contribution to the Beastie Boys’ song Get It Together. “I Excel,” which appears in Nas’s It Ain’t Hard to Tell comes next. The last sample, “Who Got the Funk,” is from Can’t Wait by Redman (Lords of the Underground, “Tic-Tic;” Beastie Boys and Q-Tip, “Get It Together;” Nas, “It Ain’t Hard to Tell;” The Crusaders, “The Well’s Gone Dry”).Scratching begins the introductory chorus (printed below), which ends with a voice announcing “MC Solaar.” At this point, the sampled bassline from The Crusaders’ 1974 song The Well’s Gone Dry begins.[Scratching]I remember back in the days on my block... Lords of the UndergroundOh my God... Ah, Ah, Ah... Beastie Boys and Q-TipI excel… NasWho got the funk... RedmanMC Solaar[Crusaders sample begins] The rap samples all date from 1994, the year Solaar released his well-received album Prose Combat and most are strategically placed: the first sample originated in the last verse of Tic-Toc, the Q-Tip samples in the middle are from the middle of Get It Together, and the last sample, “I Excel,” is from the first line of It Ain’t Hard to Tell. As Lève-toi et rap continues, MC Solaar’s statement of the song title itself replaces the iteration “MC Solaar” of the first chorus. In a sense, “Lève-toi et rap” becomes the last sample of the chorus. Through these American references, Solaar demonstrates an affiliation with the place in which rap is commonly known to have originally coalesced. For French rappers consciously working to prove their connection to rap’s lineage, such demonstrations are useful (Faure and Garcia, 81-82). Achieved by sampling music and lyrics from 1974 and 1994 from sources that are not all that obvious to a casual listener, Solaar spatially connects his work to the roots of rap (Shusterman, 214). These particular samples also highlight a spatial relationship to particular styles of rap that represent place and space in particular ways. Nas and Lords of the Underground, for instance, have added to the discourse on street credibility and authenticity, while Q-tip has provided commentary on social and political issues. MC Solaar’s own story widens the parameters for illustrating these concepts, as he incorporates the personally significant places such as Senegal, Chad, and the Saint Denis banlieue to establish street credibility on a transnational scale; the lyrics also describe serious social and political issues, including the “skinheads” he encountered while living in Paris. Dynamic place is clear throughout all of this, as everything occurring in these places is meaningful in part because of the unavoidable relationship with the passing of time – Solaar’s birth, his upbringing, and his success occurred through his choices and social interactions in specific places.Looking more closely at the representation of place and time, Lève-toi et rap is less than straightforward. As discussed previously, some of the vocal samples are rearranged, demonstrating purposeful alteration of pre-recorded material; in contrast, the use of a repeated funk bassline sample during a clear narrative of Solaar’s life juxtaposes a linear story with a non-linear musical accompaniment. To this, MC Solaar made a contemporary textual contribution to later choruses, with the title of the song added as the chorus’s last line. Such manipulation in the context of this first-person narrative to express this movement supports the conclusion that, far from being a victim of political and economic forces, MC Solaar has used them to his advantage. After all, the title of the song itself, Lève-toi et rap, translates roughly to “get up and rap.”In addition to manipulating the materials of American rap and funk for this purpose, Solaar’s use of verlan, a type of slang used in the banlieues, brings another level of locality to Lève-toi et rap. The use of verlan brings the song’s association with French banlieue culture closer: by communicating in a dialect fluently understood by relatively few, rappers ensure that their message will be understood best by those who share the constellation of social and temporal relations of these housing developments (Milon, 75). Adding verlan to other slang and to unique grammatical rules, the rap of the banlieues is to some extent in its own language (Prévos, “Business” 902-903).Referring to MC Solaar’s 1994 album Prose Combat, André Prévos observed that this material “clearly illustrates the continuity of this tradition, all the while adding an identifiable element of social and personal protest as well as an identifiable amount of ‘signifying’ also inspired by African American hip-hip lyrics” (Prévos, “Postcolonial” 43). While it is clear at this point that this is also true for Lève-toi et rap from Cinquème as, Nouveau Western from Prose Combat demonstrates continuity in different way. To start, the samples used in this song create a more seamless texture. A sample from the accompaniment to Serge Gainsbourg’s Bonnie and Clyde from 1967 undergirds the song, providing a French pop reference to a story about an American character (Various Contributors, “Nouveau Western” whosampled.com). The bassline from Bonnie and Clyde is present throughout Nouveau Western, while the orchestral layer from the sample is heard during sections of the verses and choruses. Parts of the song also feature alto saxophone samples that provide continuity with the jazz-influenced character of many songs on this album.The contrasts with Lève-toi et rap continue with the lyrical content. Rather than describing his own process of acquiring knowledge and skill as he moved in time from place to place, in Nouveau Western MC Solaar tells the story of a cowboy named “Harry Zona” who was proud and independent living in Arizona, hunting for gold with his horse, but who becomes a victim in contemporary Paris. In the fabled west, the guns he carries and his method of transportation facilitate his mission: Il erre dans les plaines, fier, solitaire. Son cheval est son partenaire [He wanders the plains, proud, alone. His horse is his partner.]. After suddenly being transported to modern-day Paris, he orders a drink from an “Indian,” at a bistro and “scalps” the foam off, but this is surely a different kind of person and practice than Solaar describes Harry encountering in the States (MC Solaar, “Nouveau Western”).After leaving the bistro, Harry is arrested driving his stagecoach on the highway and shut away by the authorities in Fresnes prison for his aberrant behaviour. His pursuit of gold worked for him in the first context, but the quest for wealth advanced in his home country contributed to the conditions he now faces, and which MC Solaar critiques, later in the song. He raps, Les States sont comme une sorte de multinationale / Elle exporte le western et son monde féudal / Dicte le bien, le mal, Lucky Luke et les Dalton [The States are a kind of multinational”/ “They export the western and its feudal way/ Dictate the good the bad, Lucky Luke and the Daltons] (MC Solaar, “Nouveau Western”).Harry seems to thrive in the environment portrayed as the old west: as solitary hero, he serves as a symbol of the States’ independent spirit. In the nouveau far west [new far west] francophone comic book characters Lucky Luke and the Daltons sont camouflés en Paul Smith’s et Wesson [are camouflaged in Paul Smith’s and Wesson], and Harry is not equipped to cope with this confusing combination. He is lost as he negotiates le système moderne se noie l’individu [the modern system that drowns the individual]. To return to Bonnie and Clyde, these ill-fated and oft-fabled figures weren’t so triumphant either, and in Gainsbourg’s song, they are represented by 1960s French pop rather than by even a hint of local 1930s musical traditions. “Harry Zona” is not the only person whose story unfolds through the lens of another culture.While Solaar avoids heavy use of verlan or other Parisian slang in this song, he does use several American cultural references, some of which I have already mentioned. In addition, the word “western” refers to western movies, but it also serves as another term for the United States and its cultural exports. “Hollywood” is another term for the west, and in this context MC Solaar warns his listeners to question this fictional setting. Following his observation that John Wayne looks like Lucky Luke, “well groomed like an archduke,” he exclaims Hollywood nous berne, Hollywood berne! [Hollywood fooled us! Hollywood fools!]. This is followed by, on dit gare au gorille, mais gare à Gary Cooper [as they say watch out for the gorilla, watch out for Gary Cooper]. Slick characters like the ones Gary Cooper played have ultimately served as cultural capital that has generated economic capital for the “multinational” States that Solaar describes. As Harry moves “epochs and places,” he discovers that this sort of influence, now disguised in fashion-forward clothing, is more influential than his Smith and Wesson of the old west (MC Solaar, “Nouveau Western”).It is important to note that this narrative is described with the language of the cultural force that it critiques. As Geoffrey Baker writes, “MC Solaar delves into the masterpieces and linguistic arsenal of his colonizers in order to twist the very foundations of their linguistic oppression against them” (Baker, 241). These linguistic – and cultural – references facilitate this ironic critique of the “new Far West”: Harry suffers in the grip of a more sophisticated gold rush (MC Solaar, “Nouveau Western”).Lève-toi et rap transforms musical and verbal language as well, but the changes are more overt. Even though the musical samples are distinctly American, they are transformed, and non-American places of import to MC Solaar are described with heavy use of slang. This situates the song in American and French cultural territory while demonstrating Solaar’s manipulation of both. He is empowered by the specialized expression of place and space, and by the loud and proud references to a dynamic upbringing, in which struggle culminates in triumph.Empowerment through such manipulation is an attractive interpretation, but because this exercise includes the transformation of a colonizer’s language, it ultimately depends on understanding rap as linked to some extent to what Murray Forman and Tricia Rose describe as “Western cultural imperialism” (Rose, 19; Forman, 21). Both Rose and Forman point out that rap has benefitted from what Rose describes as “the disproportionate exposure of U.S. artists around the world,” (Rose, 19) even though this music has provided an avenue through which marginalized groups have articulated social and political concerns (Rose, 19; Forman 21). The “transnational circulation of contemporary culture industries” that Forman describes (21) has benefitted multinational corporations, but it has also provided new means of expression for those reached by this global circulation. Additionally, this process has engendered a sense of community around the world among those who identify with rap’s musical and lyrical practices and content; in many cases, rap’s connection to the African diaspora is a significant factor in the music’s appeal. This larger spatial connection occurs alongside more locally place-based connections. Lève-toi et rap clearly manifests this sense of simultaneously negotiating one’s role as a global citizen and as an individual firmly grounded in the place and space of local experience.Even though rap has been a music of resistance to hegemonic social and economic forces for people around the world, it is nonetheless important to recognize that the forces that have disseminated this music on a global scale have contributed to the unequal distribution of wealth and power. Working within this system is almost always unavoidable for rappers, many of whom criticize these conditions in their music, but depend on these transnational corporations for their success. Paul A. Silverstein writes that “hip-hop formations themselves, while enunciating an explicit critique of both state interventionism and the global market, have directly benefited from both and, to be sure, simultaneously desire their end and their continuation” (47-48). This is very clear in Nouveau Western, which Silverstein writes “portrayed neo-liberalism as a ‘new Far West’ where credit cards replace Remingtons.” (48) That this critique has reached a large audience in the francophone world and elsewhere highlights the irony of the situation: under the current system of popular musical production and circulation, such material often must reach its audience through complicity with the very system it denounces. This view on the mixture of the local and global presented in these songs illustrates this confusing situation, but from another perspective, the representation of social interaction on varying scales connects to the factors that have contributed to rap since its inception. Local places and geographically broad spatial connections have been articulated in constantly changing ways through musical and lyrical sampling, original lyrical references, and the uses that creators, listeners, and the industry enact vis-à-vis global rap culture. Whether revealed through clear references to American rap that facilitate a personal narrative or through a more complicated critique of American culture, MC Solaar’s songs Lève-toi et rap and Nouveau Western expose some accomplishments of a French rapper whose work reveals personal agency both outside and within the “multinational” United States. ReferencesBaker, Geoffrey. “Preachers, Gangsters, Pranksters: MC Solaar and Hip-Hop as Overt and Covert Revolt.” The Journal of Popular Culture 44 (2011): 233-54.Beastie Boys and Q-Tip. “Get It Together.” Ill Communication. Grand Royal Records, 1994. CD.Faure, Sylvia, and Marie-Carmen Garcia. “Conflits de Valeurs et Générations.” Culture Hip Hop Jeunes des Cités et Politiques Publiques. Paris: La Dispute SNÉDIT, 2005. 69-83. Forman, Murray. “Space Matters: Hip-Hop and the Spatial Perspective.” The ‘Hood Comes First: Race, Space and Place in Rap and Hip-Hop. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2002. 1- 34. Hall, Stuart. “What Is This ‘Black’ in Black Popular Culture?” Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, Edited by David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. London: Routledge, 1996. 465-475. Lords of the Underground. “Tic-Tic.” Keepers of the Funk. Pendulum Records, 1994. CD.Massey, Doreen. Space, Place and Gender. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota Press, 1994. 19-24.Milon, Alain. “Pourquoi le Rappeur Chante? Le Rap comme Expression de la Relégation Urbaine.” Cités 19 (2004): 71-80.MC Solaar (Claude M’Barali). “Lève-toi et rap.” Cinquème as. Wea International, 2001. CD.———. “Nouveau Western.” Prose Combat. Cohiba, 1994. CD.Nas. “It Ain’t Hard to Tell.” Illmatic. Columbia Records, 1994. CD.Petetin, Véronique. “Slam, Rap, et ‘Mondialité.” Études 6 (June 2009): 797-808.Prévos, André J.M. “Le Business du Rap en France.” The French Review 74 (April 2001): 900-21.———. “Postcolonial Popular Music in France.” Global Noise: Rap and Hip-Hop outside the USA. Ed. Tony Mitchell. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2001. 39-56. Rose, Tricia. Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 1994.Shusterman, Richard. “L’Estitique Postmoderne du Rap.” Rue Deseartes 5/6 (November 1992): 209-28.Silverstein, Paul A. “‘Why Are We Waiting to Start the Fire?’: French Gangsta Rap and the Critique of State Capitalism.” Black, Blanc, Beur: Rap Music and Hip-Hop Culture in the Francophone World. Ed. Alain-Philippe Durand. Oxford: Scarecrow Press, 2002. 45-67. The Crusaders. “The Well’s Gone Dry.” Southern Comfort. ABC/Blue Thumb Records, 1974. CD.Various Contributors. “‘Lève-toi et rap’ Direct Sample of Vocals/Lyrics.” whosampled.com.———. “‘Nouveau Western’ Direct Sample of Hook/Riff.” whosampled.com.Various Contributors. “MC Solaar – ‘Lève-toi et rap’ Lyrics.” Rap Genius.