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1
Van Coufoudakis. "The Government and Politics of Cyprus (review)". Journal of Modern Greek Studies 28, n.º 1 (2010): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.0.0080.
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Örmeci, Ozan y Sina Kisacik. "Cutting the Gordian Knot: Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Cyprus During AK Party Era (2002-2020)". Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2020): 21–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sanp.9838.
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Cyprus Dispute is one of the fundamental foreign policy issues in Turkish foreign policy since the 1950s. Cyprus Dispute has often been perceived as an issue above petty politics in Turkey, and almost all Turkish political parties supported the Turkish State’s involvement in Cyprus since the 1960s and Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974. However, after AK Party came to power in 2002, with the main motive of preventing a secular nationalist military coup, as well as with the aim of becoming a full member of the European Union (EU), the party adopted a proactive foreign policy favoring the solution in the island. That is why Turkey and Turkish Cypriots actively supported the Annan Plan referendum in 2004. However, upon the rejection of the settlement plan by Greek Cypriots and EU’s decision to accept Greek Cypriot government as an EU member and the only representative of the Cyprus Republic, Cyprus Dispute has transformed into a problem spoiling not only Turkish-Greek and Turkish-Cypriot relations but also Turkish-EU relations. In the 2010s, the Cyprus Dispute gained a new dimension with the gas discoveries and agreements made by the Greek Cypriot administration. So far, energy politics could not be used as a leverage to promote the solution on the island, and the dispute has transformed into a more complex problem with many layers.
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Yiangou, Anastasia. "The Orthodox Church of Cyprus, Enosis politics and the British authorities during the First World War". Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 44, n.º 1 (19 de febrero de 2020): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.28.
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This article examines relations between the Orthodox Church of Cyprus and the British colonial government during the First World War. I argue that the Great War constituted the first turning point in Church-State relations during colonial rule in Cyprus which, following other developments, finally collapsed during the 1950s. I discuss how the dynamic of the Enosis movement for the union of Cyprus with Greece was bolstered during the Great War. This in turn, the article will show, had significant repercussions on the attitudes of the Orthodox Church and the British authorities, transformed their relationship and opened the way for future developments.
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Mallinson, William. "US Interests, British Acquiescence and the Invasion of Cyprus". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, n.º 3 (agosto de 2007): 494–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00254.x.
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An extrapolation, analysis and evaluation of papers recently released by the British government suggest that, backstage, the British and US governments condoned Turkish military objectives in Cyprus, at least to the extent of agreeing to take no serious action to dissuade Turkey from invading. The papers suggest British government foreknowledge of Turkey's objectives; Henry Kissinger's express delaying tactics to afford Turkey more time to consolidate its invasion; French anger at the Foreign Office for not providing them with information; British concern about a future Greek government turning to the French for support; and the British government's desire to give up its military territories in Cyprus. Overall, the picture which emerges is that the Wilson government gave in to Henry Kissinger's policies. It appears clear that Britain, despite its responsibilities and initial misgivings about Turkey's behaviour, gave the lead to the US.
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Kyriakides, Theodoros. "Tactics as Empirical and Conceptual Objects: Patient Activism and the Politics of Thalassaemia in Cyprus". Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 2 (25 de mayo de 2016): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2016.48.
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This article explores tactics as political technologies in the context of health and patient activism. It does so by exploring how the PanCyprian Thalassaemia Association––a thalassaemia patients association situated in Cyprus––opposed a medical rationing scheme imposed by the Cypriot government and managed to overturn the decision. I make the case that “tactics,” for patient associations, are practices capable of rendering the political problematics of their illness visible to public and governmental perception, and propose four tactics by which the PTA was able to achieve such task. By putting the given event in conversation with STS and anthropological literature the article attempts to productively entangle tactics in their empirical and conceptual guises. This serves a two-fold purpose: That of putting together a repertoire of practices which patient associations can use to conduct politics, and that of facilitating connection between patient associations through these proposed practices. The article concludes with some more general considerations regarding an empirical-conceptual project on tactics.
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Lekakis, Nikos y Dimitris Gargalianos. "The Organization of Football in Cyprus: History and Politics". STADION 45, n.º 1 (2021): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-55.
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This paper employs the history and politics of football looking at discussions about Cyprus’ national identity, the relationship between the Greek-Cypriot state and its self-declared Turkish-Cypriot counterpart, and the possibility of reunification. It explores these issues from both sides of the divide, something rarely undertaken in Cyprus, and within a wider European perspective, by comparing it briefly with the modern football histories of Ireland, Spain and Bosnia & Herzegovina. Football and its inherent developments reflect not only the political rivalries in the world of Greek-Cypriot football, but also the encounters between Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots. The history of Cypriot football has no similar precedent in the selected European space. In Ireland, the peace process has not ended historic civil society divisions, while football agents with opposing political ideologies across the Greek and Turkish divide in Cyprus have been able to overcome their differences, political elites on one side of the border have prevented unification. In Spain’s Catalonia, while the football-fed movement for independence, yet to materialize, remains subject to approval by Spain’s institutions, the independence of the de facto Turkish-Cypriot state would require the approval of the governments of the Republic of Cyprus, Greece, Turkey, and Britain. Finally, while FIFA and UEFA have successfully dictated the terms for the final admission of Bosnia & Herzegovina’s football Federation into their membership, they have failed to repeat this achievement in the Cypriot case.
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Özyigit, Ahmet. "The Impact of Aid on the Economy of Northern Cyprus". International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, n.º 2 (mayo de 2008): 185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080471.
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Since 1974, U.N. peacekeepers on the divided Mediterranean island of Cyprus have patrolled a buffer zone that divides the Greek-leaning, government-controlled south from the northern third, the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The economy of Northern Cyprus resembles that of other small islands with negligible industrial production that rely on the service sector to generate income. What makes Northern Cyprus unique, however, is that the rest of the world does not acknowledge it as a separate political entity. This limits economic functions because the “country” cannot trade freely and depends on Turkey, the only nation to formally recognize Northern Cyprus.
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Ramadhan, Riskiansyah. "The Roots of Secularism in Northern Cyprus and Turkey’s Ambition of Islamization". Ijtimā'iyya: Journal of Muslim Society Research 5, n.º 2 (25 de septiembre de 2020): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/ijtimaiyya.v5i2.4155.
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The conquest of Cyprus by the Ottoman Empire in 1571 had an impact on the growing Muslim population there. However, the majority Muslim population does not make Northern Cyprus adopt Islam as the official religion of the country. This article aims to analyze the roots of secularism in Northern Cyprus, some of which are caused by British government policies, the rise of Kemalism, the emergence of Alevism and Linobambaki, and the repression of Sufi orders at the end of Ottoman rule. Besides, the political situation in Turkey turned out to have an impact on Northern Cyprus, where Turkey sought to implement the Islamization policy there.
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Mikheeva, N. M. "MIGRATION CRISIS AND NEW OPPORTUNITIES FOR TURKEY". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 2(47) (28 de abril de 2016): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-91-100.
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The article discusses some aspects of the relationship of the European Union and Turkey. Against the backdrop of the immigration crisis, that has gripped almost all countries in Europe, the EU states were forced to appeal to the Turkish Government for assistance. Europe requested to withhold part of the f refugees on the territory of Turkey. The EU promised financial support. The Government of RecepTayyip Erdogan linked problems with the issue of refugees entering the country in the EU. The author analyzes the possibility of positive promotion of the negotiation process on Turkey's EU membership. Focuses on the settlement of the Cyprus problem, as one of the three major political obstacles to Turkey in Europe. We are seeing a situation in which EU political circles are willing to exert pressure on the Cyprus conflict and to push for the signing of a formal treaty on the settlement of problem. Some progress in the negotiation process between the communities of Cyprus EU starts to participate in the negotiations on Cyprus, together with the United Nations. Creates good conditions for the settlement of the conflict. Such a way of resolving the long-standing territorial-community conflict creates much more new problems on the island. Obstacles to the integration of Turkey into the EU will become even more.
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Ramadhan, Riskiansyah. "Securitization of Islam: A Case of Muslims in Cyprus". AJIS: Academic Journal of Islamic Studies 5, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/ajis.v5i2.1947.
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This paper analyzes how Muslims, as a religious community in the Republic of Cyprus, became an object of discrimination. Furthermore, the paper tries to understand and describe how Muslims’ daily lives are as a minority in the country through a case study approach. The study found that Islamophobic incidents often occur in the form of hate speech and discrimination in the workplace, schools, and even government institutions. These Islamophobic behaviors are an attempt to securitize Islam on the island. Moreover, prominent figures like political and religious leaders actively contribute to the phenomena of this securitization. Although religious freedom is protected by law, the Christian Greek Cypriot is not ready to accept multiculturalism. Thus, both government and society, and the community must support each other in bringing about peace in the country
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Ramadhan, Riskiansyah. "Securitization of Islam: A Case of Muslims in Cyprus". AJIS: Academic Journal of Islamic Studies 5, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/ajis.v5i2.1947.
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This paper analyzes how Muslims, as a religious community in the Republic of Cyprus, became an object of discrimination. Furthermore, the paper tries to understand and describe how Muslims’ daily lives are as a minority in the country through a case study approach. The study found that Islamophobic incidents often occur in the form of hate speech and discrimination in the workplace, schools, and even government institutions. These Islamophobic behaviors are an attempt to securitize Islam on the island. Moreover, prominent figures like political and religious leaders actively contribute to the phenomena of this securitization. Although religious freedom is protected by law, the Christian Greek Cypriot is not ready to accept multiculturalism. Thus, both government and society, and the community must support each other in bringing about peace in the country
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Kıralp, Şevki. "The Inter-Communal Talks and Political Life in Cyprus: 1974-1983". Journal of History Culture and Art Research 9, n.º 3 (30 de septiembre de 2020): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v9i3.1973.
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<p>This paper conducts historical research on the inter-communal talks and the political life in the two communities of Cyprus from 1974 to 1983. The period covered by the research commenced with the creation of the bi-regional structure on the island in 1974 and ceased with the declaration of Turkish Cypriot Independence in 1983. As this period constitutes an important threshold in the history of Cyprus, it might be argued that observing the political developments it covers is likely to be beneficial for the literature. The research focused on the two communities’ positions in negotiations as well as their elections and political actors. It utilized Turkish, Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot newspapers (and official press releases), political leaders’ memoirs, national archives of USA (NARA) as well as official online documents. Its findings indicate that the two sides could not reach to a settlement mainly due to their disagreements on the authorities of central and regional governments. While the Turkish Cypriot side promoted broader authorities for the regional governments, the Greek Cypriot side favoured broader authorities for the central government. On the other hand, while Turkish Cypriot leader Denktaş had managed to unite the majority of Turkish Cypriot right-wing voters, the Greek Cypriot right-wing was divided among supporters of Makarios and Clerides. On the other hand, while the Greek Cypriot left-wing was in cooperation with Makarios, the Turkish Cypriot left-wing opposed Denktaş’s policies. </p>
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Hermaszewska, Susie. "The Dangerous Reproduction of Gender Inequalities Within the UN in the Politics and Institutions of Peace". Political Science Undergraduate Review 1, n.º 2 (15 de febrero de 2016): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur21.
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The UN agenda for Women, Peace and Security, and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 reaffirm the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, and stresses the importance of their equal participation in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security. Despite this, the United Nations continues to ease the reproduction of gender inequality in post-conflict reconstruction due to a lack of commitment to the principles of 1325 and an unwillingness to restructure their own conflict mediation teams. Examples from Cyprus, Bosnia, and Herzegovina demonstrate that the underrepresentation of women at the negotiation table during conflict resolution results in women’s underrepresentation in postconflict institutions of government, and therefore fails to challenge ingrained gender inequalities in society more widely. The United Nations should adhere to the agenda for Women, Peace and Security and target their own institutionalized inequality to better lead by example.
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Dunphy, Richard y Tim Bale. "The radical left in coalition government: Towards a comparative measurement of success and failure". Party Politics 17, n.º 4 (27 de junio de 2011): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400524.
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This article raises questions about how best to assess the performance of radical left parties participating in coalition governments. Drawing in part on interviews (see Appendix 1), it covers parties that have participated in coalition government (Cyprus, Finland, France, Ireland, Italy, Norway), or have acted as ‘support parties’ (Denmark, Sweden), or are debating the ‘pros and cons’ of coalition participation (Netherlands). It undertakes a comparative analysis of how radical left parties themselves evaluate the measure of their achievements and failings in coalition government — a critical exercise for such parties that can influence their tactical and strategic decisions about future government participation, as well as the ability of the parties to survive political and electoral setbacks. The approach we adopt is one that takes the policy, office and votes triad developed by political scientists seriously, but also factors in the principles, political outlook and goals of the parties themselves. It concludes that the experience of coalition government for radical left parties is far from encouraging to date. Their few achievements have to be set against many potential pitfalls. Whilst there may be no alternative to government participation if these parties wish to be taken seriously as actors, a more strategic and cautious approach to coalition formation seems advisable in many instances.
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Koktsidis, Pavlos I. "Bi-Ethnic Federalism and the Question of Sovereignty: Understanding the Competitive Security Postures in Cyprus". Perspectives on Federalism 10, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2018): 244–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0038.
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Abstract When ethnic groups negotiate self-government arrangements, ‘ethnic sovereignty’ lies boldly at the heart of their security considerations. The constitutional nature of self-determination and the extent of territorial control can determine the degree of ethno-territorial sovereignty attributed to groups. However, in competitive contexts influenced by fear and mistrust, groups interpret these pillar elements in ways that increase their own sense of security. The present study argues that legal and political positions on sovereignty in Cyprus are largely built around the competitive security assumptions held by the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaderships, and explains how the divergent viewpoints and understandings of sovereignty reflect the underlying security fears and suspicion of parties. The analysis finds that the two ethnic leaderships in Cyprus have sought to accumulate a distinct ‘sovereignty capital’ in an effort to safeguard their own and overpower each other’s perceived security intentions in the event of federal collapse, making thus the attainment of settlement in Cyprus particularly elusive.
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Berg, Eiki y Raul Toomla. "Mission impossible in Cyprus? Legitimate return to the partnership state revisited". Nationalities Papers 41, n.º 2 (marzo de 2013): 276–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.759552.
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Cyprus has been divided for far longer than it has been united. There have been many attempts to reconcile conflicting parties but without remarkable success. The two communities — Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots — see the solution to the “Cyprus problem” in opposite terms. Although recent public opinion surveys have concluded that the most preferred option for the Turkish Cypriots would be “independence of the TRNC” and “reunification of the country”, for the Greek Cypriots, there is much less information about the legitimacy of these competing regimes and their respective claims. This paper seeks to fill this gap by identifying different legitimacy sources and their effect on the course of conflict settlement. Somewhat paradoxically it appears that those most strongly identifying themselves with the Republic of Cyprus, and approving the regime legitimacy of the Greek Cypriot government, are actually for status quo and not for the reunification of the country which makes the return to the partnership state mission impossible.
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Wardana, Adhi. "UPAYA PEMERINTAH TURKI UNTUK BERGABUNG DENGAN UNI EROPA". Global Political Studies Journal 1, n.º 2 (31 de octubre de 2017): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v1i2.2015.
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The European Union is an inter-governmental organization whose members are European countries. Since July 1, 2013 already has 28 member countries, many countries of the European region who want to join the European Union, one of which is Turkish, the extent to which the Turkish government's efforts to join the European Union? This study aims to determine the extent of the Turkish Government Efforts To Join The European Union (2004-2008). To be able to Turkey joining the European Union must meet the Copenhagen criteria which consists of the political criteria, economic and acquis, Turkey must conform to all the regulations of the European Union so researchers try to analyze from the effort, constraints, and prospects for Turkey to join the European Union. This type of research is a qualitative research method used is descriptive analysis techniques. aims to describe the facts related to the problem under study. Most of the data that is collected through library research, online data retrieval, and documentation, data were then analyzed with a theoretical approach to dealing with International Relations. The results showed that the Turkish government has made progress in meeting the criteria candidates are awarded by the European Union, Turkey showed promising economic growth, recorded during the year 2004-2008 Turkish economic growth averaged 7%. Turkey managed to adopt new chapters in the Acquis criteria, although there are many other chapters that have not adapted to the European Union, in the political aspects of the Turkish government has been working hard to solve the problem of ham with the Kurds, Armenia and Cyprus, but in line with the efforts that have been The Turkish government in its application, there are still many obstacles that eventually make Turkey's accession to EU membership back hampered..
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Rybacki, Jakub. "Are the European Commission's forecasts of public finances better than those of national governments?" Central European Economic Journal 7, n.º 54 (31 de octubre de 2020): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2020-0013.
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AbstractThe academic literature in the past has frequently highlighted that the European Commission (EC) tends to provide more accurate public finance forecasts compared with national governments, thanks to its neutrality. The recent conflicts regarding the excessive deficit procedure with Romania and Italy and rule of law with Hungary and Poland raises the question of whether such conclusions are still binding. Therefore, we analysed a panel of forecasts submitted by the national governments with an annual update of Convergence programmes and corresponding EC predictions. Our dataset contains predictions of the general government deficit, revenues and expenditures for EU27 economies and the United Kingdom in the years 2014–2019. First, the analysis shows no meaningful discrepancies between both estimates when the horizon is set at the current year. Forecasts for the next year have equal accuracy in the case of government revenues and expenditures. However, the EC performs worse in the case of the final deficit. Second, cross-country effects are present, but the accuracy is different mainly in the very small economies, that is, the Baltic countries, Cyprus, Malta and Luxembourg. Amongst the more populated states, the EC outperforms the Slovakian and Denmark governments but has worse performance than the Irish, Portuguese and Spanish governments. We also do not see evidence of any political bias in the forecasts.
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Bello, Judith Hippler, Juliane Kokott y Beate Rudolf. "European Convention on Human Rights—applicability to acts performed outside national territory— acts in Northern Cyprus possibly within Turkish jurisdiction—territorial limitation of declarations of acceptance—dynamic interpretation of provisions on enforcement". American Journal of International Law 90, n.º 1 (enero de 1996): 98–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203756.
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Loizidou v. Turkey. 310 Eur. Ct. H.R. (ser. A).European Court of Human Rights, March 23, 1995.The applicant, a Greek Cypriot woman, stated that since July 20, 1974, Turkish troops had prevented her from returning to land in Northern Cyprus that she owned and had intended to use, inter alia, for her family home. Furdiermore, she alleged that her arrest and detention by Turkish Cypriot policemen for ten hours after she had crossed die cease-fire line in 1989, when participating in a women's march aimed at asserting the Greek Cypriot refugees’ right to return to their homes, violated her human rights. Rejecting in part die preliminary objections raised by the respondent Government, die Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights held that die facts of die case are capable of falling widiin Turkish jurisdiction as a result of die presence of Turkish troops on the territory of Cyprus, so that the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) may be applicable to these acts.
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Giorgetti, Chiara. "Hulley Enterprises Ltd. (Cyprus) v. Russian Federation, Yukos Universal Ltd. (Isle of Man) v. Russian Federation, Veteran Petroleum Ltd. (Cyprus) v. Russian Federation". American Journal of International Law 109, n.º 2 (abril de 2015): 387–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.2.0387.
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On July 18, 2014, the Arbitral Tribunal (Tribunal) constituted in accordance with Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) and the 1976 UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules under the auspices of the Permanent Court of Arbitration issued its long-awaited final awards in the famous arbitral proceeding related to the demise of oil giant Yukos. The Tribunal held unanimously that a coordinated set of actions by the Russian government (including arrests, tax reassessments, fines, and the forced sale of Yukos) amounted to an indirect expropriation of Yukosin breach of Russia’s obligations under the ECT, and that Russia was liable to pay prompt, adequate, and effective compensation for that breach. The Tribunal concluded that Yukos’s claims were not barred by the company’s own illegal acts or because of the “carve-out” for taxation measures under Article 21 of the ECT. Instead, the Tribunal concluded that the claimants had contributed to the prejudice they suffered and it therefore reduced the awards and reimbursement for legal costs by 25 percent. Even accounting for this reduction, the composite final award is still, by far, the largest known arbitral award ever rendered. The Tribunal ordered the Russian Federation to pay damages totaling US$50,020,867,798, in addition to arbitral and legal costs. Post-award interest is due on any outstanding amounts of damages and costs not paid starting from January 15, 2015, and is to be compounded annually thereafter.
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Hughes, Edel. "The Secularism Debate and Turkey's Quest for European Union Membership". Religion & Human Rights 3, n.º 1 (2008): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103108x286528.
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AbstractThe potential accession of Turkey to the European Union is undoubtedly one of the Union's most contested prospective enlargements. Among the stated concerns are continuing problems surrounding Cyprus and Turkey's record in terms of fundamental human rights protections. The nature of the Turkish state and its current government, headed by the Islamic Refah Partisi, is also the subject of much discussion. This article traces the development of secularism in modern Turkey and outlines the effect that the Islamic revival is having on both Turkey and its attempts to join the ranks of the European Union.
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Webster, Craig y Stanislav Ivanov. "Political ideologies as shapers of future tourism development". Journal of Tourism Futures 2, n.º 2 (12 de septiembre de 2016): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jtf-05-2015-0029.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify the link between political ideology and the management of tourism in countries. The authors stipulate that the predominant political ideology in the country influences the nature and logic of state interventions in the tourism industry. Design/methodology/approach The paper elaborates several case studies from various countries – Bulgaria, Cyprus, Scandinavia, Russia, USA, China, Japan, Indonesia, and North Korea. Findings Countries with predominant (neo)liberal ideology do not typically interfere in tourism regulation, while nationalism leads governments to stimulate inbound and domestic tourism. Communist ideological approaches tend to be burdensome, inhibiting growth while stressing the promotion of the socialist achievements of a country. Countries that are traditionally thought of as social democratic have been evolving in recent years to regulate tourism in ways that are more liberal in nature than social democratic. Practical implications Political ideologies shape the acceptability of government support for private tourist companies, legislation in field of tourism, limitation/stimulation of inbound/outbound tourist flows. For the future the authors expect greater politicisation of tourism, active tourism “wars” between countries, greater control of governments on populations, thriving nationalism, “aggressive” environmentalism. Originality/value This is one of the first papers to discuss the impact of the political ideology on the management of tourism at the national level.
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Bouris, Dimitris y George Kyris. "Europeanisation, Sovereignty and Contested States: The EU in northern Cyprus and Palestine". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, n.º 4 (28 de septiembre de 2017): 755–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117727534.
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Combining the literature on sovereignty and Europeanisation, this article investigates the engagement and impact of the European Union (EU) on contested states (states lacking recognition) through a comparative study of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and Palestine. We find that characteristics of contested statehood mediate EU engagement and impact: the lack of international recognition limits EU’s engagement but encourages development promotion, international integration and assistance of local civil society. Lack of territorial control limits engagement, but ineffective government offers opportunities for development promotion and state-building. As such, and in addition to offering a rich empirical account of two prominent contested states, the article contributes to the discussion of international engagement by developing an innovative conceptual framework for understanding EU’s impact on contested states—a topic neglected within a literature dominated by conventional statehood or conflict resolution themes but very important given extensive international engagement in contested states—and related conflicts.
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Rudko, Serhii. "The Status of Northern Ireland after Brexit: Probable Models". Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 5, n.º 3-4 (20 de diciembre de 2018): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.5.3-4.9-15.
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The article highlights one of the main issues related to the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, Northern Ireland’s new status, in particular, the status of the border between NI and the Republic of Ireland. It has been an ‘apple of discord’ from the first stage and during the last stage of the Brexit negotiations. The future ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ Irish-British border is not a problem in the negotiations between the United Kingdom and the European Union only, but is also a serious domestic political challenge for Theresa May’s government. The article explains possible models of the future status of Northern Ireland. The most probable solutions are: a ‘reverse Greenland’, a ‘reverse Cyprus’ and a ‘German version’.
Following the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, the EU invested heavily in supporting border communities for the development of small business and industry, which improved the economic situation in the area of the former conflict and facilitated border dialogue. However, it led to the fact that many enterprises were oriented towards the EU market or border trade. The article concludes that the ‘reverse Greenland’ model would enable Northern Ireland to remain in the single market and customs union apart from the rest of Great Britain, which would prevent the establishment of a tight boundary between both Irelands. The author outlined the possible implications of the ‘reverse Cyprus’ model, which suggests that the United Kingdom would technically remain a part of the EU, and that the EU’s legislation would be suspended only on its separate parts (that is, Wales and England). The researcher emphasizes that the ‘German version’ could be applied in the case of future reunification of both Irelands, then Northern Ireland would remain a part of the EU until its new status on the referendum have been resolved.
The article summarized that no examples above provide a precise analogy, since Brexit is unprecedented event. The most likely models of the Northern Ireland’s future are the ‘reverse Greenland’ and the ‘reverse Cyprus’
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Mitsi, Dimitra. "Good Governance and Economic Growth in South European Countries". Review of European Studies 13, n.º 2 (6 de abril de 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v13n2p26.
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Economic growth is a prerequisite for economic development. However, there is no “recipe” for countries to create an environment of prosperity and to achieve high rates of economic growth. Many researchers have examined the drivers of economic growth and find that economic growth depends on many economic and institutional variables. In this context, the main objective of this paper is to examine the role of good governance on economic growth in piicgs countries (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Cyprus, Greece, and Spain). The database was collected from many sources and the empirical analysis is based on a 2SLS (two-stage least squares) technique. In our empirical results, we find that trade openness, gross capital formation, inflation, political stability, rule of law, debt rule, budget balanced rule, and the combination between debt rule/budget balanced rule with political stability and combination between debt rule/budget balanced rule with rule of law are significant drivers of economic growth in piicgs countries while foreign direct investments, government effectiveness, voice and accountability, regulatory quality, fiscal rule index and expenditure rule are insignificant. However, the results may be different if we use other sample groups and/or different periods.
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VARNAVA, ANDREKOS. "FRENCH AND BRITISH POST-WAR IMPERIAL AGENDAS AND FORGING AN ARMENIAN HOMELAND AFTER THE GENOCIDE: THE FORMATION OF THE LÉGION D'ORIENT IN OCTOBER 1916". Historical Journal 57, n.º 4 (12 de noviembre de 2014): 997–1025. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000605.
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ABSTRACTIn October 1916, the French government agreed with Armenian political elites to establish a Légion of Armenian volunteers in British Cyprus to fight the common Ottoman enemy. Despite British, French, and even Armenian rejections of such a Légion during different times throughout 1915 and early 1916, all sides overcame earlier concerns. Understanding how they managed to overcome these concerns will allow for this little-known episode in the history of the Great War in the eastern Mediterranean to contribute to the knowledge on (1) the complex French and British wartime stances towards this region, driven by imperialism and humanitarianism; (2) the ability of local elites to draw concessions from the Allies; (3) the important role played by local British and French colonial and military officers; and (4) broader historiographical debates on the responses to the Armenian Genocide. This article explores the origins of how theEntenteco-opted Armenians in their eastern Mediterranean campaigns, but also made them into pawns in the French and British reinvention of their imperial rivalry in this region in order to achieve their post-war imperialist agendas.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, n.º 2 (10 de abril de 2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
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Huzain, Muh. "PENGARUH PERADABAN ISLAM TERHADAP DUNIA BARAT". Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, n.º 2 (7 de noviembre de 2018): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.41.
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The emergence of Islam influenced the revolution and made a wave of culture toward a new world when experiencing an era of darkness. The progress of Greek civilization in the West could not be continued by the Roman empire and Roman domination in the classical era until the middle ages; which was then the rise of the West in the era of renaissance in the 14-16th century. This paper will reveal the influence of Islam on the development of the Western world, since the emergence of contact between Islam with the West in the Classical era until the middle ages. There are different opinions among historians about who and when the first contact between Islam and the West took place. The first contact, however, occurred when the areas of East Roman government (Byzantium), Syria (638) and Egypt (640) fell into the hands of the Islamic government during the reign of Caliph 'Umar bin Khaţţāb. The Second contact, at the beginning of the eighth and ninth centuries occurred when the kings of Islam were able to rule Spain (711-1472), Portugal (716-1147), and important Mediterranean islands such as Sardinia (740-1050), Cicilia (827-1091), Malta (870-1090) as well as several small areas in Southern Italy and French Southern France. The third contact, took place in Eastern Europe from the fourteenth to early twentieth century when the Ottoman empire ruled the Balkan peninsula (Eastern Europe) and Southern Russia. The Ottoman empire's powers in Europe covered Yunāni, Bulgaria, Albania, Romania, Yugoslavia, Hungary, parts of Rhode, Cyprus, Austria and parts of Russia. Of the three periods of contact, the greatest influence was in the second contact period, where the decline of Western science in the dark era, while in the Islamic world developed advanced and produces scientists, thinkers and intellectuals in various sciences. This influence can be seen from the sending of students studying to the university of Islamic area, the establishment of the university, the translation and copying of various scientific literature such as natural science (Science of astronomy, Mathematics, Chemistry, Pharmacy, medicine, architecture etc) and Social Science history, philosophy, politics, economics, earth sciences, sociology, law, culture, language, literature, art, etc.). The Historians recognize that the influence of Islamic civilization is very great on the development of the West, which culminated in the renaissance or rise of Western civilization in Europe after the dark era.
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Huzain, Muh. "Pengaruh Peradaban Islam Terhadap Dunia Barat". TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, n.º 2 (3 de septiembre de 2018): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.77.
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The emergence of Islam influenced the revolution and made a wave of culture toward a new world when experiencing an era of darkness. The progress of Greek civilization in the Westcould not be continued by the Roman empire and Roman domination in the classical era until the middle ages; which was then therise of the West in the era of renaissance in the 14-16th century.This paper will reveal the influence of Islam on the development of the Western world, since the emergence of contact between Islam with the West in the Classical era until the middle ages. There are different opinions among historians about who and when the first contact between Islam and the West took place. The first contact, however, occurred when the areas of East Roman government (Byzantium), Syria (638) and Egypt (640) fell into the hands of the Islamic government during the reign of Caliph 'Umar bin Khaţţāb. The Second contact, at the beginning of the eighth and ninth centuries occurred when the kings of Islam were able to rule Spain (711-1472), Portugal (716-1147), and important Mediterranean islands such as Sardinia (740-1050), Cicilia (827-1091), Malta (870-1090) as well as several small areas in Southern Italy and French Southern France. The third contact, took place in Eastern Europe from the fourteenth to early twentieth century when the Ottoman empire ruled the Balkan peninsula (Eastern Europe) and Southern Russia. The Ottoman empire's powers in Europe covered Yunāni, Bulgaria, Albania, Romania, Yugoslavia, Hungary, parts of Rhode, Cyprus, Austria and parts of Russia. Of the three periods of contact, the greatest influence was in the second contact period, where the decline of Western science in the dark era, while in the Islamic world developed advanced and produces scientists, thinkers and intellectuals in various sciences. This influence can be seen from the sending of students studying to the university of Islamic area, the establishment of the university, the translation and copying of various scientific literature such as natural science (Science of astronomy, Mathematics, Chemistry, Pharmacy, medicine, architecture etc) and Social Science history, philosophy, politics, economics, earth sciences, sociology, law, culture, language, literature, art, etc.). The Historians recognize that the influence of Islamic civilization is very great on the development of the West, which culminated in the renaissance or rise of Western civilization in Europe after the dark era.
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Kushch, Tatiana. "Pirates of the Aegean: Eastern Mediterranean Sea Robbery in the 15th Century". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n.º 6 (enero de 2020): 245–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.19.
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Introduction. Geopolitical changes in the Eastern Mediterranean following the Fourth Crusade destabilized the situation in the region which became the area of conflict of the Greeks, Latins, and Turks. Their rival caused the power vacuum which influenced political and economic development in the region under study. This article addresses the phenomenon of the 15th-century piracy in the context of ethnopolitical changes in the Aegean. Methods. Taking the results of the comparative analysis of Western European and Byzantine sources as the background, the author of this article evaluates the scope of the Eastern Mediterranean piracy and the place of this phenomenon in the political processes that changed the regional leader. Analysis. In the beginning of the period under study, Catalans and Genoese did a great part of sea robbery by plundering ships and devastating coastal areas. However, later on they gradually moved the focus of their actions to the Adriatic. The most important changes occurred in the actions of Ottoman pirates, who significantly enlarged their presence in the area in question. Under the unstable political situation in the area with an actually absent evident regional political leader, piracy became a tool of political struggle. The Turkish government used the struggle against the pirates as a way of strengthening its maritime power and the pretext for occupying new territories. Results. Shaping of Pax Turcica resulted in the gradual decrease of piracy by the late 15th century, and the stabilization of the Aegean and Pontic maritime traffic. From that time on, sea robbery concentrated in the waters of the Adriatic, Cyprus, and Levantine Seas where piracy continued flourishing.
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Conker, Ahmet y Hussam Hussein. "Hydraulic Mission at Home, Hydraulic Mission abroad? Examining Turkey’s Regional ‘Pax-Aquarum’ and Its Limits". Sustainability 11, n.º 1 (4 de enero de 2019): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11010228.
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Water resource development has always been considered as a strategic tool by the Turkish ruling elites to reach food and energy security, as well as to enhance domestic peace and stability since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey. Therefore, the concept of “hydraulic mission” fits this strategic understanding, and it has become a prevailing paradigm in Turkey’s water resource development. Many academic works have already been conducted to understand how Turkey has waged an ambitious hydraulic mission by securitizing its water resource development primarily on economic and political bases. However, fewer studies have shown how the Turkish ruling elites have also considered Turkey’s extensive hydraulic development, sanctioned by the hydraulic mission, as a foreign policy tool to enhance its influence at the international level. Drawing primarily upon the concept of opportunitisation and the body of literature that looks at, albeit indirectly, the international aspect of the hydraulic mission, this study fills this gap in the literature by looking at three case studies: The Southeastern Anatolian Project (GAP), the Water Export Initiatives to the Middle East, and the Water Transfer Project to Cyprus, namely the Peace Water Project. Being informed by an in-depth investigation of those three case studies, this study argues that ambitious hydraulic development projects conducted by the Turkish government do not only serve to keep peace and stability at the domestic level, but they are also strategic tools to enhance Turkey’s influence abroad. However, this study also shows the limits of Turkey’s hydraulic mission abroad. While Turkey promotes those water initiatives as tools for improving regional peace and stability, they are challenged by the recipient countries on social, economic, and political bases.
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Neocleous, Gregory y Menelaos Apostolou. "Financial recession as a predictor of stress in human service professionals: The case of Cyprus". International Social Work 64, n.º 1 (31 de agosto de 2018): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872818797998.
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This article presents the first survey ever conducted in Cyprus in relation to stress in social service organizations as a result of budgetary cuts due to the financial recession the country entered in 2010. Social service professionals were asked whether and how they experienced the current economic crisis in their work. The aim of the study was to examine whether the recent economic crisis in Cyprus was a predictor for stress. This article has no intention of examining stress per se, but rather the general consequences for professionals working in governmental and non-governmental social service organizations. The purpose of the study is to examine whether the current financial crisis in Cyprus has affected the work of social service professionals. The participants in our study included social workers, psychologists and sociologists, as well as administrative staff from governmental and non-governmental social service agencies and volunteer organizations. In total, 205 professionals working in 200 social service agencies in Cyprus took part in this survey by completing a questionnaire. A focus group consisting of eight individuals was also formed. The results indicate that social service professionals have been significantly affected by the recent financial recession in Cyprus.
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GüREL, AYLA y KUDRET ÖZERSAY. "Cyprus and the Politics of Property". Mediterranean Politics 11, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2006): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390600913957.
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Dinkov, Dinko y Stoyan Stoyanov. "The Cyprus Problem: International Politics Simulation". Managerial Law 47, n.º 3/4 (junio de 2005): 171–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03090550510771449.
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Hajisoteriou, Christina y Panayiotis Angelides. "The politics of intercultural education in Cyprus". Education Inquiry 4, n.º 1 (marzo de 2013): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/edui.v4i1.22064.
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Loizides, Neophytos. "Contested migration and settler politics in Cyprus". Political Geography 30, n.º 7 (septiembre de 2011): 391–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2011.08.004.
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Joseph, Joseph S. "Cyprus: Domestic Ethnopolitical Conflict and International Politics". Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 15, n.º 3-4 (17 de diciembre de 2009): 376–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110903346668.
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Eyupoglu, Anil y Tugberk Kaya. "E-Government Awareness and Adoption by the Residents". International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 7, n.º 2 (abril de 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2020040101.
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This paper presents the results of an empirical survey study conducted on people living in North Cyprus, aiming to measure awareness of e-government practices. Brief information regarding e-government, awareness and adoption concepts, and current situation in North Cyprus is also provided. A particular survey is designed based on preliminary pre-testing methods and academic supervision. This study aims to contribute to a literature that is lacking studies regarding awareness of e-government in small islands. As Cyprus is a Small Island Developing State (SID) member and has the last divided capital, revealing the main reasons for awareness, usage and trustiness of e-government practices is believed to contribute to the literature.
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Cassia, Paul Sant. "Religion, politics and ethnicity in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878)". European Journal of Sociology 27, n.º 1 (mayo de 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004501.
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This paper examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity and politics in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878), the period of Ottoman rule. Its major thesis is that in the pre-industrial framework of Ottoman rule in Cyprus neither religion nor ethnicity were major sources of conflict in a society composed of two ethnic groups (Greeks and Turks) and following two monotheistic faiths(Christianity and Islam) in marked contrast to the recent history of Cyprus. In broad outline it closely parallels Gellner's thesis (1983) that nationalism is a by-product of industrialization, extensive education literacy and geographical and social mobility, and it seeks to show that the major cleavages in Cyprus were mainly intraethnic rather than interethnic.
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Farmaki, Anna, Levent Altinay, David Botterill y Sarina Hilke. "Politics and sustainable tourism: The case of Cyprus". Tourism Management 47 (abril de 2015): 178–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2014.09.019.
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Christofides, R. M. "THE POLITICS OF CYPRIOT GREEK IN POSTCOLONIAL CYPRUS". Interventions 12, n.º 3 (noviembre de 2010): 415–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369801x.2010.516099.
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Theophanous, Andreas. "The history and politics of the Cyprus conflict". Mediterranean Historical Review 28, n.º 1 (junio de 2013): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2013.773622.
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Pyla, Panayiota y Petros Phokaides. "Ambivalent politics and modernist debates in postcolonial Cyprus". Journal of Architecture 16, n.º 6 (diciembre de 2011): 885–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2011.636994.
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Yeşilada, Birol A. "The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict". Turkish Studies 13, n.º 3 (septiembre de 2012): 561–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2012.718668.
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Sansom, Stephen A. "POMPEY, VENUS AND THE POLITICS OF HESIOD IN LUCAN'S BELLVM CIVILE 8.456–9". Classical Quarterly 70, n.º 2 (diciembre de 2020): 784–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000033.
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Pompey does not accept defeat at Pharsalus. Rather, in an effort to gain support from powers beyond Rome, he makes for Egypt and, unbeknownst to him, his decapitation. As narrated in Lucan's Bellum ciuile, after deliberating in Cilicia with his senatorial advisers (8.259–455), Pompey stops at the island of Cyprus (8.456–9):tum Cilicum liquere solum Cyproque citatasimmisere rates, nullas cui praetulit arasundae diua memor Paphiae, si numina nascicredimus aut quemquam fas est coepisse deorum.Then they left the Cilician soil and steered their vessels in haste for Cyprus—Cyprus which the goddess, mindful of Paphian waves, prefers to any of her shrines (if we believe that deities have birth, or if it is lawful to hold that any of the gods had a beginning).In Lucan, Pompey's trip to Cyprus is brief and includes a somewhat curious reference to Venus (diua), her origins (undae … Paphiae) and the birth of the gods. Other authors also record Pompey's visit to Cyprus, although the details vary. Some, including Julius Caesar, set his deliberations not in Cilicia but on Cyprus itself (Caes. BCiu. 3.102.3.1–8.1; cf. Plut. Vit. Pomp. 77.1.1–2.1). Others, it seems, provide few if any details of Pompey at the island, for example the scanty evidence from Livy, Per. 112.1–10.
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Ertac, Murude y Cem Tanova. "Flourishing Women through Sustainable Tourism Entrepreneurship". Sustainability 12, n.º 14 (14 de julio de 2020): 5643. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12145643.
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As a small island in the Mediterranean Sea, Cyprus must develop a sustainable tourism model. Although the ongoing political problems in Cyprus provide additional challenges, the number and activities of women ecotourism entrepreneurs demonstrated an inspiring growth over the last decade in the northern part of Cyprus. The well-being and flourishing of these women entrepreneurs influence their participation and further involvement in the sector. Psychological empowerment plays a significant role in achieving a flourishing society, and our results reveal that ecotourism can be used to create positive change in women’s lives. We study how the mindsets and flourishing levels of these ecotourism entrepreneurs are related and how empowerment can change the direction of this relationship. Our research model was developed based on the self-Determination theory. Surveys were distributed to 200 women ecotourism entrepreneurs in rural areas of Northern Cyprus. We demonstrate that women who have growth mindsets, i.e., those that believe people’s characteristics such as abilities are not fixed, experience lower levels of flourishing, perhaps contrary to what some might expect. This result may be due to the presence of gender inequality and may be an outcome of living in a region where a frozen conflict places additional external constraints on women entrepreneurs. However, as we predict, psychological empowerment changes the direction of this relationship. When psychological empowerment is high, women with a higher level of growth mindset experience a greater level of flourishing, even in an unfavorable context. This is the first study which analyzes women ecotourism entrepreneurs in Northern Cyprus. Moreover, this is the first study that focuses on the relationship between growth mindset, flourishing and psychological empowerment. The results can be used by governmental and non-governmental organizations as a source in their decision-making processes while managing and coordinating microfinance opportunities for rural development to support women’s empowerment and well-being.
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Kaya, Tuğberk, Mustafa Sağsan, Mete Yıldız, Tunç Medeni y Tolga Medeni. "Citizen Attitudes Towards E-Government Services". International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 7, n.º 1 (enero de 2020): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2020010102.
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This article presents the findings of a comparative study about citizen attitudes towards e-government services, which was conducted in the Northern and Southern Nicosia Municipalities in Cyprus. The study is important and valuable first due to the fact that Cyprus is a small island, a topic which received limited attention in e-government research. Second, Nicosia remains the world's last divided capital city, and e-government comparisons in divided capital cities are even rarer. The results show that both municipalities were rated poorly in terms of efficiency, transparency, and vision. The models also indicate that the development of e-government practices affect e-voting, perceived e-government benefits and organizational agility positively in both cases. Nepotism was found to negatively affect the development of e-government practices in the North, whereas human rights and social media have a positive effect. E-government practices affected the dissemination of democratic behaviour, and attitudes towards innovation and mobile government positively in Southern Nicosia.
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Hajisoteriou, Christina. "Europeanising Intercultural Education: Politics and Policy Making in Cyprus". European Educational Research Journal 9, n.º 4 (enero de 2010): 471–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2010.9.4.471.
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Hamilakis, Yannis. "1. Archaeology and the Politics of Identity in Cyprus". Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 11, n.º 1 (16 de febrero de 2016): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmea.v11i1.30014.
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Trimikliniotis, Nicos. "The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report - Cyprus". SSRN Electronic Journal, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3821659.
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