Bibliografías temáticas / Cyprus – Government and politics

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Literatura académica sobre el tema "Cyprus – Government and politics"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 1 de febrero de 2022

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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Cyprus – Government and politics"

Van Coufoudakis. "The Government and Politics of Cyprus (review)". Journal of Modern Greek Studies 28, n.º 1 (2010): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.0.0080.

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Örmeci, Ozan y Sina Kisacik. "Cutting the Gordian Knot: Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Cyprus During AK Party Era (2002-2020)". Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce, n.º 1 (30 de junio de 2020): 21–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sanp.9838.

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Cyprus Dispute is one of the fundamental foreign policy issues in Turkish foreign policy since the 1950s. Cyprus Dispute has often been perceived as an issue above petty politics in Turkey, and almost all Turkish political parties supported the Turkish State’s involvement in Cyprus since the 1960s and Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974. However, after AK Party came to power in 2002, with the main motive of preventing a secular nationalist military coup, as well as with the aim of becoming a full member of the European Union (EU), the party adopted a proactive foreign policy favoring the solution in the island. That is why Turkey and Turkish Cypriots actively supported the Annan Plan referendum in 2004. However, upon the rejection of the settlement plan by Greek Cypriots and EU’s decision to accept Greek Cypriot government as an EU member and the only representative of the Cyprus Republic, Cyprus Dispute has transformed into a problem spoiling not only Turkish-Greek and Turkish-Cypriot relations but also Turkish-EU relations. In the 2010s, the Cyprus Dispute gained a new dimension with the gas discoveries and agreements made by the Greek Cypriot administration. So far, energy politics could not be used as a leverage to promote the solution on the island, and the dispute has transformed into a more complex problem with many layers.

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Yiangou, Anastasia. "The Orthodox Church of Cyprus, Enosis politics and the British authorities during the First World War". Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 44, n.º 1 (19 de febrero de 2020): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.28.

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This article examines relations between the Orthodox Church of Cyprus and the British colonial government during the First World War. I argue that the Great War constituted the first turning point in Church-State relations during colonial rule in Cyprus which, following other developments, finally collapsed during the 1950s. I discuss how the dynamic of the Enosis movement for the union of Cyprus with Greece was bolstered during the Great War. This in turn, the article will show, had significant repercussions on the attitudes of the Orthodox Church and the British authorities, transformed their relationship and opened the way for future developments.

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Mallinson, William. "US Interests, British Acquiescence and the Invasion of Cyprus". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, n.º 3 (agosto de 2007): 494–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00254.x.

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An extrapolation, analysis and evaluation of papers recently released by the British government suggest that, backstage, the British and US governments condoned Turkish military objectives in Cyprus, at least to the extent of agreeing to take no serious action to dissuade Turkey from invading. The papers suggest British government foreknowledge of Turkey's objectives; Henry Kissinger's express delaying tactics to afford Turkey more time to consolidate its invasion; French anger at the Foreign Office for not providing them with information; British concern about a future Greek government turning to the French for support; and the British government's desire to give up its military territories in Cyprus. Overall, the picture which emerges is that the Wilson government gave in to Henry Kissinger's policies. It appears clear that Britain, despite its responsibilities and initial misgivings about Turkey's behaviour, gave the lead to the US.

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Kyriakides, Theodoros. "Tactics as Empirical and Conceptual Objects: Patient Activism and the Politics of Thalassaemia in Cyprus". Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 2 (25 de mayo de 2016): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2016.48.

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This article explores tactics as political technologies in the context of health and patient activism. It does so by exploring how the PanCyprian Thalassaemia Association––a thalassaemia patients association situated in Cyprus––opposed a medical rationing scheme imposed by the Cypriot government and managed to overturn the decision. I make the case that “tactics,” for patient associations, are practices capable of rendering the political problematics of their illness visible to public and governmental perception, and propose four tactics by which the PTA was able to achieve such task. By putting the given event in conversation with STS and anthropological literature the article attempts to productively entangle tactics in their empirical and conceptual guises. This serves a two-fold purpose: That of putting together a repertoire of practices which patient associations can use to conduct politics, and that of facilitating connection between patient associations through these proposed practices. The article concludes with some more general considerations regarding an empirical-conceptual project on tactics.

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Lekakis, Nikos y Dimitris Gargalianos. "The Organization of Football in Cyprus: History and Politics". STADION 45, n.º 1 (2021): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-55.

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This paper employs the history and politics of football looking at discussions about Cyprus’ national identity, the relationship between the Greek-Cypriot state and its self-declared Turkish-Cypriot counterpart, and the possibility of reunification. It explores these issues from both sides of the divide, something rarely undertaken in Cyprus, and within a wider European perspective, by comparing it briefly with the modern football histories of Ireland, Spain and Bosnia & Herzegovina. Football and its inherent developments reflect not only the political rivalries in the world of Greek-Cypriot football, but also the encounters between Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots. The history of Cypriot football has no similar precedent in the selected European space. In Ireland, the peace process has not ended historic civil society divisions, while football agents with opposing political ideologies across the Greek and Turkish divide in Cyprus have been able to overcome their differences, political elites on one side of the border have prevented unification. In Spain’s Catalonia, while the football-fed movement for independence, yet to materialize, remains subject to approval by Spain’s institutions, the independence of the de facto Turkish-Cypriot state would require the approval of the governments of the Republic of Cyprus, Greece, Turkey, and Britain. Finally, while FIFA and UEFA have successfully dictated the terms for the final admission of Bosnia & Herzegovina’s football Federation into their membership, they have failed to repeat this achievement in the Cypriot case.

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Özyigit, Ahmet. "The Impact of Aid on the Economy of Northern Cyprus". International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, n.º 2 (mayo de 2008): 185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080471.

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Since 1974, U.N. peacekeepers on the divided Mediterranean island of Cyprus have patrolled a buffer zone that divides the Greek-leaning, government-controlled south from the northern third, the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The economy of Northern Cyprus resembles that of other small islands with negligible industrial production that rely on the service sector to generate income. What makes Northern Cyprus unique, however, is that the rest of the world does not acknowledge it as a separate political entity. This limits economic functions because the “country” cannot trade freely and depends on Turkey, the only nation to formally recognize Northern Cyprus.

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Ramadhan, Riskiansyah. "The Roots of Secularism in Northern Cyprus and Turkey’s Ambition of Islamization". Ijtimā'iyya: Journal of Muslim Society Research 5, n.º 2 (25 de septiembre de 2020): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/ijtimaiyya.v5i2.4155.

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The conquest of Cyprus by the Ottoman Empire in 1571 had an impact on the growing Muslim population there. However, the majority Muslim population does not make Northern Cyprus adopt Islam as the official religion of the country. This article aims to analyze the roots of secularism in Northern Cyprus, some of which are caused by British government policies, the rise of Kemalism, the emergence of Alevism and Linobambaki, and the repression of Sufi orders at the end of Ottoman rule. Besides, the political situation in Turkey turned out to have an impact on Northern Cyprus, where Turkey sought to implement the Islamization policy there.

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Mikheeva, N. M. "MIGRATION CRISIS AND NEW OPPORTUNITIES FOR TURKEY". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 2(47) (28 de abril de 2016): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-91-100.

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The article discusses some aspects of the relationship of the European Union and Turkey. Against the backdrop of the immigration crisis, that has gripped almost all countries in Europe, the EU states were forced to appeal to the Turkish Government for assistance. Europe requested to withhold part of the f refugees on the territory of Turkey. The EU promised financial support. The Government of RecepTayyip Erdogan linked problems with the issue of refugees entering the country in the EU. The author analyzes the possibility of positive promotion of the negotiation process on Turkey's EU membership. Focuses on the settlement of the Cyprus problem, as one of the three major political obstacles to Turkey in Europe. We are seeing a situation in which EU political circles are willing to exert pressure on the Cyprus conflict and to push for the signing of a formal treaty on the settlement of problem. Some progress in the negotiation process between the communities of Cyprus EU starts to participate in the negotiations on Cyprus, together with the United Nations. Creates good conditions for the settlement of the conflict. Such a way of resolving the long-standing territorial-community conflict creates much more new problems on the island. Obstacles to the integration of Turkey into the EU will become even more.

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Ramadhan, Riskiansyah. "Securitization of Islam: A Case of Muslims in Cyprus". AJIS: Academic Journal of Islamic Studies 5, n.º 2 (31 de diciembre de 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/ajis.v5i2.1947.

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This paper analyzes how Muslims, as a religious community in the Republic of Cyprus, became an object of discrimination. Furthermore, the paper tries to understand and describe how Muslims’ daily lives are as a minority in the country through a case study approach. The study found that Islamophobic incidents often occur in the form of hate speech and discrimination in the workplace, schools, and even government institutions. These Islamophobic behaviors are an attempt to securitize Islam on the island. Moreover, prominent figures like political and religious leaders actively contribute to the phenomena of this securitization. Although religious freedom is protected by law, the Christian Greek Cypriot is not ready to accept multiculturalism. Thus, both government and society, and the community must support each other in bringing about peace in the country

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Tesis sobre el tema "Cyprus – Government and politics"

Galloway, Brooke Patricia. "Perceptions of Peacebuilding and Multi-Track Collaboration in Divided Societies for a Sustainable Peace Agreement at the Political Level: A Case Study of Cyprus". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/308.

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It is the purpose of this study to propose that perceptions of peacebuilding activities in all tracks of divided societies (political, civil society leaders, and grassroots), and the perceptions of the collaboration between the tracks are essential processes to a sustainable peace agreement at the political level. This study will examine multi-track peacebuilding and the collaboration (or lack of it) between tracks in Cyprus. Additionally, it will analyze the perceptions of the necessity of collaboration across tracks. The analysis of this study is conducted in two phases: (1) analyzing interviews with Track One diplomats and examining previous and existing peacebuilding processes within Cyprus through observation, interviews, and analysis of existing studies; and (2) through student observations and interviews of the Cypriot populace on the perceptions of the conflict and peacebuilding collaborations among and across tracks. The results of this research indicate that there is a need for stronger connections between the political and societal level peacebuilding strategies in Cyprus for a sustainable peace agreement. Furthermore, the findings of this research suggest that multi-track collaboration should be added to Conflict Transformation Theory.

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Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.

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Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.

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Christodoulou, Eleni. "The politics of peace education in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6030/.

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The focus of this thesis is \(resistance\) \(to\) \(peace\) \(education\) in the conflict-ridden island of Cyprus. Departing from the premise that education, and in particular antagonistic historical narratives immersed in demonised articulations of the Other, have obstructed the transformation of the conflict, I attempt to uncover what is crippling constructive dialogue and critical thinking when it comes to peace education in the Greek-Cypriot community and bring forward ways to improve this. In particular, I analyse negative hegemonic discourses over potential changes to history textbooks that not only distort the objectives of peace education, but also exacerbate existing fears and insecurities. These nationalist discourses present changes associated with peace education as a betrayal and threat to the nationalist struggle, a process I argue constitutes the \(securitization\) of peace education. Through the ‘politics of peace education’ framework, I show how within a particular community, institutions and discourses both constitute and are constitutive of, asymmetric power relationships that act as impediments to peace education. I expose and interrogate the conditions of possibility that ensure resistance to peace education is not only reproduced, but is also successful through the exercise of asymmetrical power relations.

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Hadjihanna, Antonia. "Experiencing e-Government : an action research study in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.549088.

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This study focuses on the field of e-government. In the current literature, egovernment is defined as the use of information and communication technologies in the public sector. Evidence suggested a problematic e-government in Cyprus, and initially the study intended to investigate just that. Due to the emergent nature of the research, the study's scope was expanded, and it intended to explore the reality of egovernment, while expecting that private sector methods could be applicable and that a change strategy could possibly emerge. The philosophy driving the research was phenomenology, and a pure qualitative stance was adopted. Action Research was employed as the methodology for the study, based on its two-fold objective: to identify tools and ways in which e-govemment could be eased, and to apply those in the public sector of Cyprus, as a form of reflexive consultancy. Soft Systems Methodology was also flexibly used, and provided for the foundation of the research strategy. Further, the main theoretical foundations of the study have been the Learning Organisation and Systems Thinking. Amongst others, the investigations revealed that the e-government concept is itself problematic, and arguably indefinable, while the modernisation of public sector depends on the actions of few key people who could initiate and lead the change until its establishment. Also, the applicability of private sector theories out of context has been tested, and is seen as having valuable contributions for the public sector domain. Also, a change process appears to emerge, entailing concepts that can form basis for future research.

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Štaudová, Kateřina. "Vztahy Turecka s vybranými členskými státy EU z hlediska přístupového procesu". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199963.

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Turkey has made a big progress in developing democratic and thriving state in last 60 years. In its history nevertheless you can find a few moments which make its accession to EU harder. Whether it is recognition of the Armenian genocide or the divided Cyprus island. The biggest Turkish struggle is not insufficent economic development but political issues in the field of human rights. Turkish public and the government has been losing its enthusiasm towards the EU membership, partly because of the european crisis, but mainly because of the feeling, that European Union only throws obstacles into their effort. Therefore, Turkey slowly realizes its growing importance and makes its own foreign policy heading not only to Europe and the West. Both member states and the EU as a whole should try to look further into the future and set the priorities.

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Kovras, I. "Unearthing the truth : the politics of exhumations in Cyprus and Spain". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546373.

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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.

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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Kyriakides, Theodoros. "Activating illness : tactics from patient activism and the politics of thalassaemia in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/activating-illness-tactics-from-patient-activism-and-the-politics-of-thalassaemia-in-cyprus(b8852173-e1e1-4a9c-bb4a-833d5b7a9fb1).html.

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Thalassaemia is a blood disorder prevalent amongst the Cypriot population because of genetic, ecological, and social reasons. Although a successful prevention system has been in place since the early 1980s, approximately 650 thalassaemia patients still live on the island whose births preceded the given system. For my fieldwork I spent a year in Cyprus with the PanCyprian Thalassaemia Association (PTA) – a patients group which acts as the main channel of politicisation for thalassaemia patients in Cyprus. By organising events such as conferences, fundraisers and workshops, the PTA strives to maintain the awareness of thalassaemia in the Cypriot public sphere. The association also maintains an agonistic yet healthy relationship with the Cypriot state. Thalassaemia treatment in Cy-prus is provided by public healthcare and, since its foundation in 1973, the PTA has won several skirmishes against the state on issues such as a more reliable blood supply, better provision of medicines, and more hospital space for patients. In addition, the PTA has forged numerous alliances with national and international organisations, patient associa-tions and scientific research bodies which have a decisive say in how thalassaemia comes to be enacted on a Cypriot and global level. Throughout the thesis I focus on the tactics the PTA uses to politically activate thalassaemia. As I argue, activating illness entails mak-ing discernible political dimensions of illness which previously evaded, or were left unac-counted, by public and governmental perceptions. In addition, through the anthropologi-cal analysis of PTA case studies, I develop tactics of my own by which patient associa-tions can activate illness. Through an ethnography and at the same time conceptual de-velopment of tactics, the thesis aims to fruitfully reconcile the ontology and politics of illness.

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Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.

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Libros sobre el tema "Cyprus – Government and politics"

Etingoff, Kim. Cyprus. Philadelphia, PA: Mason Crest Publishers, 2006.

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Klēridēs, Glaukos. Cyprus, my deposition. Nicosia, Cyprus: Alithia, 1989.

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Stephen, Michael. The Cyprus question. London: British-Northern Cyprus Parliamentary Group, 1997.

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Matthews, David. The Cyprus tapes. London: K. Rustem & Brother, 1987.

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Stephen, Michael. The Cyprus question. London: British-Northern Cyprus Parliamentary Group, 1997.

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Loizos, Peter. Unofficial views: Cyprus : society and politics. Cyprus: Intercollege Press, 2001.

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Heinze, Christian. Cyprus conflict, 1964-1985. London: K. Rustem, 1986.

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Heinze, Christian. Cyprus Conflict 1964-1985. London: K. Rumstem, 1986.

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Denktaş, Rauf R. U.N. speeches on Cyprus. [Lefkoşa]: Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, 1986.

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Faustmann, Hubert y Emilios Solomou. Independent Cyprus, 1960-2010: Selected readings from the Cyprus review. Nicosia, Cyprus: University of Nicosia Press, 2011.

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Capítulos de libros sobre el tema "Cyprus – Government and politics"

Konstantinidou, Angeliki. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Cypriot Citizens Abroad". En IMISCOE Research Series, 107–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_6.

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Abstract The diaspora policies that Cyprus has implemented have been largely overlooked in the literature and in empirical studies. While several pieces of work have explored Cypriots abroad, there are no systematic studies that delve into the diaspora policies that the Cypriot government has put forward for non-resident nationals. Hence, this chapter aims to discuss the diaspora engagement policies that Cyprus implements at the economic, political, and socio-cultural levels, as well as to explain the Cypriot diaspora engagement based on the particular historical and political context of the country and the characteristics of its diaspora. In addition, the chapter sheds light on the niche area of social protection policies towards the Cypriot diaspora, with a particular focus on the policy areas of unemployment, health care, pensions, family-related benefits, and economic hardship.

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Hartley, Cathy. "Cyprus". En The International Directory of Government 2021, 165–68. 18^a ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-45.

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Bahcheli, Tozun. "Cyprus in the Politics of Turkey since 1955". En Cyprus, 62–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12781-8_5.

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Geldenhuys, Deon. "Northern Cyprus". En Contested States in World Politics, 170–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230234185_9.

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Fliter, Irena. "Birth, Berat, and Banishment". En Übersetzungskulturen der Frühen Neuzeit, 455–76. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62562-0_22.

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AbstractThe paper analyses the claims to Habsburg subjecthood advanced by the prominent Jewish merchant Haim Camondo following an Ottoman imperial order banishing him from Istanbul to Cyprus in 1782. As the Jewish merchant was the holder of Habsburg and British berats, the Camondo affair came to concern the European ambassadors in Istanbul. Eventually, the merchant and his family were able to escape to Habsburg Trieste with their lives and most of their fortune secured. How the European ambassadors, the Ottoman government, and Haim Camondo translated their understandings of legal belonging and identification to each other during the affair, omitting aspects which did not help their respective cases, sheds further light on notions of imperial subjecthood at a crucial period of transition of these concepts in the Ottoman and Habsburg empires. Analysing the web of cultural and political translations in which the Camondo family was caught up also adds to our understanding of trans-imperial families and contributes to the history of (national) identification and subjecthood.

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Coufoudakis, Van. "Domestic Politics and the Search for a Solution of the Cyprus Problem". En Cyprus, 17–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12781-8_2.

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Holt, Andrew. "The Cyprus Crisis". En The Foreign Policy of the Douglas-Home Government, 125–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137284419_7.

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Sepos, Angelos. "Government: Executive, Legislative and Judicial Authorities". En The Europeanization of Cyprus, 47–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230229822_4.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio y Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics". En Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government". En Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Actas de conferencias sobre el tema "Cyprus – Government and politics"

Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO". En 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi y Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics". En dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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Öze, Nuran. "Public Opinion Perception on e-Government: The Case of Northern Cyprus". En The 19th European Conference on Digital Government. ACPI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/ecdg.19.063.

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Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society". En 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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Ilhan, Umit, Erkut Inan Iseri y Kaan Uyar. "Web Accessibility of e-Government Portals and Ministry Websites of the Cyprus Island". En 2020 4th International Symposium on Multidisciplinary Studies and Innovative Technologies (ISMSIT). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ismsit50672.2020.9254996.

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Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" En 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

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"The Status Quo, Opportunities and Challenges of Local Government Financing Platform Transformation". En 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.02.

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"Research on the Legal System of Government and Social Capital Cooperation (PPP) Model". En 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.49.

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Nojoumian, Mehrdad y Thomas Tran. "Computational Politics and Economy for the Establishment of an Integrated Intelligent Government". En 2006 Canadian Conference on Electrical and Computer Engineering. IEEE, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ccece.2006.277732.

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Huang, Yanxia. "Study on the Chinese Grass-roots Government on Administrative and Personnel Management". En 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.57.

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Informes sobre el tema "Cyprus – Government and politics"

Bassetto, Marco y Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, enero de 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten y Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, diciembre de 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, febrero de 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John y Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, octubre de 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho y Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), marzo de 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.

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Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), febrero de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.

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Atela, Martin, Atela, Martin, Ojebode, Ayobami Ojebode, Ayobami, Aina, Omotade Aina, Omotade y Agbonifo, John Agbonifo, John. Demanding Power: Struggles over Fuel Access in Nigeria. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), agosto de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.054.

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Why do some fuel protests in Nigeria lead to a response from government, but others are barely noticed? What are the politics behind government response and who are the winners and losers? Using a multi-method approach, this study focuses on the period between 2007 and 2017 to investigate the dynamics of fuel protest in Nigeria to ask how, and under which conditions, struggles over energy access in Nigeria produce accountability and empowerment. The findings suggest that accountability and empowerment outcomes of the struggles over fuel access in Nigeria are severely limited by the very conditions that define the state as fragile: weak institutions, elite capture, widespread corruption, and a citizenry that is protest-fatigued and disempowered. This could be true of other fragile and conflict-affected settings. Therefore, frameworks that open up the civic space for dialogues between the government and citizens may produce better outcomes than protests.

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Bolton, Laura. Attitudes to Water Usage in Jordan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), julio de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.105.

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The author undertakes a literature review of attitudes to water usage in Jordan. One survey was identified which assessed attitudes towards water conservation, sampling 2000 residents in three regions in Jordan (Irbid, Amman, and Zarqa) in 2017. According to the survey, only 61% of respondents believed there was a water shortage in Jordan. 23% believed the water shortage was due to population pressures. The survey focussed more on water conservation than water use. Most of the respondents felt the government were not doing enough on water shortage issues. They were not asked how they feel about the role of the government versus their individual responsibility. Older respondents perceived the shortages to be more critical. A lack of interest in participating in water saving activities was identified among the youth. Water quality was perceived as poor in the USAID survey and noted in other sources. The survey found that most residents had management strategies in place for the day that the water was delivered. Views about politics of regional cooperation and refugee pressure on water use potentially affect attitudes to water but this was not identified specifically within the scope of this report.

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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, marzo de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.

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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.

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At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.

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