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1
Sözen, Ahmet. "Cyprus conflict : continuing challenge and prospects for resolution in the post-Cold War era /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9962559.
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2
Uckan, Rafet. "The Emergence Of Turkish Nationalism In The Cyprus Conflict". Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614755/index.pdf.
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This thesis investigates the construction of the &ldquoTurkish side&rdquo
in the Cyprus conflict in connection with the emergence and rise of Turkish nationalism in the island. In this line, with regard to the development of Turkish Cypriot nationalism and its historical background, this study focuses on the period between 1948 and 1955 in which the political propaganda for making Turkey part of the conflict was carried out by the Turkish nationalist cadres of Cyprus and Turkey. This study attempts to analyze this propaganda by focusing on the newspapers Halkin Sesi and Hü
rriyet. In this study, it is assumed that the mentioned period in which the ground for getting Turkey involved in the Cyprus conflict was prepared can reveal the roots of the current relations between Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots. For this aim, this study attempts to specify the positions of the Republic of Turkey and Turkish Cypriots in the historical process of Cyprus politics through an analysis of the nationalist discourse of Halkin Sesi and Hü
rriyet.
3
Hanna, Lunding. "Negotiating for Transformation? : A case study of the negotiation process in the Cyprus conflict". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-99773.
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The Cyprus problem has now been an ongoing dispute for 40 some years. The two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot, has since the unrest following independence in 1960, been separated both in space and mind. A military coup, supported by Greece, followed by a Turkish invasion, caused a violent division of the island in 1974, a division that remains today. The UN has facilitated dialog and negotiation between the communities since the establishment of UNFICYP in 1964.The objective of this study is to identify whether the parties have been and are aiming for long-term or short-term perspectives in negotiation. With the help of the theoretical framework of Conflict transformation, resolution and management the study aim to answer the question – What signs of conflict transformation could be identified within the high level peace negotiation process in Cyprus?The study will be done through a process tracing case study of the peace negotiations in the Cyprus conflict. The study aims at depicting the negotiation process from 1974 and onwards. This by exploring UN position papers, resolutions and reports together with descriptions and statements from the negotiating parties.The study found that the phases of negotiation have differed considerably over time and that a general shift from conflict management to conflict transformation did appear.
4
Vlachos, Ioannis. "The 1974 crisis over Cyprus : foreign will or ethnic conflict?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FVlachos.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Jeffrey Knopf. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-108). Also available in print.
5
Avtzaki, Nickolaou Maria. "Education and ethnic conflict resolution : bicommunal academic links in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12913/.
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Many contributors to the interdisciplinary field of conflict resolution have emphasised the impact of socio-psychological and psycho-cultural influences in maintaining and perpetuating ethnic conflicts. The review of the literature concerning Cyprus reveals that such factors have been active in the 37 years of ethnic separation between the Greek-Cypriot and the Turkish-Cypriot communities. Although strategies are available to bridge communities and offer prospects for a reconciliation and peace centre on facilitating interaction, contact and dialogue between communities at all levels, it is surprising how little has taken place between the two academic communities on the island. This is in contrast to the picture found in similar conflict cases, such as the ones in Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine. Despite some notable efforts and collaborations currently in place, the numbers involved constitute a very small fraction of the two academic bodies. The research has aimed at establishing the role of higher education in divided societies, not only by examining theoretically and philosophically its importance as a part of a reconciliation process but also by depicting the opinion of academics from both parts of Cyprus. The research has shown that although they are optimistic about future links, they nevertheless identified major implications stemming out of the issues of ‘recognition’, nationalism, social pressure, the impact of media and the characteristics of the academic cultures in each respective community. These explain the contrast between much good-will and little real action. The analysis of findings includes a discussion of possible strategies to establish an open dialogue between the two academic communities and to facilitate collaborations.
6
Unsaldi, Menekse. "Crisis Management And Conflict Resolution Capacities Of The European Union: The Case Of Cyprus Conflict". Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12606725/index.pdf.
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With the end of Cold War international order entered into a period that is characterized by continuous crises and instability. Within this order European Union, like the rest of the world, felt the necessity of re-evaluating its policies since they realized that the current policies were not sufficient to meet the challenges of the new world order. As a consequence of this EU has been trying to develop its capabilities to conduct crisis management and conflict resolution. Besides, the EU intends to strengthen its influence in international relations. This thesis analyzes the EU&rsquos maturing capacities in managing the international security challenges and the impacts of those capabilities on the resolution of the complicated conflict in Cyprus. Within this framework this study begins with examining the basics of conflict study. Then it explores the role EU intends to play in international politics, the progress of the EU structure in conflict management and the related defence and security issues and the future prospects including the formation of European military capacities. Strategies and instruments of the EU for conflict management are analyzed. Finally it assesses the mediator role of EU in Cyprus. Possible strategies that the EU may apply in Cyprus are evaluated. Furthermore, thinking past experiences of crisis resolution within the EU framework, the study argues about application of the Aland and Belgium models in Cyprus case. The thesis concludes that with its capabilities and the determination for strengthening its role in conflict management, EU has a high chance for resolving Cyprus conflict &ndash
especially in the long-run- by using its creativity and flexibility against conflicted issues.
7
Shankar, Jyotsna. "Post-Conflict Reconstruction in Sri Lanka and Cyprus: Avoiding a Stalemate". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/201.
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By comparing the post-conflict reconstruction patterns of Cyprus and Sri Lanka, it is possible to evaluate what was or was not effective in the Cyprus case and how these lessons may be applied to Sri Lanka. Considering the underlying similarities of the two islands’ respective conflicts, the focus determining the best course of action for Sri Lanka, so that it does not face the same stalemate situation as Cyprus. The recommended policy contrasts with the consociationalist models proposed for Cyprus, and is instead based on the unique Basque model of autonomy.
8
Hardy, Samuel Andrew. "Interrogating archaeological ethics in conflict zones : cultural heritage work in cyprus". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7344/.
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Much affected by viewing the Yugoslav Wars' ruins, I resolved to study archaeology in conflict. I wanted to explore archaeology's role in conflict and archaeologists' responsibilities in conflict zones; but unable to conduct such work in Kosova/Kosovo, I went to Cyprus. Drawing together professional documentation and public education, professional and community interactions and interviews, and cultural heritage site visits, I researched the destruction of community places, the looting of cultural heritage, and the coping strategies of archaeologists. The key questions of this thesis are: is it legal and ethical to conduct archaeological work in occupied and secessionist territories? How is public knowledge of cultural heritage looting and destruction constructed? What are cultural heritage professionals' responsibilities for knowledge production during conflict? How ought cultural heritage professionals to combat the looting and illicit trading of antiquities? I have addressed these questions by concentrating upon cultural heritage workers' narratives of looting and destruction from 1955 until the present in professional discussion and mass education. First, I argue that archaeologists have misinterpreted international law, and through boycotting and blacklisting of rescue archaeology in northern Cyprus, harmed both the profession and the cultural heritage. Second, I argue that cultural heritage workers have been unwillingly coopted, or actively complicit in the conflict, in the production of nationalist histories, and thus nationalist communities, therefore in the reproduction of nationalist conflict. Third, I argue that cultural heritage workers have knowingly contributed to the conflict and its destruction, through their nationalist policies on the paramilitary-dominated illicit antiquities trade. My conclusions are: that an ethical antiquities policy would cut funding to and thereby reduce conflict-fuelling extremist activity; and that, where they have the freedom to practice it, professional and ethical archaeologies of destruction would promote intracommunal and intercommunal peace.
9
Beysoylu, Cemaliye. "EU integration and conflict resolution : the cases of Cyprus and Kosovo". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6433/.
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The European Union has long been interpreted as the main catalyser of interstate conflict resolution. The Integration process between EU member states has been interpreted as the source of transforming their methods of resolution from military means to dialogue. However since the end of Cold War, The EU’s conflict resolution capacity has been challenged by a new form of conflict: identity driven intra-state conflict. Taking this position as a starting point, this research investigates whether the traditional mechanism of European integration can also be effective on the deeply divided and war-torn societies of intrastate conflicts. This research conducts a comparative case study analysis to explore and analyse the efficiency of European integration as a method of intra-state conflict resolution in the cases of Kosovo and Cyprus. The first objective of the research is to understand and evaluate the impact of the EU integration process on political elites and wider society in the two case studies. Secondly, the research compares the effectiveness of the European integration process on conflict resolution taking place within its accession states, potential candidates and within member states. Through the comparison between the Cyprus and Kosovo cases, the research aims at developing a better understanding of the EU’s impact on intrastate conflict resolution. In so doing, the research empirically enriches the relevant literature through the primary data collected and analysed. Secondly, the research contributes to the field with a new case study on Kosovo. Finally, the research also contributes to the literature on Kosovo and Cyprus conflicts.
10
Galloway, Brooke Patricia. "Perceptions of Peacebuilding and Multi-Track Collaboration in Divided Societies for a Sustainable Peace Agreement at the Political Level: A Case Study of Cyprus". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/308.
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It is the purpose of this study to propose that perceptions of peacebuilding activities in all tracks of divided societies (political, civil society leaders, and grassroots), and the perceptions of the collaboration between the tracks are essential processes to a sustainable peace agreement at the political level. This study will examine multi-track peacebuilding and the collaboration (or lack of it) between tracks in Cyprus. Additionally, it will analyze the perceptions of the necessity of collaboration across tracks. The analysis of this study is conducted in two phases: (1) analyzing interviews with Track One diplomats and examining previous and existing peacebuilding processes within Cyprus through observation, interviews, and analysis of existing studies; and (2) through student observations and interviews of the Cypriot populace on the perceptions of the conflict and peacebuilding collaborations among and across tracks. The results of this research indicate that there is a need for stronger connections between the political and societal level peacebuilding strategies in Cyprus for a sustainable peace agreement. Furthermore, the findings of this research suggest that multi-track collaboration should be added to Conflict Transformation Theory.
11
Tocci, Nathalie. "EU accession dynamics and conflict resolution : the case of Cyprus, 1988-2002". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1719/.
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Since 1993, the European Commission, the EU member states and the Republic of Cyprus raised the expectation that the prospect of Cyprus' EU membership would act as a catalyst for a settlement of the island's conflict. Yet throughout the 1990s the divisions between the positions of the principal parties widened. In addition, the 1990s witnessed an escalation of tensions in the Easter Mediterranean, between Greece and Turkey, as well as between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The 2002 negotiations failed to deliver an agreement, bringing closer the prospect of an unintended consolidation of the green line dividing the island. This study analyses the case of Cyprus and the EU with three objectives in mind. First, it explores the inter-relationship between the evolution of the conflict and the development of EU-Cyprus relations within the accession process. Why did the EU accession process fail to catalyse a settlement on the island, or at least a rapprochement between the conflicting parties. Second, it explains the factors driving the conduct of EU policies towards the conflict. Finally, this study seeks to show that the European Union framework could have added important incentives for a settlement and resolution of the conflict by providing an alternative context within which to address the basic needs of the principal parties. The case of Cyprus casts a different light on the problems involved in mobilising the EU's multi-level framework of governance in the field of external relations, particularly in situations of active or latent crisis, typical of ethno-political conflicts.
12
Olin, Mary N. "Through the Eyes of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots: The Perception of Cyprus". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/871.
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It is important to consider the effects of past conflicts on the current perceptions of the people of Cyprus and of the future generations. This thesis contends that the ongoing division of Cyprus along with the many unresolved issues regarding past conflicts have had a profound effect on how the people of Cyprus perceive new information in regard to their future. The inquiry will explore the historical background of Cyprus and the affects of nationalism. The need for enemies, large group identity, divided societies and the need for dialogue will also be examined in relation to perception and new information. In light of the interviews and the lived experiences in Cyprus questions arise in regard to how the Cypriots will move forward to a solution that is agreeable to both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. With each person's perception being influenced by the past conflicts, pain and suffering how will they move forward? How has protracted conflict and nationalism influenced the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot perceptions to new information including a possible solution in Cyprus?
13
Yakinthou, Christalla. "Between Scylla and Charybdis : Cyprus and the problem of engineering political settlements for divided societies". University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0113.
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Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.
14
Griffiths, Paul Michael. "Memories of violence in Cyprus : conflicting perspectives and dynamics of reconciliation". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3245.
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When remembering violence in their collective past, Cypriot individual and collective perspectives are often based on a representation of violence. Popular thinking within communities and rhetoric of elites can intertwine and conflict. Individuals may in fact remember privately events that do not fit easily within the nationalist narratives forwarded by the community leaderships. In the case of Cyprus and other violent events of the past, we are often not discussing violence at all but the memories of respondents. Research has been conducted on the community memories but not necessarily on the 1963-4 period of inter-communal violence and the international intervention/invasion of 1974. Nor has research assessed the effect such memories have on the reconciliation of communities in the present. Through questionnaires and interviews, this research examines the response of Cypriots regarding political relations and attitudes and how these were perceived to have been affected by violence. This thesis argues that there appear to be two types of violent memories; one that may create divisions between communities, while another may encourage a sense of collective victimhood. Through recollection and transmission, such memories could drive communities apart or together, intentionally or otherwise. Often reconciliation needs to take place before a political solution can be found, although these processes exist in tandem. This thesis illustrates that these foundations may have been laid for reconciliation between Cypriot communities at the grass-roots, which would need to be built upon. For this to result in reconciliation, Cypriot elites need to change their policies in a number of areas for this groundwork to constitute a sound progression towards a sustainable solution.
15
Iacovou, Michael. "Interacting levels of conflict : Cyprus, Greek - Turkish relations and the US security system". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263645.
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16
Unver, Hamid Akin. "Enlargement, Foreign Policy And Conflict Management: Assessing The Eu Impact On The Turco-hellenic Conflict". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606946/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the impact of the European Union (EU) on the Turco-Hellenic conflict. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is the link between EU enlargement, policies of conditionality and the process of &lsquoEuropeanization&rsquo
. The thesis makes the point that, apart from visible capabilities such as Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), enlargement is a more significant channel through which the EU interacts with the conflicts in its periphery. With this in mind, the thesis makes a survey of EU involvement in the Turkish-Greek conflict starting from the 1960s, emergence of the Cyprus issue between Greece and Turkey and the changing nature of Turkey-Europe relations with Greece&rsquo
s membership in 1981.
17
Reed, Elicia Keren. "Track I Diplomacy and Civil Society in Cyprus: Reconciliation and Peacebuilding During Negotiations". PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/672.
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This paper examines the relationship between Track I Diplomacy and Civil Society in Cyprus. Cyprus has been a divided island for over 45 years despite numerous attempts at reconciliation on the societal level and ongoing negotiations on the diplomatic level. It was the aim of this study to examine the ways in which both civil societies and their leaders do or have worked together, if at all, to negotiate a political solution or reconciliation between the two communities. Interviews were conducted on both sides of the cultural divide and within both political and civil society sectors. Those interviews were coded, categorized, and then thematically analyzed. Findings explicate three themes that challenge the relationship and cooperation between Track I and Track II; Structural Elements, Nationalism, and International Support. Furthermore, it is proposed that the leaders must lead and support their citizens in reconciliation and peacebuilding efforts while continuing to negotiate a solution to the Cyprus problem as civil society organizations continue to support negotiation efforts.
18
Yabanci, Bilge. "Legitimation of EU conflict resolution through local actors : cases of Kosovo and North Cyprus". Thesis, University of Bath, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648949.
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Conflict resolution constitutes a crucial aspect of the European Union’s foreign policy objectives and external actions. Despite its centrality, there is a profound mismatch between the academic level discussions about the EU’s role and impact on various conflicts of ethno-political nature and what actually takes place in practice, as the EU conflict resolution agenda unfolds within different local settings. Adopting an analytical perspective of legitimation based on local support, the thesis seeks to understand how and when local agency impacts EU conflict resolution. Subsequently, the framework is applied to analyse the complex interaction between fragmented local groups (political elites, non-state organisations and public) and the EU (as a framework and as a policy-actor) in two grand conflict resolution projects of the EU: Kosovo and North Cyprus. The thesis finds that local groups have a distinctive ability to confer or withdraw support to certain EU policies, to push the EU to introduce or alter mechanisms for local participation into policy-setting process and to counter and disqualify the EU’s normative arguments and policy choices with alternative normative arguments. Diverse local agents actively select norms and reinterpret them in order to match them with their extant ideas with an aim to push the Union to pursue a local vision of conflict resolution. This process of re-interpretation or localisation has behavioural implications on local groups as well. It approximates the conflict resolution process to local priorities and expectations; otherwise, the EU starts to lose its appeal to local groups to maintain its decisive role in the conflict resolution process. These findings help us complement the EU literature which analyse conflict resolution through Europeanisation/socialisation and conditionality perspectives. Local groups are not merely passive recipients of EU benefits. Nor do they go through a linear process of socialisation and natural acceptance of the EU agenda in the long-term. By analysing the reasons and implications of increasing local resistance in Kosovo and North Cyprus, the thesis also bridges the theoretical gap between the EU literature and broad conflict resolution studies which promotes a genuine focus to the ‘everyday concerns’ of local groups.
19
Adamides, Constantinos. "Institutionalized, horizontal and bottom-up securitization in ethnic conflict environments : the case of Cyprus". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3791/.
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This thesis examines the manner in which some environments, such as ‘ethnic’ conflict situations, provide fertile ground for securitization process to develop into a more institutionalized form. Once institutionalized, securitization is no longer limited to the typical unidirectional top-down (i.e. elite-driven) path, but rather it becomes subject to bottom-up and horizontal forces, creating what is termed in this thesis ‘horizontal’ and ‘bottom-up’ securitization. These horizontal and bottom-up forces lead to ‘involuntary’ acts at the actor and audience levels, which in turn contribute to the perpetuation and further institutionalization of an already securitized environment. Within this framework the audiences have a much more active role in the development and perpetuation of security narratives and threats than they do in the ‘mainstream’ reading of the theory. The Cyprus conflict, as an intractable ‘ethnic’ conflict, is used to test the abovementioned arguments. Empirical evidence from the case study demonstrates that the social context dominating such environments contributes significantly to the development of institutionalized, horizontal and bottom-up securitization, obstructing desecuritization and subsequently also the prospects for conflict resolution.
20
Burke, John Edward. "Britain and the Cyprus crisis of 1974 : conflict, colonialism and the politics of remembrance". Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/4056.
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This thesis examines the ideological and socio-political discourses shaping the remembrance and representation of Britain and the Cyprus conflict of 1974 within Greek Cypriot society. In moving beyond the politics of conflict and directly analysing the memory of British actions in 1974, this thesis shows how different societal forces shape and utilise the image of Britain within their construct of modern Cypriot history. With the consequences of 1974 deeply infused into the collective memory of all Greek Cypriots, an analysis of public remembrance rituals, popular publications, official school textbooks and a series of oral history interviews allows for an in depth examination of the explicit and subconscious frameworks shaping the history and memory of conflict on Cyprus. From this basis, this thesis demonstrates how the connection between Britain’s colonial legacy, which continues in a changed form through their military bases, and British ambiguities as a post-colonial Guarantor creates an ideological discourse of inherent suspicion that frames the image and understanding of British actions on Cyprus. The influence of this socio-political discourse, combined with a collectivised discourse of trauma, sustains the power of the conspiracy theories associated with the division of the island. In turn these discourses influence the distortions and counter-memories of oral history interviews associated with the actions of Britain in 1974. From this foundation, wider conclusions are offered into the socio-political debates related to the conflict and partition of the island, with a particular focus on the influence of the transnational discourses of Greece in shaping internal forms of development on Cyprus. As Cyprus is an island divided by multiple competing forms of history, memory and identity discourses, each of which draws on and creates a selective image of the past to frame developments in the present, the analysis of this thesis provides a direct insight into the wider frameworks of memory active within a society scarred by conflict but shaped by the hope for reunification.
21
Ioannou, Maria. "Comparing direct and indirect forms of intergroup contact in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:de6a7b58-79b1-40e9-bc1d-ee8dfdf1635d.
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This thesis examines and compares the effectiveness of direct and indirect types of contact in leading to short- or longer-term prejudice-reducing outcomes in Cyprus. Chapter 1 provides a background to the relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and Chapter 2 provides a theoretical introduction to the intergroup contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954) and to extended friendships (Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-Volpe, & Ropp, 1997), vicarious contact (Mazziotta, Mummendey, & Wright, 2011), and imagined contact (Crisp & Turner, 2009) which have been suggested to be alternatives and a stepping stone to direct contact when the latter is absent. Chapter 3 consists of three experiments assessing the relative effects of direct and vicarious contact (Experiments 1 and 2) and imagined contact (Experiment 3). The results show that direct, and to a weaker extent, vicarious contact lead to more positive outgroup attitudes, but that a week after contact this effect is lost. All types of contact yield less anxiety, an effect that endures in time, and direct and imagined contact yield more positive action tendencies, an effect that remains significant in time only for direct contact. Chapter 4 consists of two experiments further exploring the capacity of imagined contact to yield positive intergroup outcomes. Experiment 4 tests whether the induction of interpersonal and intergroup similarities and/or differences into a positive imagined contact scenario affects participants evaluation of the outgroup. The results show, in line with the Optimal Distinctiveness Theory (Brewer, 1971), that ‘balanced similarity’ which incorporates both similarities and differences yields more positive outgroup attitudes than the conditions focusing only on similarities or only on differences. Experiment 5 compares ‘balanced similarity’ with positive imagined contact and finds that only the former affects variables related to preparing individuals for future contact. Chapter 5 consists of a three-wave longitudinal study examining the temporal effects of direct and extended friendships on outgroup attitudes and their mediation. Both types of friendships yield a significant indirect effect on attitudes which is stronger for direct friendships and is mediated by intergroup anxiety for both types of friendships and also by ingroup norms for direct friendships. Chapter 6 presents and discusses the key findings, outlines the limitations of these studies, and suggests avenues for future research.
22
Ersozer, Fadil. "The limits of Europeanisation and liberal peace in Cyprus : a critical appraisal of the European Union's green line regulation". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-limits-of-europeanisation-and-liberal-peace-in-cyprus-a-critical-appraisal-of-the-european-unions-green-line-regulation(57dba13d-095f-462b-9a8e-aa92de02517b).html.
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This thesis investigates the European Union (EU) effect on the economic activity across the Green Line in the divided Cyprus between 2004 and 2016. The primary focus is on the development and implementation of the EU's Green Line Regulation (GLR), which regulates and enables such activity from three aspects: movement of goods, services, and persons. In tracing the EU effect, this thesis provides a critical appraisal of the GLR on whether it provides an adequate legal framework for the economic activity in those three aspects and the extent to which it has contributed to the development of economic cooperation between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities across the divide. The analysis also pays an equal level of attention to the extent to which the EU effect has been mediated by the factors at the domestic level: the roles of legal framework, ethno-politics in political elites, ethno-politics in civil society, and governance. The investigation of this study is pegged in two academic literatures. The first one is the Europeanisation debate, which concerns with the EU effect in the domestic affairs of countries associated with the EU. This thesis borrows three mechanisms of Europeanisation from this debate in order to test the EU effect on the three aspects of economic activity across the divide in Cyprus: i) institutional compliance, ii) change of domestic opportunity structures, iii) cognitive change. The second academic literature is the liberal peace, which it proposes that greater economic interactions and development of economic interdependence between countries facilitate resolution of their conflicts. The insights from this debate is utilised for conceptualising the EU's GLR as a liberal peace project. While Europeanisation is portrayed as a 'process', liberal peace objectives are seen as the 'ultimate destination', which the 'vehicle' of the EU's GLR will drive the island towards it. This thesis argues that the GLR has only achieved a limited success and largely failed to contribute to the development of economic cooperation across the divide in Cyprus. This is mainly because the Europeanisation process have been heavily mediated and negated by the design shortcomings of the GLR as well as the factors at the domestic level, which are inherently linked to the politics of division. In this context, this thesis aspires to make contribution in both empirical and conceptual terms. The in-depth and critical investigation of the GLR as well as of the economic activity across the divide in Cyprus provides a much-needed contribution to the contemporary politics of Cyprus, which has been largely ignored by the existing academic literature. Additionally, the conceptual framework developed in this thesis allows exploring synergies between the theoretical literatures of Europeanisation and liberal peace and combines them with examination of new empirical evidence. This focus captures insights on how Europeanisation can be used as a 'tool' for pursuing liberal peace objectives in contested statehood, beyond what has been researched so far and also provides a blueprint for other similar cases of conflict.
23
Duba, G. U. "Federalism and conflict management in multi ethnic societies : The case of Cyprus in comparative Perspective". Thesis, University of Kent, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509656.
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24
Zunzer, Wolfram. "Diaspora Communities and Civil Conflict Transformation". Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4186.
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YesThis working paper deals with the nexus of diaspora communities living in European host countries, specifically in Germany, and the transformation of protracted violent conflicts in a number of home countries, including Sri Lanka, Cyprus, Somalia and Afghanistan. Firstly, the political and social role and importance of diaspora communities vis-à-vis their home and host countries is discussed, given the fact that the majority of immigrants to Germany, as well as to many other European countries, over the last ten years have come from countries with protracted civil wars and have thus had to apply for refugee or asylum status. One guiding question, then, is to what extent these groups can contribute politically and economically to supporting conflict transformation in their countries of origin. Secondly, the role and potentials of diaspora communities originating from countries with protracted violent conflicts for fostering conflict transformation activities are outlined. Thirdly, the current conflict situation in Sri Lanka is analyzed and a detailed overview of the structures and key organizations of the Tamil and Sinhalese diaspora worldwide is given. The structural potentials and levels for constructive intervention for working on conflict in Sri Lanka through the diasporas are then described. Fourthly, the socio-political roles of diaspora communities originating from Cyprus, Palestine, Somalia and Afghanistan for peacebuilding and rehabilitation in their home countries are discussed. The article finishes by drawing two conclusions. Firstly, it recommends the further development of domestic migration policies in Europe in light of current global challenges. Secondly, it points out that changes in foreign and development policies are crucial to make better use of the immense potential of diaspora communities for conflict transformation initiatives and development activities in their home countries. How this can best be achieved in practice should be clarified further through intensified action research and the launch of more pilot projects.
25
Uesugi, Yuji. "United Nations peacekeeping and the nexus between conflict settlement and conflict resolution : a comparative case study of UN peacekeeping in Cyprus and Cambodia". Thesis, University of Kent, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274352.
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Pachi, Dimitra. "Barriers to conflict resolution in Cyprus amongst young people : the role of political/social trust and emotions". Thesis, University of Surrey, 2009. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/804384/.
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Savoglu, Mustafa. "A New Conflict? The Religious Dimension of the Rising Tension Between Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-369680.
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This thesis aims to investigate the reddediyoruzdemonstrations that took place in the Northern Cyprus in 2016. As Turkey seems to be moving towards a totalitarian Islamist regime, this research aims to study the relation between the Turkish Cypriot community and Turkey. It seems that the relations between the two parties have been tense since the intention of Turkey to open a coordination office in North Cyprus to control the youth, sports and cultural activities with a power over the Turkish Cypriot institutions. The research explores the religious dimension of the tension between the two parties. Results have shown that the main concern of the demonstrations have been the Islamist policies of Turkey on Turkish Cypriots along with granting Turkey an unrestricted power over certain Turkish Cypriot institutions.
28
Demsa, Paul Meslam 1949. "International Peacekeeping Operations: Sinai, Congo, Cyprus, Lebanon, and Chad Lessons for the UN and OAU". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc330944/.
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Peacekeeping is a means by which international or regional organizations control conflict situations that are likely to endanger international peace and security. Most scholars have viewed the contributions of peacekeeping forces only in terms of failures, and they have not investigated fully the political-military circumstances" under which conflict control measures succeed. This dissertation is an attempt to bridge this gap and to show how the OAU compares with the UN in carrying out peacekeeping missions.
The method of research was the case study method in which primary and secondary data was used to describe the situations in which six peacekeeping forces operated. The content of resolutions, official reports and secondary data were examined for non-trivial evidences of impediments to implementation of mandates.
Findings from the research indicate that peacekeeping missions not properly backed by political efforts at settlement of disputes, cooperation of the superpowers, and financial and logistic support were ineffective and usually unsuccessful. Lack of consensus and pursuit of national interests have resulted in ambiguous or unrealistic mandates and have reduced the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations. Moreover, parties to a conflict were interested only in solutions that favored their interests and were often skeptical about the role and credibility of peacekeeping forces. But the continued violations of ceasefire agreements in defiance of the presence of peacekeeping forces were due partly to the force's inability to use force except in self-defense ,
Most of the forces operated under serious operational and logistical difficulties and they were inadequately funded. But none of the three factors has been responsible alone for the failure of peacekeeping missions. The coordination of UN operations has been better than that of the OAU. In civil war situations, national governments have requested peacekeeping forces because they could not, unaided, put down their opponents. The UN has deployed its forces only as a means of relaxing tensions while member-states have pursued other interests.
29
Mohlin, Henrik y Fazila Muratovic. "Crossing borders despite conflict : The role of communication routes". Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1419.
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Can cross-border interaction: interpersonal, economic, and otherwise, help ease relations between neighbouring political entities facing conflicts of interest and other differences?
1. How and why are border crossing communication routes created and maintained?
2. Under what circumstances are they used and how?
3. In what ways do they alter the conditions of a conflict between the parties that they link?
4. How do governments relate to the communication route and in what ways do they fit it into their policies?
Seeking to reconcile the theories of the international system advanced by Hedley Bull and John W. Burton, we conduct a comparative case study, based on contemporary media and scholarship, of the situations regarding Senegal and the Gambia, as well as the two de facto (if not de jure) republics of Cyprus to answer these questions. Having sought to estimate the causes and effects of border crossing, we find that host factors, in particular divergent economies and the utilization of international partners, may in fact come to stem from the issues of border-crossing activity and contribute to complicating existing conflicts rather than resolve them.
30
Kadioglu, Pinar. "The Rise Of Ethno-nationalism In Cyprus Under The British Rule: 1878-1960". Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612298/index.pdf.
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This thesis is an attempt to inquire the origins of the Cyprus conflict by analyzing the historical developments that laid the ground for the inter-communal dispute in the late 1950s, while focusing on the structural dimension of the rise of ethnonationalisms in the island. The special emphasis is given to the British period 1878-1960 in the historical analysis since the ethno-religious identity consciousnesses of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities in the island started to turn into ethnonational ones and later into antagonistic nationalisms during this era. The study&rsquos underlying premise is that although different identity perceptions existed much earlier among the two communities of the island, the inconsistent policies of the British administration that shifted in accordance with its interests in the Mediterranean region enabled the emergence of a conducive environment for the politicization and manipulation of these diverse identity perceptions. The Greek and Turkish nationalisms gained strength in this era and gradually transformed into antagonistic nationalisms motivated by different political goals about the future of the island. These developments would be the main reason of the inter-communal violence in Cyprus that arose in late 1950s and also in the following years till the permanent territorial partition in 1974.
31
Georgiadou, Stella. "Is the EU a normative power in the field of conflict transformation? : the cases of Cyprus and Kosovo". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/69724/.
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Trimikliniotis, Nicos. "The role of state processes in the production and resolution of "ethnic" and "national" conflict : the case of Cyprus". Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2000. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/8693/.
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Strong, Paul Nicholas. "The economic consequences of ethno-national conflict in Cyprus : the development of two siege economies after 1963 and 1974". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/97/.
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This thesis examines the economic aftermath of ethno-national conflict in a small European economy. Events in 1963 and 1974, led to the de facto division of a small nation-state, ethnically and geographically. Since the conflict, the different communities have remained on a war footing, having had no normal communications. For each, one of these watersheds is perceived as an economic catastrophe. The effect of arbitrarily dividing an already small economy was significant. It has been argued, however, that the large-scale uprooting of one community was seized on as a development opportunity, so the thesis examines the recovery mechanisms employed by both communities and assesses their relative economic impact. In a comparative context, economic growth and development are compared before and after de facto division, both across the ethnic division and with similar small and regional economies that have, in the period, largely retained conflict within the politicai process. Despite Problems, economic growth both sides of a UN Buffer Zone compare favourably with ali of the selected peer economies. However, with both communities having a clear perception of the cost of division, a dynamic model has been created to determine a benchmark for all-island, integrated economic growth. How would the economy have performed, if growth had not been disrupted by ethno-national conflict? How sustainable are two competing, non-communicating economies, sharing one small Mediterranean island?
34
Alexopoulos, Konstantinos. "International mediation and negotiating positions of Cyprus' regional conflict after the 1974 Turkish invasion Obstacles and prospects to a settlement /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA379599.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2000.Thesis advisors: Eyre, Dana P. ; Roessler, Tjarck . "June 2000." Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-126). Also Available online.
35
Frändå, Linnea. ""They teach us to hate each other" : A Study on Social Impediments for Peace-Building Interaction Between Young Cypriot Women". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Umeå centrum för genusstudier (UCGS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-138099.
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The yet unresolved interethnic conflict on the island of Cyprus known as the ‘Cyprus Problem’is one of the longest persisting conflicts in the world stretching over five decades. The conflictis between the Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots and has consequently divided the Islandinto a Greek-Cypriot administrated southern part, and a Turkish-Cypriot administrated northernpart. Despite the opening of the borders in 2003, which granted permission to cross over to eachside, studies show that the peace-building interaction between the younger generations remainslimited. Through in-depth interviews with ten young Cypriot women, the thesis analyses socialfactors impeding the interaction across the divide and provide an understanding of the women’sperception of peace in Cyprus. The politicisation of the construction of belonging continues todisconnect the women from a shared Cypriot identity and hence impedes interaction across thedivide. Further, the context of the negotiations has created a stalemate on peace-buildinginteraction for many of the women and had a negative impact on their views on politics ingeneral. The study reaffirms that women’s political involvement is essential to bring aboutpeace and reconciliation in Cyprus.
36
Hussain, Nora. "Giving the other a human face : a counselling psychology perspective on the potential benefit of an intergroup encounter intervention between Israelis and Palestinians in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2018. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/Giving-the-other-a-human-face(d957946d-0a84-413c-bc52-38f235e078b3).html.
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The need for intergroup reconciliation programmes emerges within the prevailing narrative of cultural conflict. However, failing attempts to resolve conflict at the macro (political) level of society have called for a unique approach that seeks to address these issues creatively at the first point of contact. Therefore, the last twenty years have seen a proliferation of non-profit group workshops and interventions aimed at engaging groups in a diversity of dialogue. To date there have been very few of these interventions that have addressed conflict therapeutically at the micro level of society– at which communities interact directly with another. The aim of this research was to conduct an explorative mixed method study into how an intergroup encounter intervention between Palestinians and Israelis could encourage participants to understand each other as human beings with shared fears, hopes and rights that may surpass assumptions of the other as ‘the enemy’, thereby encouraging participants to ‘give the other a human face’. Conducted with a mixed group of twenty-eight participants, a pre-to-post survey measure analysed behavioural change, while a six-month follow-up interview with four participants explored the impact of participating in the acquaintance seminar on participants lived experiences. Final analysis indicated that while there was a trend towards behavioural change, the outcome was statistically non-significant. Meanwhile interpretive phenomenological analysis produced five key master themes that highlighted the impact of change and the contextual challenges of living with conflict. Managing new relationships and cultural barriers highlighted the key contextual challenges that participants were faced with. This highlights a need for investing resources and training into group conflict programmes that are promoted by key counselling psychology principles of practice. Overall, working with conflict is considered a relevant and unique opportunity for counselling psychologists and group facilitators, most of whom have no formal training or resources for working with conflict resolution in minority groups.
37
Dağlı, İlke. "Identities in limbo : securitisation of identities in conflict environments and its implications on ontological security : prospects of desecuritisation for reconciliation in Cyprus". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91250/.
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With the overall aim of contributing to the peace efforts in Cyprus and facilitating transformative peace on the island, this thesis explores the relationship between (de)securitisation, ontological security and reconciliation in protracted conflict environments. The theoretical framework is built upon this trilateral nexus and uses Cyprus as a single case study for its application. In line with the overall aim, the thesis improves to the theorisation of institutionalised securitisations by complimenting the Copenhagen School with the Paris School, enriches the concept of (de)securitisation with ontological security literature and broadens the dual-ethnic approach to the Cyprus Problem by adding the Turkish settlers/immigrants to the empirical analysis. Underpinned by both theoretical and empirical contributions to the relevant literature, the thesis provides a more nuanced understanding of identity and friend-enemy configurations by analysing the securitisation dynamics that go beyond the primary self to include other-others, other-selves and othered-selves through a strategic blend of quantitative and qualitative methods. Finally, the thesis suggests that we need to couple the concept desecuritisation with ontological security considerations in order to fully understand and explore its potential as a facilitating tool for transformative peace. More specifically for the case of Cyprus, the thesis argues that securitisation of Turkish immigrants as a threat creates ontological dissonance and peace-anxieties for the two main communities in Cyprus; thus, calls for their desecuritisation and inclusion in peacebuilding efforts.
38
Shojaee, Far Mohsen. "Dealing with geopolitical brownfield sites : towards an adaptive guideline to foster their regeneration". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667684.
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This study set out initially to compare characteristics and possible regeneration approach between typical brownfield sites and semi-like brownfield sites in geopolitical conflict zones to identify similarities and differences. Despites many physical similarities, the differences identified as cause and origin of the abandonment in such areas with direct link to geopolitical contexts in contrast to economic and demographic changes and urban expansions as major causes of typical brownfields. This study has shown that there is no definition of geopolitical conflict as a cause of brownfield sites in any planning systems in the world and suggests the need to include geopolitical conflict as a new cause of semi-like brownfields. After comparison task, this study set out to explore responsiveness of existing brownfield regeneration policies and regulations in conflict zones. Corresponding to the findings, this study has opened arguments on combination of information related to geolocation (space) with conflict of interest over space (power) to provides a powerful mechanism of an interdisciplinary approach and construct stronger frameworks to deal with abandoned properties in conflict zones. Such mechanism discussed under a proposed land typology, denominated as ‘geopolitical brownfields’ and a conceptual framework for diagnosis purposes. To ensure the proposed framework is not a simple pragmatic suggestion, an in-depth analysis through case of Cyprus conflict with high level of complexity presented. Although this study is inductive research with a qualitative approach, the theoretical features of quantitative research are used in combination with practical features of qualitative research. The evidences from this study enabled this research to discuss and explore the complexity of geopolitical brownfields towards a problem identification method rather than contributing to potential solutions.El presente trabajo de investigación comienza con una comparación entre las características y posibles enfoques de regeneración de áreas "Brownfields" típicas y áreas parecidas a "Brownfields" en zonas de conflicto geopolítico, con el objetivo de identificar similitudes y diferencias. A pesar de muchas similitudes físicas, las diferencias identificadas como causa y origen del abandono en dichas áreas tienen un vínculo directo con los contextos geopolíticos, en contraste con los cambios económicos y las expansiones urbanas como causas principales de los ¿Brownfields¿ típicos. Esta investigación demuestra que no existe una definición de conflicto geopolítico como causa de generación de "Brownfields" en ningún sistema de planificación en el mundo y sugiere la necesidad de incluir el conflicto geopolítico como una nueva causa de generación de áreas parecidas a "Brownfields". Después de la tarea de comparación, esta investigación explora la capacidad de respuesta de las políticas y regulaciones existentes de regeneración de zonas "Brownfields" en zonas de conflicto. En correspondencia con los hallazgos, esta investigación abre el debate sobre la combinación de información relacionada con la geolocalización (espacio) con conflicto de intereses sobre el espacio (poder) para proporcionar un mecanismo poderoso de enfoque interdisciplinario y construir marcos más fuertes para tratar con propiedades abandonadas en zonas de conflicto. Dicho mecanismo se discute bajo una tipología de tierra propuesta, denominada como "Brownfields geopolíticos" y un marco conceptual para propósitos de diagnóstico. Para garantizar que el marco propuesto no sea una simple sugerencia pragmática, se presenta un análisis en profundidad sobre el caso del conflicto de Chipre con un alto nivel de complejidad. Aunque este estudio es una investigación inductiva con un enfoque cualitativo, las características teóricas de la investigación cuantitativa se utilizan en combinación con características prácticas de la investigación cualitativa. Las evidencias de este estudio permitieron que esta investigación discuta y explore la complejidad de los "Brownfields geopolíticos" hacia un método de identificación del problema en lugar de contribuir a posibles soluciones.
39
Jacobs, Alden. "Community Center Peacebuiliding Organizations : Achieving Reconciliatory Attitudes via Intergroup Contact". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325608.
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Reconciliation is important for reducing the likelihood of future conflict between groups but can be particularly difficult to achieve. This remains true within divided societies as the result of frozen conflict. This thesis asks why do some individuals, in the context of divided societies engaged in frozen conflict, have more positive reconciliatory attitudes than others? The approach of community center peacebuilding organizations (CCPB) was identified as one possible solution to this question. The hypothesis suggests that individuals who engage in such organizations will have more positive reconciliatory attitudes compared to the average community member. This is based on a theoretical framework that relies on contact theory, suggesting that the CCPB model establishes the necessary conditions for nurturing more reconciliatory attitudes in individuals. It is suggested to achieve this through positive intergroup contact that is generalizable to the outgroup as a whole. A quantitative study based on 101 cases from original survey data is used to test this hypothesis. Using a logistic regression, support is found that establishes a significant positive correlation between engagement in CCPB and reconciliatory attitudes. Key Words: reconciliation, contact theory, peacebuilding, community center, shared space, frozen conflict, divided societies, Cyprus
40
Ould, Brahim Khlil Mohamed Mahmoud. "L'union pour la Méditerranée : un projet politique difficile à réaliser : quelques obstacles majeurs". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB051.
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Chatzipanagiotidou, Evropi. "The conflicts of a 'peaceful' diaspora : identity, power and peace politics among Cypriots in the UK and Cyprus". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39733/.
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The thesis traces ethnographically the discursive, ideological and political processes through which connections between the Cypriot diaspora in the UK and Cyprus are imagined, articulated and (re)produced through peace politics and Cypriotist discourses that emphasise the need for reconciliation between Greek and Turkish Cypriots based on a common Cypriot identity. The fieldwork research was conducted between 2006 and 2008 in London and Cyprus, taking place at a very particular historical period, when a larger space apparently opened for British Cypriots' involvement in the politics ‘at home'; I follow here their modes of political engagement across a number of actual sites and ‘imagined' social fields –from community associations in London to online Cypriot networks; and from organised party groups in the UK to informal communal crossings of the Cypriot Green Line. The thesis ultimately presents an ethnographic account of Cypriotism and how individuals employ, perform and (re)define it within a transnational nexus of inter-related contexts, revealing that far from popular understandings of it as a unifying discourse, Cypriotism is also divisive and internally contested. Whereas anthropological work on Cyprus has been prolific in studying and analysing ethnic nationalisms extensively, Cypriotism in its own right has not been problematised enough beyond being treated as a counter-discourse to other dominant ideologies. The perspective of the diaspora helps to crystallise how discursive battles and exclusive ideas of ‘who is a Cypriot' simultaneously challenge and (re)produce difference among Cypriotists. Moreover, to challenge the dichotomy between ‘good' and ‘bad' nationalisms of Western-centric discourses, it is argued here that the boundaries between Cypriotism and ethnic nationalism are more blurred than often assumed, especially as they co-exist and are employed in the cultural repertoires of Cypriots. The aims of the thesis, therefore, are threefold; first, it endeavours to illustrate empirically how connections between the Cypriot diaspora in the UK and Cyprus are constructed through ‘peace politics' and how political subjectivities develop in such a transnational context by looking at the ways multiple agents mobilise, articulate and perform particular identities through the language of Cypriotism. To do this, the research methodologically integrates the ‘ethnography of the Cypriot diaspora' with the ‘ethnography of Cyprus', which have developed to some extent as two distinct study fields, through multi-sited fieldwork both in the UK and Cyprus. Moreover, with its focus on Cypriotism and how a Cypriot nation is (re)imagined within it, the thesis aims to contribute theoretically to ‘the anthropology of Cyprus' by participating in ongoing discussions on nationalism and counter-nationalism, history and memory, identity and cultural ‘authenticity'.
42
Garvoille, Rebecca I. "Sociocultural Complexities of Ecosystem Restoration: Remaking Identity, Landscape and Belonging in the Florida Everglades". FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/841.
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The Florida Everglades is a highly diverse socionatural landscape that historically spanned much of the south Florida peninsula. Today, the Florida Everglades is an iconic but highly contested conservation landscape. It is the site of one of the world’s largest publicly funded ecological restoration programs, estimated to cost over $8 billion (U.S. GAO 2007), and it is home to over two million acres of federally protected lands, including the Big Cypress National Preserve and Everglades National Park. However, local people’s values, practices and histories overlap and often conflict with the global and eco-centric values linked to Everglades environmental conservation efforts, sparking environmental conflict.
My dissertation research examined the cultural politics of nature associated with two Everglades conservation and ecological restoration projects: 1) the creation and stewardship of the Big Cypress National Preserve, and 2) the Tamiami Trail project at the northern boundary of Everglades National Park. Using multiple research methods including ethnographic fieldwork, archival research, participant observation, surveys and semi-structured interviews, I documented how these two projects have shaped environmental claims-making strategies to Everglades nature on the part of environmental NGOs, the National Park Service and local white outdoorsmen. In particular, I examined the emergence of an oppositional white identity called the Gladesmen Culture. My findings include the following: 1) just as different forms of nature are historically produced, contingent and power-laden, so too are different claims to Everglades nature; 2) identity politics are an integral dimension of Everglades environmental conflicts; and 3) the Big Cypress region’s history and contemporary conflicts are shaped by the broader political economy of development in south Florida.
My dissertation concluded that identity politics, class and property relations have played a key, although not always obvious, role in shaping Everglades history and environmental claims-making, and that they continue to influence contemporary Everglades environmental conflicts.
43
Bayraktar, Can. "The historical determinants of the Cyprus conflict". 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29718049.html.
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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1993.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-150).
44
Tsuei, Pei-chun y 崔珮君. "The Question of Ethnic Groups Conflict in Cyprus". Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/22063887838305302098.
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碩士南華大學
歐洲研究所
93
The Republic of Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean Sea became independent in 1960, and the government was formed jointly by Greek and Turkish descendants. However, due to the conflict between the Greek and Turkish people regarding Cyprus’ constitution, violent racial conflicts soon broke out in Cyprus not too long after its independence. Under the excuses of protecting Turkish-Cypriots and maintaining Cyprus’ independence, the Turkish troops landed at northern Cyprus during Cyprus’ political upheaval in 1974. Although the world condemned such act and dealt with Turkish accordingly, the fact of Turkish occupying Cyprus remained unchanged. The Turkish people in northern Cyprus claimed independence in 1983, and although this was only recognized by the Turkish government, the separation of this island has become an accomplished fact. For the decade-long hope of solving Cyprus’ separation and improving the relationship between Greek and Turkish, UK, the U.S., EU, NATO and the UN have consistently intervened as mediators, and helped materializing negotiations between the Greek and Turkish leaders in order to solve the problem of Cyprus’ separation. However, due to the long-term resentment between the two ethnic groups, their cultural differences are difficult to be reconciled. As a result, they focus on the differences and conflicts between them, and instead of peaceful interactions, they formed a state of opposition on the basis of their different cultural ideologies. This paper will discuss the causes and progress of the never-ending disputes within Cyprus regarding the conflicts, and the effects of the interventions from the world’s superpowers, regional organizations, and international organizations to verify whether the theory of “clash of civilizations” by Samuel P. Huntington, a Harvard professor, could be applied in the issue of Cyprus’ racial conflicts, as well as the influence of the peace plans proposed by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, and the possible scenarios of solving Cyprus’ separation.
45
Akinci, Doga. "Case study, Nicosia master plan cooperation in the midst of conflict /". 2004. http://etd1.library.duq.edu/theses/available/etd-04122004-200509/.
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Oswald, John Frederick. "The social and spatial dimensions of ethnic conflict : contextualizing the divided city of Nicosia, Cyprus". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/23256.
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Ethnic conflict is a persistent and vexing problem for the world today. The intercommunal violence during these conflicts not only significantly alters the social and spatial geography in these regions for decades, but also frequently involves external actors who magnify the social conflict. It is within the urban areas that the impacts of violence are often most acute and deleterious to the once functioning system. Ethnic conflict transforms many urban areas into “divided cities” in which barricades and armed posts dominate the landscape. With this paradigm of conflict in mind, the overarching purpose of this dissertation is two-fold: 1) to examine how and why certain peaceful societies devolve into intercommunal conflict, and 2) to outline how ethnic conflict ultimately, and often irreparably, transforms an urban area into a “divided city.” In this dissertation, Nicosia, the ethnically divided capital of Cyprus, serves as the primary case study used to illustrate the process of social devolution from ethnic conflict to a militarily fortified urban division. The three main research questions are asked concerning Nicosia’s division. 1) What historic factors contributed to the progression and intensification of the social and spatial cleavages that appear in the urban landscape today? 2) To what extent is the urban divide diagnostic of the overarching ethnic conflict on Cyprus? 3) How is Nicosia’s urban division similar to or different from other “ethnically” divided cities and how might this comparison help further the general understanding of the causes and consequences of these entities? These three questions help frame Nicosia within the context of the larger social conflict on Cyprus as well as assist in developing linkages with other divided cities. As articulated throughout this study, Nicosia is a “model” divided city that typifies how the historically-laden process of ethno-territorial polarization can manifest itself in the physical and social geography of a contested region. In the end, divided cities epitomize the “worst-case-scenario” outcome of ethnic conflict and once the urban divisions take root, they prove exceptionally challenging to remove from the social and physical landscape.text
47
Stasinková, Sandra. "Cyprus Dispute Settlement after the EU accession: Renewed Negotiations and Future Development". Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-345651.
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STASINKOVÁ, Sandra. (2016). Cyprus Dispute Settlement after the EU accession: Renewed Negotiations and Future Development. Master thesis, Prague: Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Studies. 65 p. Supervisor: JUDr. PhDr. Tomáš Karásek, Ph.D. The aim of this diploma thesis is to analyse the ongoing conflict in Cyprus, which became internal for the European Union in 2004, and consequently asses the role of the European Union in the conflict resolution, which is being evaluated according to the principles of mediation. The thesis is divided into four parts. Firtsly, we outline the escalation and the background of the conflict in Cyprus, which have led to the Turkish intervention and consequent division of the island. Secondly, we analyse the period of the European Union accession as a milestone in the development of the conflict. Following the EU accession, we deal with the overall role of the European Union in the conflict resolution and the Union's credibility in conflict managment in general in the third part of this thesis. Lastly, the fourth chapter focuses on the development of the conflict and character of the negotiations after Cyprus became the full member of the European Union. It also provides possible results from current negotiations and possible ways...
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Alptekin, Huseyin. "Explaining ethnopolitical mobilization : ethnic incorporation and mobilization patterns in Bulgaria, Cyprus, Turkey, and beyond". Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/24979.
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Why do some ethnic groups mobilize in violent ways whereas some others mobilize by using peaceful methods? And why do some ethnic groups seek integration while some others pursue separatist goals? This dissertation proposes a theoretical framework to answer these questions. It suggests that a state’s ethnic incorporation policies shape both why (centripetal or centrifugal aims) and how (peaceful or violent methods) ethnic groups mobilize. It argues that (1) consocitionalism recognizes ethnic groups and grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet limits individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels of political participation; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centrifugal ethnic mobilizations; (2) liberal multiculturalism recognizes ethnic groups, grants a degree of political autonomy to them, and allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centripetal mobilizations; (3) civic assimilationism neither recognizes ethnic groups nor grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and therefore it leads to peaceful and centripetal mobilizations of groups which lack pre-existing ethnic mobilization; but it leads to moderately violent and centrifugal mobilizations of groups which have strong pre-existing ethnic mobilizations; and (4) ethnocracies neither recognize ethnic groups nor grant a degree of political autonomy to them, and they also limit individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels. Therefore, they lead to centrifugal and violent ethnic mobilizations. The dissertation uses a mixed method research design. The hypotheses are tested based on the Minorities at Risk data as well as the case studies of ethnic Turks in Bulgaria and Cyprus, and Kurds and the Roma in Turkey. The case studies benefit from an extensive field research in Bulgaria, Cyprus, and Turkey using original interviews with former and current guerillas, guerilla families, political activists, and politicians from each ethnic group under scrutiny and archival research on newspapers and legal documents. The findings indicate that politics of ethnic accommodation are not only an explanation for the causes of different ethnic mobilization patterns, but also a feasible remedy for ethnic disputes spanning all over the world.text
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Hua-bin, Lin y 林華彬. "Negotiation Within Alliance: A Case Study of Negotiations Between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus Conflict, 1974-1993". Thesis, 1994. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/33953168355103987580.
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碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所
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This disseration is attempted to discuss the difference of negotiation behavior under alliance structure, by the study of negotiation between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus conflict, and to find out how the allied relationship will influence the outcome of the negotiation. Case study method is used to get the aims. In this study, the history of Greek-Turkish conflict over Cyprus is sorted, and analyzed with alliance theory and the characteristics of negotiation under allied relationship. Besides," structure analysis " approach and " tactics analysis " approach are also used to analyze it. The structure of this disseration is composed of six chapters as following: Chapter 1:Introduction. Chapter 2:The theory and practice of the negotiation within allies. Chapter 3:The history of Greek-Turkish conflict over Cyprus . Chapter 4:Analysis and comments on the negotiations between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus conflict. Chapter 5:U.S. mediation between Greek-Turkish conflict. Chapter 6:Conclusion. There are some conclusions drawn from this disseration: 1.When a third party within alliance intervenes in mediation actively, it will have less room for maneuver tactics because it has to exhibit absolute impartiality for maintaining the cohesion of alliance. 2.When two power asymmetrical allies enter into negotiation, they will tend to view the alliance organization as an arena for employing tactics, then it is difficult for them to reach an agreement. 3.If the third party dose not mediate prudently, the relation- ship between it and the two conflict allies will be damaged, make both sides act unreasonably, and escalate the conflict. 4.If the relationship between allied nations dose not accord with the " positive affect, high commitment, and broad inter- action scope " propositions, they will pursue more interests of themselves than alliance collective interests in negotiation.
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Fics, Kristian Taxiarchis Phikas. "Healing through the Bones: Empowerment and the 'Process of Exhumations' in the Context of Cyprus". 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31100.
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Inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic violent conflict created a divide in Cyprus (1950-1974) that still exists to this day. This study explores specifically an effect of violent conflict – Missing Persons – and the ‘process of exhumations,’ which is defined as; the recovery of Missing Persons, identification, and reunification of the Missing with loved ones as a key component of peacebuilding via inter-ethnic reconciliation and restorative justice. This process is important for peacebuilding because it empowers individuals, communities, and nation-states to satisfy basic human psycho-social needs in order to deal with the trauma of past violence, to recognize loss, and to seek closure of uncertainty to prevent the transgenerational transmission of trauma and escalation of violence between and within ethnic societies. By interviewing eight experts on the Cypriot conflict about what the ‘process of exhumations’ does in Cyprus, revealed the challenges and successes that may arise during and after the process for sustainable peace.February 2016