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Flynn, James R. "The Alliance Vote: An Application of the Three-Cultures Hypothesis". Political Science 47, n.º 1 (julio de 1995): 34–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879504700102.
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Fuchs, Daniel. "Should Culture Samples Be Taken During All Revision Total Ankle Arthroplasty (TAA)?" Foot & Ankle International 40, n.º 1_suppl (julio de 2019): 31S—32S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071100719859579.
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Recommendation: We recommend that intraoperative cultures be taken during revision total ankle arthroplasty (TAA). The result of intraoperative cultures should be interpreted together with clinical suspicion for infection and the results of the laboratory and imaging investigations. We also recommend that multiple tissue specimens be collected. Given a lack of evidence for routine intraoperative cultures for revision TAA literature, this recommendation is based on analogous evidence in the total hip and knee replacement literature. Level of Evidence: Consensus. Delegate Vote: Agree: 100%, Disagree: 0%, Abstain: 0% (Unanimous, Strongest Consensus)
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Adans, Bernard. "La comptabilité publique : achever ou parachever la LOLF ?" Revue française de finances publiques N° 153, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2021): 137–47. https://doi.org/10.3917/rffp.153.0137.
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Avec le vote de la LOLF en 2001, la comptabilité publique s’est définitivement alignée sur la comptabilité privée, notamment dans ses principes. Le rapprochement des cultures et des pratiques a permis de faire progresser de manière remarquable la transparence financière de toutes les entités publiques.
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Jarvis, Sharon E. y Jay T. Jennings. "Republicans Should Vote: Partisan Conceptions of Electoral Participation in Campaign 2016". American Behavioral Scientist 61, n.º 6 (mayo de 2017): 633–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217720481.
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Research has identified differences in partisan communication styles, cognitive processing, values, and cultures. This article assesses if there are also differences in how Democrats and Republicans conceive of electoral participation. We submitted 1,730 open-ended responses from a 2016 survey prompt soliciting thoughts and feelings about voting to computerized content analysis. Findings show that Republicans employed more confident and less negative language than Democrats in their responses. Additionally, a close read of the Republican statements reveals how they expressed that their electoral participation matters. Our conclusion addresses how the traditional ideals often associated with the Grand Old Party may make them a more duty-based constituency valuing voting more than their less conservative peers.
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Ellington, Kent, Steven Raikin y Thomas B. Bemenderfer. "What Strategies Can Be Implemented to Help Isolate the Causative Organism in Patients With Infection of the Foot and Ankle?" Foot & Ankle International 40, n.º 1_suppl (julio de 2019): 33S—38S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071100719859887.
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Recommendation: Transfer of synovial aspirate in blood culture bottles, obtaining deep biopsy of tissues and bone, obtaining multiple samples, increasing incubation period of cultures, and the use of molecular techniques for culture negative cases are some of the strategies that can help improve the ability to isolate the causative organism(s) in infections of foot and ankle. Level of Evidence: Moderate. Delegate Vote: Agree: 100%, Disagree: 0%, Abstain: 0% (Unanimous, Strongest Consensus)
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McIntosh, Ian. "Anthropologists and Aboriginal Reconciliation: The Efficacy of Symbolic Reconciliatory Gestures". Practicing Anthropology 23, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2001): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.23.1.wh27t417114206u1.
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The context of this article is the quest for justice and reparations for Australia's indigenous citizens. In 1991 the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation was established through a unanimous vote in both houses of the Australian federal parliament. Comprised of twenty-five members (twelve of whom are Aboriginal and two Torres Strait Islanders) the Council identified eight key goals for a process centered on fostering the recognition of indigenous cultures by non-Aboriginal Australians, and on promoting fair and proper standards for indigenous Australians in health, housing, employment and education, and other fields.
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Uçkay, Ilker, David Pedowitz, Mathieu Assal y Justin D. Stull. "What Tests Are Useful to Investigate a Possible Infection of Total Ankle Arthroplasty (TAA)? What Are Their Thresholds?" Foot & Ankle International 40, n.º 1_suppl (julio de 2019): 22S—23S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071100719859537.
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Recommendation: Overall, the approach to a potentially infected total ankle arthroplasty (TAA) does not change compared to other periprosthetic joint infections (PJIs). There are no novel or unique diagnostic procedures for TAA infection, specifically. Joint aspiration or intraoperative tissue/synovial biopsies with microbiological cultures are the most important diagnostic tests for suspected TAA infections. In the absence of specific data related to TAA, the threshold for these tests should be derived from the hip and knee PJI literature. Level of Evidence: Strong Delegate Vote: Agree: 100%, Disagree: 0%, Abstain: 0% (Unanimous, Strongest Consensus)
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Emara, Khaled y John M. Embil. "Is There a Role for Measuring Synovial Biomarkers for Diagnosis of Infected Total Ankle Arthroplasty (TAA)?" Foot & Ankle International 40, n.º 1_suppl (julio de 2019): 27S—29S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071100719859570.
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Recommendation: Based on the hip and knee arthroplasty literature, measuring synovial biomarkers may play a role in the diagnosis of infected total ankle arthroplasty (TAA). The diagnosis of periprosthetic joint infection (PJI) in the setting of a TAA can be confirmed with cultures, provided that a plausible pathogen is recovered in the context of a compatible clinical picture. In the absence of a positive culture, synovial biomarker analysis may help in establishing the diagnosis. Level of Evidence: Moderate. Delegate Vote: Agree: 92%, Disagree: 8%, Abstain: 0% (Super Majority, Strong Consensus)
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Mancosu, Moreno y David N. Hopmann. "Political disagreement and vote volatility: the role of familism across different European countries". European Political Science Review 11, n.º 3 (9 de julio de 2019): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000158.
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AbstractInterpersonal influence shapes political behavior and attitudes. So far, however, little efforts have been devoted to testing this mechanism comparatively in Europe. This paper aims at explaining differences in influence patterns in three European countries (Italy, Germany, and the UK). Based on works in demography, we argue that in Mediterranean cultures (characterized by high degrees of familism), people are more prone to be affected by attitudes and behaviors of their relatives with respect to other strong ties (e.g., spouses), while in continental, northern Europe, and the UK, this effect is less important. We test this argument using longitudinal data. Consistent with expectations, results show that the influence of relatives in familistic contexts is stronger than in non-familistic ones. At the same time, the spouse effect (namely, the effect of an intimate, non-relative discussant) is particularly strong in non-familistic contexts (and vice versa). In sum, we demonstrate that public opinion studies can be strengthened by theories developed in other social sciences, such as demography.
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Wexelbaum, Rachel. "Book Review: Women in American History: A Social, Political, and Cultural Encyclopedia and Document Collection". Reference & User Services Quarterly 57, n.º 1 (9 de octubre de 2017): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.57.1.6465.
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To this day, high school and college students rarely learn about the role of women in American history, cultures, or politics. Teachers and textbooks still focus predominantly on the white Christian heterosexual males that continue to take most of the credit for building the United States of America. While it is fact that, for most of American history, only white men could own land, vote, and serve in government, women of all races, religions, and sexual orientations have done a great deal to advance American culture, fight for justice, and impact the laws, businesses, scientific research, and education systems that have developed in the United States over time.
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Winters, Brian, Ferdinando Da Rin de Lorenzo y Jake O’Neil. "What Is the Optimal Management of Patients With Prior Septic Arthritis of the Ankle Who Are Undergoing Total Ankle Arthroplasty (TAA)?" Foot & Ankle International 40, n.º 1_suppl (julio de 2019): 9S—10S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071100719859326.
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Recommendation: There is a paucity of data regarding total ankle arthroplasty (TAA) in patients with prior infection involving the ankle, whether it be septic arthritis, osteomyelitis, or infection of the surrounding soft tissues. We recommend that patients with prior infections in the affected ankle be worked up for infection, including a thorough history and physical examination, as well as ordering serologic tests and possible aspiration of the joint. During ankle arthroplasty in patients with prior infection, antibiotics should be added to the cement (if used), and the joint should be thoroughly cleansed. Intraoperative cultures of bone and soft tissue should also be obtained. Level of Evidence: Consensus. Delegate Vote: Agree: 100%, Disagree: 0%, Abstain: 0% (Unanimous, Strongest Consensus)
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Winters, Brian, Ferdinando Da Rin de Lorenzo y David Beck. "What Is the Treatment “Algorithm” for Infection After Achilles Tendon Repair/Reconstruction?" Foot & Ankle International 40, n.º 1_suppl (julio de 2019): 71S—73S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071100719861646.
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Recommendation: The initial treatment of an infected Achilles tendon reconstruction should include thorough debridement of all infected tissues with the removal of retained sutures or foreign material. Cultures should be taken at the time of debridement, and antibiotic administration should be dictated by the result of culture and continued until inflammatory markers and clinical symptoms normalize. If significant soft tissue defect in the overlying area remains, the choice of tendon reconstruction and/or transfer with soft tissue coverage should be left up to the discretion of the treating surgeon based on preference and expertise. Revision reconstruction should be delayed until the infection is cleared. Level of Evidence: Moderate. Delegate Vote: Agree: 100%, Disagree: 0%, Abstain: 0% (Unanimous, Strongest Consensus).
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Aondoaver Jacob, Abur. "Analysis of Failure of Democracies in Africa". International Journal of Business Administration and Management Research 4, n.º 2 (23 de junio de 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24178/ijbamr.2018.4.2.13.
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The western model of democracy is considered by many Africans to be extremely narrow and even alien to African cultures. Democracy is not just about the right to vote and be voted for, but it is about a whole complex of rights and duties that citizens must exercise if government is to be open and accountable and. Despite the rapid spread of liberal democracy in Africa there have been failures where all the opportunities are right for success. This paper in its analysis of the failure of democracies in Africa explores the views of the modernization theory in general and the culturalist perspective in particular which argues that African traditional political institutions are autocratic, personalized and corrupt, and therefore cannot provide appropriate historical and cultural formulation for democracy in modern societies. Relying on secondary data from journals and other literary sources, the paper disagrees with the modernization and culturalist perspectives and argues that Africa's colonial experience displaced the indigenous democratic practices and replaced them with first, dictatorship and subsequently, western liberal democracy which was and has continued to be alien and as a consequence has been failing across the continent. The paper therefore, recommends that the path to democratization in Africa must be home grown and that outsiders should only help move the process forward.
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Chand, Satish. "Fiscal Decentralisation in a Divided State: Bougainville in Papua New Guinea". Federal Law Review 46, n.º 4 (diciembre de 2018): 541–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600404.
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Is fiscal decentralisation in a polity divided by languages, cultures, tribes, and geography a means to nation-building or a route to secession? I consider the case of Bougainville in Papua New Guinea to provide nuanced information on the above question. This case study reveals that fiscal decentralisation, agreed to as part of a peace agreement signed in 2001 following a decade-long civil war in Bougainville, provided the opportunity for national consolidation. However, tensions surrounding the implementation of arrangements for budgetary support of Bougainville are forcing further fracturing. A definitive answer to the question of whether fiscal decentralisation helped or hindered nation-building will be provided by the referendum, due by mid-2020, when the people of Bougainville will have the option to vote for independence from Papua New Guinea.
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Baalbaki, Hana. "Allah n'est pas obligé d'Ahmadou Kourouma: Une gymnastiquie langagière". Hawliyat 12 (19 de noviembre de 2018): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/haw.v12i0.221.
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Avec seulement quatre romans publiés en vingt-quatre ans, Ahmadou Kourouma s'est imposé comme l'un des écrivains les plus importants du conti- nent africain. Dans ses romans: Les soleils des Indépendances (1976), Monné, outrages et défis (1990), En attendant le vote des bêtes sauvages (1999) et Allah n'est pas obligé (2000), l'écrivain ivoirien dénonce les souffrances de l' Afrique noire. Il les dénonce avec les yeux des Africains et les décrit dans une langue calquée sur la leur. En effet, son style étonne, choque, séduit. Kourouma ne s'est pas contenté de «penser la langue»comme tout autre écrivain francophone; son oeuvre ne témoigne pas seulement d'une sorte d'hétérogénéité langagière comme c'est le cas en général chez les écrivains qui vivent le conflit des langues et des cultures; il est allé plus loin. Sa grande innovation comme dit si bien l'un des chercheurs, «réside dans le fait de proposer une oeuvre dont le protagoniste est à tout considérer le style-oui, le style malinké transposé en français»
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Heidari, Nima, Irvin Oh y Francesc Malagelada. "What Is the Diagnostic “Algorithm” for Infected Total Ankle Arthroplasty (TAA)?" Foot & Ankle International 40, n.º 1_suppl (julio de 2019): 21S—22S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071100719859536.
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Recommendation: Patients who present with clinical symptoms and signs of periprosthetic ankle infection (pain, erythema, warmth, sinus tract, abscess around the wound) and sinus tracts communicating with the ankle/subtalar joint are likely to have total ankle arthroplasty (TAA) infection. In the absence of a sinus tract, elevated inflammatory markers (erythrocyte sedimentation rate [ESR] and C-reactive protein [CRP]) should prompt ankle joint aspiration for cell count, differential, and culture. The joint aspiration is to be repeated. If the same organism is identified in at least 2 cultures of synovial fluid, the patient is diagnosed to have an infection. If the repeat aspiration is negative, further investigation is warranted. In patients not requiring operative intervention for other reasons, nuclear imaging should be considered for diagnosis. If an operation is indicated, histologic examination (>5 neutrophils/high-power field) or synovial fluid analysis is conducted to confirm infection. Level of Evidence: Limited. Delegate Vote: Agree: 100%, Disagree: 0%, Abstain: 0% (Unanimous, Strongest Consensus)
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Gingerich, Daniel W. y Jan P. Vogler. "Pandemics and Political Development". World Politics 73, n.º 3 (8 de junio de 2021): 393–440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887121000034.
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ABSTRACTDo pandemics have lasting consequences for political behavior? The authors address this question by examining the consequences of the deadliest pandemic of the last millennium: the Black Death (1347–1351). They claim that pandemics can influence politics in the long run if the loss of life is high enough to increase the price of labor relative to other factors of production. When this occurs, labor-repressive regimes, such as serfdom, become untenable, which ultimately leads to the development of proto-democratic institutions and associated political cultures that shape modalities of political engagement for generations. The authors test their theory by tracing the consequences of the Black Death in German-speaking Central Europe. They find that areas hit hardest by that pandemic were more likely to adopt inclusive political institutions and equitable land ownership patterns, to exhibit electoral behavior indicating independence from landed elite influence during the transition to mass politics, and to have significantly lower vote shares for Hitler’s National Socialist Party in the Weimar Republic’s fateful 1930 and July 1932 elections.
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Engel, Ulf. "South Africa: The 2014 National and Provincial Elections". Africa Spectrum 49, n.º 2 (agosto de 2014): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900204.
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On 7 May 2014, South Africa held its fifth national and provincial elections since the end of apartheid in 1994. Despite a degree of discontent, the ANC remained firmly in power, receiving 62.15 per cent of the vote. Frustration about non-delivery of services, autocratic tendencies within the ruling party and widespread corrupt practices did not translate into substantially more votes for opposition parties, except in the Western Cape and Gauteng regions (and a swing vote from COPE to DA in Northern Cape). However, voter mobilisation seems to be stagnating and ANC breakaway parties are not faring particularly well. Twenty years after the end of apartheid, popular discontent with the ANC government has expressed itself in voting apathy, particularly among the “born-free” generation. Just as in 2004 and 2009, non-voters remain the largest group in the South African electorate, outnumbering even the ANC.
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Basham, Sherah L., Christopher Acuff, Gale Iles, Samuel L. Brown y Jennah Hyppolite. "Examining the Effects of Perceptions of Voter Suppression and Voter Fraud on Support for Voter Identification Laws in the United States". International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 12 (17 de agosto de 2023): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2023.12.10.
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Democracy is fundamentally grounded in the people's right to vote, but what happens when the same mechanisms meant to protect the electoral process become barriers? This study examined the relationship between perceptions of voter suppression and voter fraud and support for voter restrictions, such as requiring identification to vote. The study utilized data from the American National Election Studies 2020 Times Series Study, examining a sample of 5,264 voters. Results revealed that voter support for voter ID laws depends on their perceptions of voter integrity and suppression. The more confidence voters have in the integrity of elections and the more they believe in voter suppression, the less likely they are to support voter identification requirements. Other demographic factors are considered.
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Wania, T. "More women in politics: a challenge for MIL Cities". Слово в науке, n.º 1(2) (1 de abril de 2021): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.53362/u9889-9530-5885-z.
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Cultural barriers to communication have been one of the reasons why women still have low representation in politics. Especially in Brazil, where they are 52% of the electorate. In the last election for mayors and councilors held in 2016, for example, of the 5,668 cities, only 641 elected women for the position of mayor. The municipal legislature also became mostly male: only 24 have a majority of councilors. In this chapter, we will present a little of the history of the female vote in Brazil and ana lyze, through a case study, the candidacy of three female leaders: the Brazilians Dilma Roussef and Marina Silva, and the American Hillary Clinton. The objective is to compare how cultural barriers to communi cation, based on the concept created by Professor Doctor Felipe Chibás Ortiz and recognized by Unesco’s GAPMIL, — “as the set of factors, sym bolic or concrete that go beyond idiomatic differences that can hinder communication between people or organizations of different ethnici ties, values, countries, peoples, regions or cultures” — presented them selves with each of the candidates. Suggestions of solutions recognized by the MIL Cities will also be presented, through education, training and women’s empowerment, with actions and interventions in physical and digital spaces.
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Pierlejewski, Mandy. "Constructing deficit data doppelgängers: The impact of datafication on children with English as an additional language". Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood 21, n.º 3 (29 de marzo de 2019): 253–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463949119838089.
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In this article, an evaluation of the English early childhood education context reveals children constructed as data. The complex, chaotic and unpredictable nature of the child is reconstituted in numerical form – a form which can be measured, compared and manipulated. Children are reconceptualised as data doppelgängers, ghostly apparitions which emulate the actual embodied child. The focus of early childhood education and care thus moves from child-centred to data-centred education. The author specifically focuses on the impact of this aspect of the performative regime on children who have English as an additional language – an under-researched area in the field. Foucault’s work on governmentality is used as a theoretical lens through which to understand the process of datafication. The author uses a composite child, generated from a number of children from her experience as a teacher, as a starting point for discussion. This reveals children as disadvantaged, as their home languages are no longer used to assess communication skills. Their data doppelgängers are not useful to the teacher as they are unable to demonstrate a Good Level of Development – a key measure of school readiness in English policy. The author argues that in post-Brexit-vote Britain, subtle changes to early childhood education increase disadvantage, promoting white, British culture and thus marginalising those from other cultures.
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Frey, Bruno S. y Iris Bohnet. "Switzerland—a paradigm for Europe?" European Review 3, n.º 4 (octubre de 1995): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001605.
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Learning from the Swiss experience, this article argues that federalism and direct democracy are effective mechanisms for dealing with the diversity of interests, languages, cultures and religions in Europe. These institutions only partly harmonize economic, social and cultural politics. By far more important is that federalism and referenda foster competition between the various interests, but do so within a well-defined basic constitutional design so that competition produces beneficial effects. Federalism is not an alternative to referenda but rather a prerequisite for the effective working of a direct democracy. In small communities, the information cost of voters deciding on issues or judging representatives' performance are much lower than in a large jurisdiction. The more fiscal equivalence is guaranteed, the better the benefits of publicly supplied goods can be acknowledged and the corresponding costs be attributed to the relevant political programmes or actors. Thus, while federalism provides for cheaper information, referenda enable citizens to use this knowledge effectively in the political process. The interdependence of federalism and referenda also works the other way around: referenda improve the working of federalism. Besides the possibility of voting with their feet, citizens may also vote directly. This represents a double incentive for politicians to take their citizens' preferences into account; otherwise, they may lose their tax base to another jurisdiction or may be forced by referenda and initiatives to meet the demands of the voters.
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Ramachandran, Mallika. "Tracing the Roots of Modern Human Rights in Ancient Greek Thought". Morgan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Studies 1, n.º 1 (29 de febrero de 2024): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/mjirs.v1i1.63313.
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The establishment of the modern human rights regime, a pivotal development that transpired in the aftermath of the Second World War, marks a watershed moment in the annals of global governance. However, it is imperative to recognize that the foundational bedrock upon which this regime stands embodied by concepts such as freedom, equality, the right to vote, and the notion of natural rights extends its roots far beyond the mid-20th century. These bedrock principles have an intricate lineage, manifesting in various forms throughout history and across diverse cultures. To unravel this historical continuum, one need not look solely to the post-World War II era; rather, a profound exploration reveals that analogous ideals have left indelible imprints across different countries and epochs. Among these cultural tapestries, ancient Greece emerges as a particularly rich and influential backdrop, offering a plethora of ideas that resonate with the very essence of contemporary human rights. In an earnest pursuit of understanding the intricate interplay between ancient wisdom and modern conceptions, the present paper embarks on an insightful examination. Through a meticulous study, it endeavors to illuminate the myriad ideas and features that emanated from ancient Greece, serving as pre-cursors to, and reflections of, the multifaceted concept of human rights as it is comprehended and cherished in our present-day global discourse.
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Buarque de Hollanda, Cristina. "HERÓIS OU PROTEGIDOS? Cidadania e voto na cena intelectual-parlamentar da Primeira República". Caderno CRH 29, n.º 77 (18 de abril de 2017): 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v29i77.19791.
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Neste artigo, investiga-se a imaginação da primeira geração de parlamentares republicanos no Brasil sobre os termos da cidadania política. Parte-se de um estudo sistemático dos anais do Senado e da Câmara dos Deputados, com foco na regulamentação de matérias eleitorais da Carta de 1891 e no debate sobre a formulação da Lei Rosa e Silva, nos anos de 1903 e 1904. Nesses momentos, o debate sobre expansão ou limitação do voto reeditou e expandiu as fronteiras clássicas do censitarismo, além de ganhar forma nas disputas sobre voto secreto ou aberto e sobre deslocamento ou não de eleitores para alistamento e voto nas sedes de comarca. À disputa sobre o princípio censitário somou-se a querela sobre a índole cívica dos cidadãos. Argumenta-se que, no começo da Primeira República, prevalece um sentido de cidadania heroica, contrastante com o Código Eleitoral de 1932 e seu princípio avesso de cidadania protegida.Palavras-chave: Primeira República. Lei Rosa e Silva. Reforma eleitoral. Voto secreto. Cidadania. HEROS OR PROTÉGÉS?: citizenship and vote in First Brazilian Republic intellectualparliamentary sceneCristina Buarque de HollandaThe aim of this article is to investigate the imagination of the first generation of republican parliamentarians in Brazil regarding the terms of political citizenship. Based on a systematic study of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies annals, this study retains itself in the process of electoral issues regulation in 1891’s constitution and in the debate around the formulation of the law Rosa e Silva, in the years of 1903 and 1904. In these two moments, the debate about the expansion or limitation of the right to vote reedited and expanded the classical frontiers of Census Suffrage (such as the literary census and the profession test). In addition, the debate acquired form in the disputes about secret or open vote and about the dislocation or not of electors for enlistment or voting in the comarcas headquarters. To the dispute about the censitary principle was added a strife about the civic nature of citizens. It is argued that in the beginning of the First Brazilian Republic a sentiment of heroic citizenship prevailed, in contrast to the Electoral Code of 1932 and its opposed principle of protégés citizenship.Keywords: First Brazilian Republic. Rosa e Silva law. Electoral reform. Secret vote. Citizenship. HÉROS OU PROTÉGÉS?: la citoyenneté et le vote dans le cadre intellectuel et parlementaire de la Première RépubliqueCristina Buarque de HollandaLe but de cet article est d’enquêter sur la conception de la première génération de parlementaires républicains au Brésil quant aux termes de citoyenneté politique. À partir d’une étude systématique des annales du Sénat et de la Chambre des Députés, nous nous sommes penchés sur le processus de réglementation des questions électorales de la Charte de 1891 et sur le débat concernant la formulation de la Loi Rosa et Silva dans les années 1903 et 1904. Ces deux périodes sont marquées par un débat sur l’expansion ou la limitation du vote qui a réédité et élargi les frontières classiques du censitarismo (avec le recensement littéraire et la preuve de la profession), sans compter qu’il a pris forme dans les disputes à propos du scrutin secret ou ouvert et du déplacement ou non des électeurs pour les inscrire sur des listes et les faire voter dans les sièges des districts. Au différend sur le principe du recensement s’est ajouté la querelle sur la nature civique des citoyens. L’argument est qu’au début de la Première République prévaut un sentiment de citoyenneté héroïque en contraste avec le Code Électoral de 1932 et son principe inverse de citoyenneté protégée.Mots-clés: Première République. Loi Rosa et Silva. Réforme électorale. Scrutin secret. Citoyenneté. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0103-49792016000200010
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Marcelli, Enrico A. y Wayne A. Cornelius. "Immigrant Voting in Home-Country Elections: Potential Consequences of Extending the Franchise to Expatriate Mexicans Residing in the United States". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 21, n.º 2 (2005): 429–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2005.21.2.429.
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Despite widespread interest in the effects of expanding expatriate Mexicans' ability to vote in the 2006 Mexican presidential election, no systematic estimates of potential participation currently exist. Applying logistic regression techniques to 2001 Los Angeles County Mexican Immigrant Residency Status Survey data and 2002 Current Population Survey data, we find that 125,000 to 360,000 (1.5–4.2 percent of ) expatriate Mexican migrants residing in the United States may vote in 2006. Migrants who are less well integrated in the United States, have a Mexican political party affiliation, or attend religious meetings more frequently are estimated to be more likely to vote. And although a minority of expatriates is likely to vote for the PAN candidate in 2006, the expatriate vote is not likely to exceed one percent of the total Mexican vote; state and local, rather than national, electoral outcomes are more likely to be influenced. Still, instituting an absentee ballot and facilitating cross-border mobility could significantly expand expatriate participation in future Mexican elections. Pese al gran interés en torno a los efectos que tendría la capacidad de los expatriados mexicanos para votar en la elección presidencial de 2006, no existen estimaciones sistemáticas de una participación potencial. Al aplicar técnicas de regresión logística a los datos que arroja el estudio del estatus de migratorio de los mexicanos en el Condado de los Ángeles, así como al Censo de Población, encontramos que entre 125,000 y 360,000 (1.5 a 4.2 por ciento) de los expatriados mexicanos que viven en Estados Unidos, podrían votar en 2006. Los migrantes que no se hallan del todo integrados en Estados Unidos, que tienen una filiación política, o bien, que asisten a congregaciones religiosas son más propensos a votar. Y, aunque resulta plausible que una minoría de expatriados vote por el candidato del PAN en 2006, el voto no excederá un punto porcentual del voto mexicano total; los resultados estatales y locales, más que nacionales, son los que se revelarán susceptibles de influencia. Aún así, la instauración de una boleta para votar a distancia, o bien, de facilidades para el cruce de la frontera podría extender la participación de los migrantes de forma significativa en las futuras elecciones mexicanas.
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Huang, Shiya. "A Review of Cross Cultural Studies on World Fandom Culture in the Context of World Cultural Diversity: Taking China and the United States as Examples". Communications in Humanities Research 32, n.º 1 (26 de abril de 2024): 126–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/32/20240025.
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While the world economy is developing rapidly, the way of information media is becoming more and more diversified, and under the multiple effects of politics, economy and culture, a new group has gradually arisen fandom. In China, fandom originates from celebrities' fan circles, a group formed spontaneously by fans for their Idol (the celebrities favored by the fan groups). This group communicates with each other on the Internet, and in reality, and helps celebrities to promote themselves, beat the charts, and vote for the celebrities. In the process of development, the radicalization of these groups and the social influence they produce cannot be underestimated. In recent years, fandom culture has been expanding and developing, and the degree of wrong value guidance and negative social influence caused by fandom culture has also been expanding. Fandom culture is a topic that has been researched extensively in China. However, it is essential to note that fandom culture is not limited to China alone. It is a global phenomenon that has influenced the cultures of various countries. The impact of fandom culture is not only limited to its sphere but can also be seen in the broader cultural environment. Therefore, cross-cultural research on fandom culture is essential to understand its influence on different cultural environments. This paper will combine the existing research results to analyze and propose the future development trend of fandom culture as a new cut, in order to provide useful reference and guidance for the benign development of fandom culture in China in the future.
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Bracalente, Bruno, Davide Pellegrino y Antonio Forcina. "Italy's disappearing ‘red regions’: a longitudinal analysis". Modern Italy 25, n.º 3 (19 de junio de 2020): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.29.
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Using an analysis of time series data over an extended period, this article describes the waning strength of the left-wing vote in Italy's ‘red regions’. By analysing changes to the provincial share of the vote for successive principal left-wing parties over the period 1953–2018, the degree of continuity in relation to the left's traditional territorial entrenchment is assessed. It becomes clear that after an extended period of minimal change, in more recent years there has been an increasing disruption of previous patterns. A thorough analysis of voter transitions during the 2001–19 period in Umbria, the first red region in which the left lost control of the regional government, shows that in this case the gradual weakening of the traditional left-wing ‘vote of belonging’ has experienced a dramatic acceleration during the more recent period. This has been expressed in a growing rate of abstention, vote-switching according to the type of electoral contest, and a marked propensity to vote for populist movements and parties on both the left and right.
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Hansen, Michael A. y Jonathan Olsen. "Pulling up the Drawbridge". German Politics and Society 38, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2020): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380205.
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The most recent scholarship on the Alternative for Germany (AfD) indicates that citizens primarily cast a vote for the party based on anti-immigrant or xenophobic attitudes. Nevertheless, prominent figures from the AfD suggest that many Germany citizens with immigrant backgrounds vote for it—an argument that has been picked up by the media. In this article, we investigate the most likely potential constituency of immigrants that might support the AfD: ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union, so-called Russian-Germans. Using the 2017 Immigrant German Election Study (imges), we find that these ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union indeed voted for the AfD in relatively large numbers when compared to the overall population. Furthermore, when predicting vote choice, we find that the main predictor of voting for the AfD among Russian-Germans is not political ideology but rather a simple hostility towards new refugees. Crucially, migrants with a Soviet background are more likely to vote for the AfD if they hold the position that there should be no economic or political refugees allowed into the country.
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Krishna, Anirudh. "What Is Happening to Caste? A View from Some North Indian Villages". Journal of Asian Studies 62, n.º 4 (noviembre de 2003): 1171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3591763.
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The role of caste in indian politics is undergoing considerable change. Caste and patron-client links have been regarded traditionally as the building blocks of political organization in India (Brass 1994; Manor 1997; Migdal 1988; Kothari 1988; Weiner 1967), and vertical and horizontal mobilizations by patrons and caste leaders, respectively, have been important influences on political outcomes (Rudolph and Rudolph 1967). There are indications, however, that the influence of patronage and caste might have declined considerably in recent years:[National-level] survey data reveal some important facts that run counter to the conventional wisdom on voter behavior. … In 1996, 75 percent of the sample said they were not guided by anyone in their voting decision. … Of the 25 percent who sought advice, only 7 percent sought it from caste and community leaders … that is, less than 2 percent of the electorate got direct advice on how to vote from caste and community leaders. … The most important survey data show the change over time. In 1971, 51 percent of the respondents agreed that it was “important to vote the way your caste/community does” (30 percent disagreed), but in 1996 the percentages were reversed: 51 percent disagreed with that statement (29 percent agreed). … In 1998, “caste and community” was seen as an issue by only 5.5 percent of the respondents in one poll … and [it] ranked last of nine issues in another. All the evidence points to the fact that these respondents are correct: members of particular castes … can be found voting for every party. … It is less and less true that knowing the caste of a voter lets you reliably predict the party he or she will vote for.(Oldenburg 1999, 13–15, emphasis in original)
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Häusner, S., K. Horas, T. Blunk y M. Herrmann. "DECIPHERING CELL–CELL INTERACTIONS OF HUMAN BONE MARROW MONONUCLEAR CELLS IN 3D CULTURE TO ENHANCE THE REGENERATIVE POTENTIAL OF BONE MARROW AUTOGRAFTS". Orthopaedic Proceedings 106-B, SUPP_1 (2 de enero de 2024): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1302/1358-992x.2024.1.134.
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Autografts containing bone marrow (BM) are current gold standard in the treatment of critical size bone defects, delayed union and bone nonunion defects. Although reaching unprecedented healing rates in bone reconstruction, the mode of action and cell-cell interactions of bone marrow mononuclear cell (BM-MNC) populations have not yet been described. BM-MNCs consist of a heterogeneous mixture of hematopoetic and non-hematopoetic lineage fractions. Cell culture in a 3D environment is necessary to reflect on the complex mix of these adherend and non-adherend cells in a physiologically relevant context. Therefore, the main aim of this approach was to establish conditions for a stable 3D BM-MNC culture to assess cellular responses on fracture healing strategies.BM samples were obtained from residual material after surgery with positive ethical vote and informed consent of the patients. BM-MNCs were isolated by density gradient centrifugation, and cellular composition was determined by flow cytometry to obtain unbiased data sets on contained cell populations. Collagen from rat tail and human fibrin was used to facilitate a 3D culture environment for the BM-MNCs over a period of three days. Effects on cellular composition that could improve the regenerative potential of BM-MNCs within the BM autograft were assessed using flow cytometry. Cell-cell-interactions were visualized using confocal microscopy over a period of 24 hours. Cell localization and interaction partners were characterized using immunofluorescence labeled paraffin sectioning.Main BM-MNC populations like Monocytes, Macrophages, T cells and endothelial progenitor cells were determined and could be conserved in 3D culture over a period of three days. The 3D cultures will be further treated with already clinically available reagents that lead to effects even within a short-term exposure to stimulate angiogenic, osteogenic or immunomodulatory properties. These measures will help to ease the translation from “bench to bedside” into an intraoperative protocol in the end.
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Olsen, Jonathan. "The Left Party and the AfD". German Politics and Society 36, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2018): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360104.
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In the 2017 German Federal Election. The Left Party (Die Linke, or LP) saw its vote share in eastern Germany seriously erode. The main culprit behind the LP’s losses was the Alternative for Germany (AfD): 430,000 voters who cast their ballots for the LP in 2013 voted for the AfD in 2017. Why was this the case? This article suggests that the AfD in 2017 was able to attract protest voters, largely in eastern Germany, dissatisfied with the state of democracy and the political establishment in Germany who once voted for the LP. The LP and AfD have become eastern German populist competitors.
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Patton, David F. "Catalysts for Change". German Politics and Society 40, n.º 3 (1 de septiembre de 2022): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400304.
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In 2021, the small parties continued their electoral ascent in Germany. For the first time they received more votes than did the cdu/csu and the spd. Three finished with a double-digit result, and the combined vote share of the top two small parties exceeded that of the largest vote-getter. After the election, a novel three-party coalition arose at the national level. This resulted in a centrist alternative to grand coalitions and converted the electoral gains of the small parties into increased policymaking influence for the Greens and the fdp. This article considers the impact of the small parties, analyzes their success in 2021, and examines the campaigns, results, and prospects of Alliance 90/The Greens, the Free Democratic Party, the Alternative for Germany, and the Left Party.
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Abdyldaeva, Nargiza y Kanybek Sarymsakov. "THE PROBLEM WITH THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC – THE ELECTORAL CULTURE OF THE VOTER". Alatoo Academic Studies 22, n.º 2 (30 de junio de 2022): 193–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2022.222.24.
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Since 2015, the Kyrgyz Republic has introduced a new model into the electoral system, thereby eliminating many types of fraud. For example, falsification of the election results took place, bypassing the voters themselves, by the following methods: carousel – when the same person voted many times; dead souls – there were citizens on the voter list who were miraculously healed during the electoral period; dumping of ballots – “skillful hands” members of the precinct commission. After the introduction of the new model, all of the above-overpowered types of falsification have exhausted themselves, but the issue of voter culture has become an urgent issue today, and the way to solve it lies in the systematic work of all state bodies.
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Cloonan, Martin y John Street. "Rock the Vote: Popular Culture and Politics". Politics 18, n.º 1 (febrero de 1998): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00058.
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Rock the Vote was founded in 1996 as an attempt to exploit popular culture to boost political participation. Using pop musicians and comedians, it attempted to encourage young people to take part in politics. This article examines the formation of Rock the Vote, and explores its implications for the character of contemporary politics. It argues that Rock the Vote has to be understood not only as part of a larger shift in the nature of political campaigning and communication, but also as a response to the mutual needs of political parties and the popular culture industry. Rock the vote is both a symptom of new forms of campaigning and also a pragmatic solution to particular political problems.
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Black, Amy y Stephen Brooke. "The Labour Party, Women, and the Problem of Gender, 1951–1966". Journal of British Studies 36, n.º 4 (octubre de 1997): 419–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386144.
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Following the 1966 General Election, the Labour Party's Home Policy Committee observed that the party had, “for the first time, obtained a majority of the female vote” and remarked, “it would be very satisfactory if we could retain it.” Two years later, the Report of the Committee of Enquiry into Party Organisation emphasized the “imperative that the Party concerns itself with how to win much more support among women.” These comments not only betrayed a serious weakness in Labour's electoral support between 1951 and 1966 but also acknowledged an important lacuna in its broader political outlook.Given the party's electoral difficulties in the period after 1951, the first concern was particularly apposite. Beatrix Campbell, Nicky Hart, and Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska have underlined the importance of this gender gap favoring the Conservatives after 1950 (see fig. 1). In the elections of 1951 and 1955, for example, Labour's vote among women lagged twelve and thirteen percentage points behind that of the Conservatives. Only in two elections between 1945 and 1970 did Labour enjoy leads among female voters, and these were much less substantial than those held by the Conservatives in 1951, 1955, 1959, and 1964. In rough numerical terms, this difference was potentially very significant. In 1951, for instance, women made up approximately 51.9 percent of the population of England, Scotland, and Wales and roughly 53.8 percent of those of voting age. With an electorate of 28.5 million, this meant a possible political advantage for the Conservatives of 1.2 million votes in an electoral contest where there were only .2 million votes between the two parties.
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Baron, Jonathan. "The ‘culture of honor’ in citizens’ concepts of their duty as voters". Rationality and Society 24, n.º 1 (febrero de 2012): 37–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463111434703.
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Web studies explored citizens’ concepts of their duty as voters and their choices concerning actual policies. Some people see a moral duty to support their group (their nation) regardless of harmful effects on outsiders. One study supports the hypothesis that this duty avoids betrayal of the nation, which they see as granting the right to vote for the purpose of advancing national interest. Some also see a duty to defend their self-interest through voting; many think this is a rational way to pursue their interests. Another justification is, “If [the voter] does not look out for her own interests, nobody else will.” I hypothesize a norm of responsibility for self-defense, part of the “culture of honor” (Cohen and Nisbett, 1994) in all of us. Yet politics is by design an inefficient way to pursue self-interest, although it is efficient for advancing the good of all.
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Gita Wibowo, Tifanny Aurelia, Siti Khumayah y Aghnia Dian Lestari. "Behavior And Culture of Novice Voters in Regional Leader Elections". Jurnal Polisci 2, n.º 3 (11 de diciembre de 2024): 180–89. https://doi.org/10.62885/polisci.v2i3.552.
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This research aims to explore the behavioral patterns and political culture of novice voters in determining their preferences in the 2024 Regional Leader Election (Pilkada). Novice voters are interesting subject to study because they are an important target for candidates in winning votes. Using qualitative research methods supported by relevant literature and data analysis carried out descriptively using cognitive response theory. This research provides insight into how rationality and social context shape voter behavior. The research results show the enthusiasm of students at SMAN 1 Sindang, Indramayu Regency in participating in the general election. As voters, they show opportunistic political behavior which is characterized by a tendency to change and choose to follow their parents’ choice, and they focus more on practical considerations such as giving money and candidate’s background. However, they will still participate in casting their votes for the candidate they like. In hope is that, the novice voters will become more involved in political activities while managing time for their education and political participation. Keyword: Novice voters, 2024 regional leader elections, cognitive responses, behavior and political culture.
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García Canclini, Néstor. "Disposal and Reinvention: Citizenship in an Era of Electronic Capitalism". Open Cultural Studies 2, n.º 1 (1 de noviembre de 2018): 273–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0025.
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Abstract Ever since the expansion of video-politics, television canalises citizens' criticism and demands regarding political authorities, conceiving of citizens as spectators. Social networks magnify this type of involvement, promising horizontality and social cohesion. Political parties have become reduced to elites that distribute power and benefits among themselves, disengaging from voters, except during electoral periods. Our opinions and behaviours are captured by algorithms and subject to globalised forces. The public space where citizenship should be exercised is becoming opaque and distant. Citizenship is radically diminishing while some social movements are reinventing themselves and winning sectorial battles: for human rights, for gender equality, against authoritarianism. Yet the neoliberal approach to technology maintains and deepens greater inequalities. What are the alternatives to this dispossession? Hackers and dissenters? What is the role of the vote in a State-society relationship reprogrammed by technologies and the market?
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Kopstein, Jeffrey S. y Jason Wittenberg. "Who Voted Communist? Reconsidering the Social Bases of Radicalism in Interwar Poland". Slavic Review 62, n.º 1 (2003): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090468.
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Research on the sources of support for the communists in interwar Poland has emphasized the role of ethnic minorities, especially the Jews. To what degree did Poland's national minorities vote for the Communist Party? Using census data and electoral returns on interwar Poland's 2*72 districts, as well as a new technique for inferring individual level behavior from aggregate level data, Jeffrey Kopstein and Jason Wittenberg generate reliable estimates of ethnic group voting behavior for the Sejm elections of 1922 and 1928. The results show that it is incorrect to speak of a unified minority vote. Communist parties received disproportionate support from Belarusans. By 1928 Ukrainians voted overwhelming for ethnonational parties. The bulk of Jews drifted into establishment politics, disproportionately supporting the pro-government bloc. Contrary to the myth of the “Jewish communist,” Jews provided only a small fraction of the electoral support for the communist parties. The evidence shows that not only were the overwhelming number of Jews not communist supporters but the vast majority of communist voters were not Jews.
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Bona, Nivea Canalli y Andrew Ó Baoill. "Buskers in Galway: Not in the European Capital of Culture (ECoC) 2020 neither on the streets". Journal of Alternative & Community Media 8, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2023): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jacm_00123_1.
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This article is about the communication of buskers (locals or not) in Galway – Ireland, and how they self-organized to participate in the European Capital of Culture (ECoC) in 2020 and to fight by-laws voted to regulate their work in December 2019. The research question was: how did the buskers in Galway organize themselves and use ‘radical’ communication to establish their position in the face of ECoC for 2020, the by-laws and the COVID-19 pandemic? Data was gathered by carrying out six in-depth interviews and 21 surveys with buskers that were in the streets of Galway in September 2021. Results showed that Buskers in Galway consider that ECoC did not truly take place in the city. We also understood that if there was a buskers’ ‘movement’ against the by-laws, it was limited to the time of the council vote.
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Alamillo, Rudy. "HISPANICS PARA TRUMP?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, n.º 2 (2019): 457–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000328.
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AbstractLittle has been written about the Hispanic Americans who voted for Donald Trump. Despite his comments about Mexicans and immigrants, data suggest that Trump performed as well or better than Mitt Romney among Hispanic voters. Using the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, this paper examines Hispanic support for Trump by looking at traditional predictors of vote choice such as party identification and ideology, as well as a novel measure of racism: denial of racism. This paper finds that, like non-Hispanic Whites, Hispanics higher in denial of racism were more likely to vote Trump in 2016, as well as for Romney in the 2012 election. In addition, denial of racism is the strongest predictor of support for Trump among Hispanics, above even party identification and ideology. This suggests that while Trump’s rhetoric may not appeal to most Hispanic voters, it strongly appeals to those that hold disproportionately high levels of denial of racism. I offer some theoretical reasons for these findings and discuss the role that denial of racism plays in predicting voting behavior.
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Schill, Dan y Rita Kirk. "Angry, Passionate, and Divided: Undecided Voters and the 2016 Presidential Election". American Behavioral Scientist 61, n.º 9 (21 de mayo de 2017): 1056–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217709040.
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During the primary and general election, researchers Schill and Kirk collected focus group insights on how undecided voters came to make choices in the 2016 election. As consultants for CNN’s election coverage, the team researched voters from across the nation—in the early primary states to the conventions and general election. After a review of factors that influence vote choice, this article focuses on the dominant expressions of attitude (pain, loss, joy, nostalgia, pleasure, belonging, and anger) during 2016 election period and explains how voter attitudes toward those themes affected voter choice. Not only were these themes manifested in (un)civil discourse, they were often fueled by the campaigns. Importantly, these assessments come from the voters themselves and provide insights as to how the campaigns unfolded and how campaign messages attempted to influence voters.
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Wiliarty, Sarah y Louise K. Davidson-Schmich. "Introduction". German Politics and Society 38, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380101.
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With its 5 percent electoral threshold, constitutional goal of creating a “wehrhafte Demokratie,” (defensive democracy) and the Christian Democrats’ goal of never allowing a party to their right, the Federal Republic has long seemed immune to the rise of a national-level, populist far-right party. In September 2017, however, Germany joined most European countries when the Alternative for Germany (AfD) entered the Bundestag with over 12 percent of the popular vote. By 2020, the party was represented in all state legislatures in the country and its votes briefly helped elect a state level chief executive in Thuringia.
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Tager, Michael. "Expatriates and Elections". Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, n.º 1 (marzo de 2006): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.1.35.
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This article offers an analysis of an important aspect of transnational politics: emigrants’ participation by voting in the elections that take place in their countries of origin. In the past few decades, an increasing number of countries have allowed their expatriates to vote in such home state elections. Expatriate voting might be considered a form of transnational politics, or political globalization, or a way to adjust democracy to conditions of greater human mobility. Italy and Mexico recently enfranchised their expatriate citizens, and expatriates fi rst voted in the elections of 2006 in both countries. Tager’s article examines the different electoral mechanisms the two countries established to accommodate expatriate citizens, the procedures they enacted for registration, and the similarities and differences between the expected and actual impact that expatriate voters had on the 2006 elections in Italy and Mexico. Using the Italian and Mexican cases, Tager explores reasons for the trend toward allowing expatriates to vote and also evaluates the implications for democratic practice in having relatively large transnational populations potentially deciding the outcome of elections in countries in which they no longer reside.
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Engel, Ulf. "Zupta's Next Nightmare: The South African Local Government Elections of 3 August 2016". Africa Spectrum 51, n.º 2 (agosto de 2016): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100207.
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On 3 August 2016 South Africa held its fifth local government elections (LGE) since the end of Apartheid in 1994. Against a backdrop of increasing political frustration with the ruling party's poor performance and continued debates about corruption and cronyism in the highest government circles, the African National Congress (ANC) maintained its dominant position but lost 8 per cent of the aggregate vote (53.91 per cent). The Democratic Alliance (DA) gained some 3 per cent (26.89 per cent) of the vote, and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), first-time LGE campaigners, garnered 8.02 per cent. Importantly, the ANC lost control of three of the seven big metropolitan municipalities it had previously held. Since there was no clear-cut majority in four of the eight metros, coalition politics and the art of compromise will become a major feature of South African politics in the coming years. The elections were highly competitive and considered free and fair. At 57.97 per cent, voter turnout was slightly higher than in 2011.
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Zaborowski, Marcin. "Postal ballot in unconsolidated democracy: Poland's case". Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 15, n.º 3 (18 de mayo de 2021): 360–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-09-2020-0278.
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Purpose As the democratic world debates and in some cases replaces physical voting with postal ballots and on-line voting, it is important to refrain from advocating a generic approach to the issue and in particular to distinguish between consolidated and unconsolidated democracies. Design/methodology/approach The paper argues that unconsolidated democracies are not fit for the introduction of non-physical (postal ballot and on-line) voting methods, which rather than broadening the scope of democracy may in actual fact be derailing it. The key reason for this distinction is the lack of political consensus for constitutional rules, the weakness of the rule of law and persistence of parochial and subject-based political cultures in many countries of the region, including Poland. Findings Replacing physical voting with postal ballot, attempted during Presidential elections in the summer 2020 in Poland, eventually failed and was replaced with conventional physical vote. However, the Polish case demonstrates that in the system with weak checks and balances, postal ballot could be used to consolidate illiberalism not democracy. Research limitations/implications The paper demonstrates that further research on defining consolidated and unconsolidated democracy is needed. In particular there is a need to factor in the research on political culture into the definitions of democratic consolidation. Practical implications EU membership for Poland and some other Central European states – such as Hungary – failed to prompt the process of democratic consolidation. In fact the opposite happened as the impact of EU conditionality lost relevance. It is important that any change of electoral law in Poland and other rule of law violators in the region is viewed with great care and scrutiny. Originality/value The paper’s conceptual approach rests on the definition of consolidated democracy as put forward by Przeworski (1991) and developed by Linz and Stepan (1996). According to these definitions, Poland is not yet a consolidated democracy and as argued in the paper, it has actually experienced an expansion of illiberalism in recent years. The paper also posits that the concept of “consolidated democracy” should be augmented to include the existence of civic political culture as a necessary condition for the maintenance of a healthy democracy.
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STRNAD, Grażyna. "Feminizm amerykański trzeciej fali – zmiana i kontynuacja". Przegląd Politologiczny, n.º 2 (2 de noviembre de 2018): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.2.2.
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The history of American women fighting for equal rights dates back to the 18th century, when in Boston, in 1770, they voiced the demand that the status of women be changed. Abigail Adams, Sarah Grimke, Angelina Grimke and Frances Wright are considered to have pioneered American feminism. An organized suffrage movement is assumed to have originated at the convention Elizabeth Stanton organized in Seneca Falls in 1848. This convention passed a Declaration of Sentiments, which criticized the American Declaration of Independence as it excluded women. The most prominent success achieved in this period was the US Congress passing the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution granting women the right to vote. The 1960s saw the second wave of feminism, resulting from disappointment with the hitherto promotion of equality. The second-wave feminists claimed that the legal reforms did not provide women with the changes they expected. As feminists voiced the need to feminize the world, they struggled for social customs to change and gender stereotypes to be abandoned. They criticized the patriarchal model of American society, blaming this model for reducing the social role of women to that of a mother, wife and housewife. They pointed to patriarchal ideology, rather than nature, as the source of the inequality of sexes. The leading representatives of the second wave of feminism were Betty Friedan (who founded the National Organization for Women), Kate Millet (who wrote Sexual Politics), and Shulamith Firestone (the author of The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution). The 1990s came to be called the third wave of feminism, characterized by multiple cultures, ethnic identities, races and religions, thereby becoming a heterogenic movement. The third-wave feminists, Rebecca Walker and Bell Hooks, represented groups of women who had formerly been denied the right to join the movement, for example due to racial discrimination. They believed that there was not one ‘common interest of all women’ but called for leaving no group out in the fight for the equality of women’s rights. They asked that the process of women’s emancipation that began with the first wave embrace and approve of the diversity of the multiethnic American society.
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Knight, Lania. "Cervantes, the Journey, and What it Tells Us About Becoming a Writer". Open Cultural Studies 1, n.º 1 (20 de diciembre de 2017): 391–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2017-0036.
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Abstract The article traces the notion of empathy in fiction writing and how Cervantes’s treatment of characters in Don Quixote initiated a tradition which is ongoing in literature even today. The path of the writer is examined as a means for understanding how a writer must develop empathy for others, beginning with quotes from writers Helene Cixous and Henry James. Next, within the current political context of global upheaval and shift following on from the election of Donald Trump as president of the U.S.A. as well as the vote for Brexit in the U.K., the article argues for the relevance of Cervantes’s novel, not as a dated work of fiction, but as a text relevant both in form and in content for the modern political climate. Finally, the connection is made between fiction writers’ ability to feel empathy for others and create characters which readers will feel empathy for. The article follows on to proclaim the revolutionary and timely role of the fiction writer to help save us from ourselves in a tumultuous political landscape made unpredictable by social media-generated confirmation bias and insularity.
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KOCH, INSA. "What's in a vote? Brexit beyond culture wars". American Ethnologist 44, n.º 2 (27 de abril de 2017): 225–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/amet.12472.
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Levine, Kenneth J. "Understanding the Stories of Presidential Candidates: A Comparison Between the Stories of 2012 and 2016". American Behavioral Scientist 61, n.º 9 (10 de mayo de 2017): 1024–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217709041.
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To be elected President of the United States, a candidate must create a story that both resonates with and persuades the electorate. Gardner suggested that “leaders achieve their effectiveness chiefly through the stories they relate” and that there are three types of leadership stories: Ordinary, Innovative and Visionary. The differences between the 2012 and 2016 U.S. Presidential elections are extreme. As the 2016 election was one of unusual and unexpected moments as compared with the more tame and typical election in 2012, this study compared the stories of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump with those of the 2012 election between Mitt Romney and Barack Obama. Results from the 2012 election found that Romney’s story fit into the category of Ordinary leader, while Obama’s story was one attributed to an Innovative leader. T tests found large and significant differences between candidate preference and story credibility and whether the stories motivated the respondents to vote. However, for the 2016 election, both candidates had innovative stories, and this may explain how one candidate won the popular vote, while the other received the majority of electoral votes.