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Seror, Avner. "Essays on Political Economy and Cultural Evolution". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH028/document.
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Cette dissertation est composée de trois articles traitant de sujets divers. Le premier développe une théorie sur la transmission de normes culturelles. Le second article traite de l'évolution des doctrines religieuses dans une économie productive. Enfin, le dernier article de cette dissertation est un travail joint avec Thierry Verdier. L'article propose une nouvelle approche des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats. Cette problématique de recherche est importante non seulement quant à sa complexité théorique, mais aussi parce qu'elle permet d'étudier relativement simplement la structure des marchés politiques.Le premier article présente une théorie sur le développement de l'enfant et les pratiques parentales. Dans le modèle, un parent cherche à transmettre des normes comportementales à son enfant en lui envoyant des signaux, que l'enfant observe de manière imparfaite. L'enfant peut cependant augmenter la qualité des signaux qu'il reçoit en investissant dans l'acquisition de compétences cognitives.Nous établissons que les styles parentaux autoritaires ou permissifs décroissent l'accumulation de compétences cognitives. De plus, puisque les interactions entre parents et enfants visent à transmettre des normes comportementales, l'enfant développe un capital d'appréciation pour le développement de compétences cognitives.Notre perspective culturelle sur la question du développement cognitif fournit une grille d'interprétation utile pour divers résultats établis dans la littérature empirique sur le développement de l'enfant.Le second article propose une théorie de la prohibition religieuse contre l'usure et l'innovation et ses conséquences sur les activités et les occupations économiques.Comme une interdiction économique provenant de la religion majoritaire est soutenue par un risque d'exclusion sociale de ce groupe culturel, elle a moins d'effets sur les minorités religieuses. Cela implique que seules les minorités religieuses choisissent des activités qui vont à l'encontre de la prohibition à l'équilibre.Dans le dernier article, nous présentons une théorie micro-fondée de la concurrence politique à plusieurs candidats prenant une perspective ``d'organisation industrielle" de la politique. Nous présentons d'abord un modèle de vote aléatoire qui utilise des distributions introduites par le mathématicien français Maurice Fréchet et qui portent son nom. Ces distributions permettent d'exprimer les parts de vote des différents candidats comme des ``contest functions'', ce qui permet d'établir un théorème d'existence et d'unicité d'un équilibre des stratégies politiques dans des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats.Le cadre analytique s'avère suffisamment souple pour traiter plusieurs applications sur des thèmes liés à la structure endogène des marchés politiques. Nous montrons en particulier que le degré d'information des électeurs sur les plateformes ainsi que les campagnes médiatiques impliquent un degré de fragmentation politique plus faibleThe first chapter of this dissertation presents a theory of child development and parental rearingpractices. In the model, a benevolent parent seeks to transmit cultural norms to her child, whoacquires cognitive skills and develops a capital of appreciation for adopting behaviors that accordwith these norms. Our cultural perspective on the issue of cognitive development provides aninterpretation grid for various results established in the empirical literature. It also permits to identifythe parental characteristics that are conducive to various parenting styles, to child neglect and tochild maltreatment.The second chapter provides a theory of religious prohibition against usury and innovation and itsconsequences on economic activities and occupations. As an economic prohibition from themajority religion is sustained by a threat of social exclusion from that cultural group, it has lesseffects on religious minorities. It then creates an occupational pattern where only the religiousminorities choose activities that transgress the prohibition. By creating resentment against thereligious minorities, this occupational pattern strengthens the diffusion of the majority religion in thepopulation. An economic prohibition is then instigated by the clerics in the majority religion,because it allows them to consolidate their norms and to increase the scope of their control overpopular masses. This work also demonstrates that an economic prohibition lasts longer whenreligious clerics can legitimize secular rulers and when the competition on the religious market isweaker.In the last chapter, we present a microfounded theory of multi-candidate political competition takingan "industrial organization" perspective of politics. The analytical framework is shown to be exibleenough to address several applications on the topics of special interest politics, coalition formationin the legislature in proportional elections, and redistribution under alternative electoral rules
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Mikl-Horke, Gertraude. "Diffusion of conceptions of the enterprise as an aspect of globalization. A political/cultural perspective". WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2002. http://epub.wu.ac.at/888/1/document.pdf.
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Diffusionsprozesse im Zusammenhang von Unternehmenskonzepten sind eine Facette der Globalisierung, an der die Wechselbeziehung von globalen und lokalen Kulturelementen verdeutlicht werden kann. Dabei geht es um die Identifizierung der Akteure, die diesen Diffusionsprozeß aktiv bestimmen, und um die Ermittlung des Verlaufs des Prozesses der institutionellen und kulturellen Aneignung und deren Folgen. Die interkulturelle Verbreitung von Prinzipien und Konzepten der Unternehmensführung und Geschäftsgebarung wird als Ausdruck und Resultat von Ideologien, Strategien und Aktionen transnationaler, aber dennoch kulturell eingebetteter Akteure verstanden. Als theoretische Perspektive wird ein Ansatz vorgeschlagen, der es erlaubt, sowohl Aktionen als auch Strukturen zu berücksichtigen. Dieser Anforderung kommt etwa die politisch- kulturelle Perspektive, wie sie Neil Fligstein im Rahmen der neuen Wirtschaftssoziologie anwendet, sehr entgegen. Bei Fligstein bezieht sich die politische Dimension in erster Linie auf das Staatshandeln; dies muß für die gegenständliche Untersuchung auf inter- und transnationale Akteure erweitert werden. Die Diffusion konkreter Unternehmenskonzepte wird aus dieser Sicht als politischer, von kollektiven Akteuren bestimmter, sowie als kultureller Prozeß verstanden. Macht und Legitimität sind die Instrumente oder Medien, die ihn bestimmen. Die Macht und der Einfluß der Akteure bei der Verbreitung dieser Konzepte, wobei sowohl Unternehmen als auch Staaten eine Rolle spielen, und die Bedingungen der Legitimität, also die Voraussetzungen, die für die Akzeptanz dieser Konzepte auch bei Arbeitnehmern, Konsumenten, Zulieferern, etc. und in der Öffentlichkeit verantwortlich sind, stellen die Objektbereiche einer derartigen Untersuchung dar. Die Übernahme von Unternehmenskonzepten resultiert in Handlungsweisen und Entscheidungsprinzipien, die über die Wirtschaftspraxis auch in institutionellen Strukturen ihren Niederschlag finden, und die darüber hinaus Vorstellungen und Rhetoriken und damit auch kulturelle Strukturen verändern. Ist ein Unternehmenskonzept einmal eingeführt, führt es zu strukturellen und institutionellen Veränderungen, die seine Legitimität über die jeweiligen Unternehmensgrenzen hinaus begründen. (Autorenref., bearb. v. M.Putz)Series: WU-Jahrestagung 2002
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Maume, Patrick. "Aspects of Irish nationalist political culture 1900-18". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286776.
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Cordiner, Tom Stuart. "Zionism and aspects of British political culture since 1945". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648164.
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El-Rayes, Waseem. "The political aspects of Ibn Khaldun's study of culture and history". College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8529.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Gandhi, Ashu. "Some aspects of political culture and political development in India and Pakistan, a comparative study". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq24586.pdf.
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Greene, Brian W. "State identity, foreign policy, and systemic norm diffusion : towards humanitarian intervention". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84511.
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This dissertation explores the complex relationship between state identity, foreign policy, and systemic norm diffusion. Based on an empirical examination of the international military response to the humanitarian crises associated with the Yugoslav wars of secession (1991--1995), Somali civil war and famine (1991--1993), Rwandan genocide (1994), and Zairian refugee crisis (1996), I contend that a state's foreign policy is primarily a product of its international identity. The country case studies (Canada, France, and the United States) are not merely isolated narratives. Drawing on the logic of 'system effects' analysis, with its emphasis on the role of feedback and indirect effects, I then situate each state within the larger systemic narrative, highlighting the systemic normative consequences of each state's policy choices. In addition to demonstrating that states from outside the great power club can exert significant international normative influence (a heretofore unexplored phenomenon), the study paints a much clearer picture than presently exists about the possibilities for, and limits to, ethical normative evolution in world politics.
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Boberg, Per. "Translating Political Text : Cultural and Stylistic Aspects of Translating the American Republican Party's 2004 Political Platform". Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2375.
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The present paper discusses the cultural and stylistic issues in the translation of a part of the 2004 Republican Party Platform. Political text in American English and Swedish is in focus, and translation examples are accounted for and categorised according to Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1995) system theory of translation procedures. The conclusion is that cultural issues caused fewer problems than stylistic ones when the Republican Party Platform 2004 was translated.
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宮翠棉 y Chui-min Koon. "The politics of popular culture: a study of aHong Kong comic strip, McMug". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43894884.
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莫詠儀 y Wing-yee Heronie Mok. "De-institutionalizing culture: a study of there-institutionalization of the cultural apparatuses of Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966937.
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Lutes, Todd Oakley. "Shipwreck and deliverance: Modernity and political culture in Latin American literature". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187249.
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This study examines the political theory of modernity as it appears in the work of contemporary Latin American writers and thinkers (pensadores). It is designed to help bridge the gap that separates the North American and European dialogue on modernity from the parallel dialogue on modernity currently flourishing in Latin America. The dialogues are brought together in two ways. First, the theory of modernity, which is still often thought to apply only or primarily to the developed world, is subjected to the challenge of the Latin American political and cultural context. Many features of the theory are found to apply equally well to both cultures, and these features provide the basis for the second "bridging" of the two dialogues, in which some of the most interesting Latin American responses to the problems of modernity are brought to the attention of North American and European political scholars. After reviewing the problem of modernity in some depth, the work of Jose Ortega y Gasset is presented both as a link to German philosophical thought and as a pattern for subsequent discussion of modernity in the Spanish-speaking world. Ortega's uniquely Latin way of understanding modernity is then compared to other philosophical approaches, and placed within the context of political literature in Latin America. Literature is shown to be a uniquely suitable forum for conveying Ortega's approach to modernity because it expresses in itself the central role of arts and culture in his political thought. The balance of the study focuses on the works of three contemporary Latin American authors: Octavio Paz of Mexico, Gabriel Garcia Marquez of Colombia, and Mario Vargas Llosa of Peru. Each author's major works are placed within the context of the model Latin American response to modernity inspired by Ortega and analyzed for significant contributions to the discussion of modernity. Their most important insights center around the need to assimilate the value of tradition in a new approach to modernity by means of some form of democratic dialogue combined with critical appreciation for the cultural uniqueness of nations.
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Signorello, Rosario. "La voix charismatique : aspects psychologiques et caractéristiques acoustiques". Thesis, Grenoble, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014GRENL004/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur la voix charismatique dans le cadre du leadership politique. L'hypothèse générale est que le locuteur-leader utilise sa voix selon deux fonctions. Une fonction primaire, biologique, qui est d'utiliser les modulations de fréquence fondamentale pour être reconnu comme le leader du groupe. Une fonction secondaire, apprise et dépendante de la langue parlée et de la culture d'appartenance, qui est de modifier la qualité de la voix pour véhiculer différents traits et types de charisme dans le but de persuader l'auditoire et atteindre certains buts. La première étape a été de décrire le phénomène du charisme avec une théorie socio-cognitive qui distingue le charisme de l'esprit (la pensée, les actions et le visionnarisme du leader exprimés à travers le langage écrit et verbal) du charisme du corps (tout comportement non verbal utilisé pour exprimer son message ainsi que ses affects et émotions). De plus, des recherches empiriques ont permit de récolter des adjectifs décrivant les traits positifs et négatifs du charisme propres au français, à l'italien et au portugais brésilien. Enfin, un outil appelé MASCharP a été développé pour évaluer les traits du charisme d'un individu à partir de tout comportement perceptible. La deuxième étape d'étude concerne la description acoustique et perceptive de la voix charismatique. Une première phase a consisté à créer des profils vocaux des leaders masculins français, italiens et portugais brésiliens, dans le but de représenter l'extension vocale du leader lors de différents contextes de communication (formels vs. informels). Les profils vocaux montrent l'adoption, par les leaders, d'une stratégie vocale liée au contexte de communication et à leur stratégie persuasive. Ces résultats montrent des similarités inter-langagières et culturelles du comportement vocal entre leaders. La deuxième phase expérimentale sur la voix charismatique démontre l'influence de la qualité de voix des phrases sur la perception de différents types et attributs du leadership charismatique. Le locuteur-leader utilise sa production vocale pour être reconnu comme le leader du groupe. Ceci est valable dans tous les contextes de communication formels où le leader doit exprimer son leadership et a un but persuasif à atteindre. S'il veut soumettre les membres du groupe et souhaite apparaître comme un leader dominant ou menaçant, il utilise une fréquence fondamentale basse associée à des types phonatoires comme le creaky. S'il veut être perçu comme un leader sincère, calme et rassurant, il utilise une fréquence fondamentale plus haute associée à sa voix modale, évitant des types de phonation comme le harsh. Cela est la fonction primaire de la voix charismatique. Enfin, ces travaux de recherche montrent que les traits du leader charismatique, dans le discours politique, sont filtrés par le contexte langagier et culturel d'interaction partagé entre leader et partisans. L'utilisation de la voix pour véhiculer différents types de charisme, caractérises par des attributs différents, est filtrée par la langue et la culture qui favorisent l'émergence de comportements vocaux charismatiques, prototypiques et qui correspondent à l'attente inhérente de l'auditoire. Cela est la fonction secondaire de la voix charismatiqueThis dissertation analyzes the charismatic voice in the context of political leadership. It is shown that the speaker-leader uses his/her voice based on two functions. The primary function is biological and consists of manipulating changes in fundamental frequency in order to be recognized as the leader of the group. The secondary function is learned and dependent upon the language spoken and the culture that one belongs to, and consists of changing voice quality in order to convey different traits and types of charisma. These functions are employed in order to persuade an audience and achieve certain goals. The phenomenon of charisma is first addressed through social-cognitive theory that distinguishes charisma of the mind (the leader's thought, actions, and vision expressed through written and spoken language) from charisma of the body (all non-verbal behaviors used for expressing one's message, affects, and emotions. Certain adjectives were established through empirical research to describe positive and negative traits in French, Italian, and Brazilian Portuguese speech. The tool MASCharP (Multi-dimensional Adjective-based Scale of Charisma Perception) was then developed in order to evaluate the charismatic traits of an individual's perceptible behavior. The study then establishes an acoustic and perceptual description of the charismatic voice. Speech range profiles are created for French, Italian, and Brazilian male leaders in order to represent the leaders' vocal extension in different communication contexts (formal vs. informal). The voice profiles demonstrate how the leaders adopt a particular vocal strategy related to the communication context as well as the leaders' persuasive strategy. These results show cross-language and cross-cultural similarities in leaders' vocal behavior. The following experimental phase demonstrates the influence of voice quality on the perception of different types and attributes of charismatic leadership. The speaker-leader uses his vocal production to be recognized as the leader of a group. This is true for all formal communication contexts wherein the leader must express his leadership and has a persuasive goal to achieve. If he wants to submit group members and hopes to appear as a dominant or threatening leader, the leader uses a low fundamental frequency associated with phonatory types such as creaky voice. If he wants to be perceived as a sincere, calm, and reassuring, he uses a higher fundamental frequency associated with his modal voice, avoiding phonatory types such as harsh voice. This is the primary function of the charismatic voice. Lastly, this study shows that, in political discourse, the traits of a charismatic leader are filtered by the language and cultural context of the interaction. The secondary function of the charismatic voice is therefore addressed: the use of one's voice for conveying different types of charisma, as characterized by varying attributes, is filtered through the language and culture that favor certain charismatic vocal behaviors which serve as prototypes that correspond to the audience's inherent expectations
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Pignon, Freddy. "La Gaelic athletic association, 1884-1916 : étude de la fonction politico-culturelle des sports gaéliques dans la diffusion du nationalisme irlandais". Caen, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002CAEN1360.
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Le nationalisme culturel inclut une dimension politique. Par son évocation d'une civilisation disparue, il favorise une prise de conscience de son identité particulière et conduit ainsi à la volonté de rassembler la communauté nationale sous la protection d'un Etat autonome. Cette prise de conscience ne va cependant pas de soi lorsque l'éveil culturel se limite à l'élite cultivée ; d' où l'intérêt de faire renaître d'anciens jeux traditionnels afin de mobiliser les masses et de susciter un sentiment national. A cet égard, la fondation de la Gaelic Athletic Association à la fin du 19ème siècle contribua sans aucun doute à la diffusion du nationalisme irlandais. Il apparaît malgré tout qu'elle ne pouvait échapper à l'influence des sports britanniques, alors en pleine expansion, le modèle même qu'elle était supposée rejeter. En dépit de l'origine ancestrale attribuée aux jeux traditionnels gaéliques, leur modernisation constituait une étape obligée si les leaders nationalistes voulaient assurer leur popularité et utiliser ainsi la GAA pour faire avancer leur cause. Mais pour que le mouvement nationaliste profite vraiment de cet atout, encore fallait-il que l'association sportive reste fidèle aux principes du nationalisme culturel, à l'abri des considérations de partis.
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Leufstadius, Savannah. "Sanningskommissioners nya spridningsvägar : En kvantitativ studie om kultur som förklaring till sanningskommissioners globala spridning". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-186528.
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This study presents a quantitative study that aims to examine culture as an explanation for the global diffusion of truth commissions. The study is based on the diffusion theory's assumption that cultural equality between countries has a greater significance for the dissemination of truth commissions than geographical proximity. The study will, through a quantitative multivariate analysis, examine correlations between Hofstede's cultural dimensions as the study's theoretical framework and countries that establish truth commissions. The results shows that cultural similarity as an explanation for the spread of truth commissions can be considered better than previous theoretical assumptions. In addition, the results of this study shows that two of Hofstede's cultural dimensions correlate with the establishment of truth commissions. These are long- vs. short-term orientation and indulgence vs restraint. Analysis of the results shows that countries that establish truth commissions have a shorter time orientation and a high degree of indulgence. Additionally, the thesis adds another dimension of the theory and a more in depth understanding of which cultural factors stand as responsible for the diffusion of truth commissions globally.
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Dinan, William. "Lobbying and devolution : policy and political communication in Scotland, 1997-2003". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/26826.
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This thesis examines the growth of commercial lobbying in Scotland with the devolution of political power to Edinburgh in 1999. The study analyses the nascent public affairs community in Edinburgh in the lead up to, and during, the first session of the Scottish Parliament. This period covers the public debate at Holyrood over the registration and regulation of outside interests, and examines both the public and private political communication of those actors involved. The evidence base for this thesis is drawn from archival and documentary research, extended observational fieldwork in Edinburgh, and in depth interviews with informants from lobbying consultancies, corporations, voluntary sector organisations, elected representatives and public servants. A key focus of this study is the role of commercial and corporate lobbyists in Scottish public affairs and the Scottish public sphere. The analysis concludes that the Scottish Parliament's founding principles of openness, equality and accountability could be served through the regulation of lobbying.
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Ganczak, Iwona. "At the crossroads of politics and culture : Polish dissident art of the 1980s". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83104.
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This thesis will examine the political and social significance of the new artistic language that emerged in Poland in the 1980s. The new artistic language pertains to symbols, imagery and themes that originated in the discourse of the opposition and can be defined as the amalgam of the traditional religious vocabulary and time-specific symbols of oppression under Communism. The most prominent in this category are the symbols of the cross, the flowers, the national red and white flag, exclusively contemporary symbols such as the "television-people" as well as an array of traditional religious vocabulary. This unusual relationship between symbolic language of art and the symbols of the Church and the Solidarity accounted for the inherently political nature of dissident art. This thesis will discuss dissident art in context of the contemporary discourses: the discourse of the Communist Party, the Church, John Paul II and Solidarity.
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Pagliaro, T. F. (Teresa Francesca). "Arthur Wilberforce Jose (1863-1934), an Anglo-Australian : a study of his contribution to Australian literary culture from the 1890's to the 1930's". Phd thesis, Department of English, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5006.
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Xie, Zhibin y 謝志斌. "Religious liberty, religious diversity, and religion in politics: in search of an appropriate role ofreligion in public political culture for a democratic China". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42577767.
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Prado, Luis Antonio. "Patriarchy and machismo: Political, economic and social effects on women". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2623.
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This thesis focuses on patriarchy and machismo and the long lasting political, economic, and social effects that their practice has had on women in the United States and Latin America. It examines the role of the Catholic Church, political influences, social, cultural, economic and legal issues, historic issues (such as the Industrial Revolution), the importance of the family's preference for sons rather than daughters, and the differences in the raising of male and female children for their adult roles.
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Cottereau, Valérie Jacqueline. "La présence française en Italie après la Deuxième guerre mondiale : politique, action, aspects culturels (1944-1959)". Paris 10, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA10A001.
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Lutz, Barend Frederik. "Public digital media and democracy : constructing instruments for measuring expressions of support for democracy on Twitter". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79986.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The constant growth in information and communications technology (ICT) broadens the capabilities of researchers to understand and interpret the social world. New multidisciplinary methods of measuring social realities are constantly being developed and improved. This methodological study aims to incorporate novel methods of automated, computerised content- and sentiment analysis software in order to produce a usable instrument for measuring public expressions on democracy from the social network site, Twitter. Adapting methods developed by O‟Connor et al. (2010) and using an online platform called Chatterbox Analytics Ltd., this study attempts to complement traditional survey research data on democracy. The creation of this method allows researchers to automatically and without deep programming knowledge, extract and analyse opinionated data from a substantial segment of the population, namely Twitter users. This is the first study, as far as this researcher is aware, that develops automated instruments for the measurement of expressions on democracy from online social networks. The rationale for the development of this instrument lies in the apparent recent rise in negative sentiment on democracy in academic spheres and political realities alike. Throughout history support for democracy has swayed, which in turn placed democracy on a rocky path of development. As negative opinions on democracy became overwhelming this system of governance was forced to adapt by changing its core structure. This could be the case again today. Authors such as Crozier, Huntington and Watunaki (1975) have already warned of a crisis of democracy in the 1970s. More recently authors such as Dalton (2004) and van Beek (2012) expressed opinions indicating that globally citizens are steadily becoming more critical of political parties, politicians, political policies and the whole democratic process. These negative sentiments might be indicative of what van Beek (2012:12) calls “an erosion in support for democracy”. Traditional survey projects examining opinions on democracy, such as the World Values Survey, offer insights into global expressions on democracy, but are time consuming, costly and complicated to conduct. The method developed in this study allows researchers to complement traditional survey data with insights that are automatically gathered and analysed from the influential social media network, Twitter. This introductory study finds that automated analysis of expressions on democracy from Twitter is indeed feasible. In order to express the extent to which the developed method is feasible, this study offers an example case, examining expressions on democracy from Twitter for the period of 1 May to 31 July 2012. Furthermore the study offers a quantitative manual evaluation of the accuracy of the developed measurement instrument. With the present level of content- and sentiment analysis technology this study finds that the accuracy of the results from this method, though informative, is still limited. The study therefore concludes with an advisory section highlighting methods for future studies to improve on the accuracy of this measurement instrument.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Deur die konstante groei in inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) word die veld waaruit navorsers kan put om die sosiale wêreld te verstaan en te interpreteer al groter. Nuwe multidissiplinêre metingsmetodes om die sosiale werklikheid te verstaan, word konstant ontwikkel en verbeter. Hierdie metodologiese studie beoog om nuwe metodes van geoutomatiseerde, gerekenaariseerde, inhouds- en sentimentanalisesagteware saam te voeg om 'n bruikbare instrument vir die meting van publieke uitsprake oor demokrasie, op die sosiale netwerk Twitter te skep. Metodes wat deur O'Connor et al. (2010) en die aanlyn platform, Chatterbox Analytics Ltd ontwikkel is, is aangepas om 'n instrument te skep wat gebruik kan word om by te dra tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsdata oor demokrasie. Hierdie nuwe metode sal navorsers toelaat om outomaties en sonder veel programmeringsvaardighede opiniegelaaide data van 'n beduidende segment van die samelewing, naamlik Twitter gebruikers, te verkry en te analiseer. Hierdie is die eerste studie, sover hierdie navorser bewus is, wat geoutomatiseerde instrumente ontwikkel vir die meting van uitsprake oor demokrasie op sosiale netwerke. Die beweegrede vir die ontwikkeling van hierdie instrument vloei uit die oënskynlike onlangse styging in negatiewe sentiment oor demokrasie in sowel akademiese- as politieke sirkels. Die ondersteuning vir demokrasie het dwarsdeur die geskiedenis sy hoogte en laagtepunte gehad en hierdie onsekerheid het die ontwikkelingspad van demokrasie taamlik met dorings besaai. Die hele kernstruktuur van híérdie regeringsisteem was geforseer om hewig aan te pas elke keer wanneer die negatiewe opinies oor demokrasie oorweldigend geraak het. Dit wil voorkom asof demokrasie weer op die rand van verandering is. Skrywers soos Crozier, Huntington en Watunaki (1975) het alreeds in die 1970's gewaarsku teen 'n krisis rondom demokrasie. Meer onlangs het skrywers soos Dalton (2004) en van Beek (2012) opinies gelug dat burgers reg oor die wêreld stadig maar seker besig is om meer krities op politieke partye, politici en oor politieke beleide en die demokratiese proses in geheel raak. Hierdie negatiewe sentimente mag dalk 'n aanduiding wees van “'n erosie in die ondersteuning van demokrasie,”, soos Van Beek (2012:12) dit noem. Tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte wat na opinies oor demokrasie kyk, soos die „World Values Survey‟, bied wel 'n blik op globale uitsprake oor demokrasie, maar is duur, tydsaam en moeilik om deur te voer. Die metode wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is, kan bykomende insigte tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte bring. Díé insigte word outomaties ingesamel en geanaliseer vanuit die invloedryke sosiale netwerk, Twitter. Hierdie inleidende studie bevind dat geoutomatiseerde analise van uitsprake oor demokrasie op Twittter inderdaad moontlik is. Ten einde die mate van sukses van hierdie metode wat ontwikkel is te illustreer, analiseer hierdie studie 'n datagreep van uitsprake oor demokrasie uit Twitter oor die tydperk 1 Mei tot 31 Julie 2012. Hierbenewens bied die studie ook 'n kwantitatiewe waardasie per hand wat die akkuraatheid van die ontwikkelde meetingsinstrument toets. Met die huidige ontwikkelingsvlak van inhouds- en sentiment-analisetegnologie vind hierdie studie dat die akkuraatheid van hierdie metode, alhoewel informatief is, tog beperk is. Die studie sluit af met 'n afdeling wat advies oor hoe verdere studies die akkuraatheid van hierdie meetinstrument kan verbeter, toelig.
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Li, Kenneth y Ted Löndahl. "Arranged Marriages : A study on knowledge transfer through offsets in the defense industry". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-255923.
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In order to sell products in the defense industry it is often demanded of the seller to reinvest capital and collaborate with companies in the buying country, with the buyer hoping to establish a defense industry of their own. These so called offset demands are seen as an industry standard and forces the sellers to open up their supply chain and educate and develop the industry in the buying country. This “forced” knowledge transfer is an interesting topic and have been the focus point of this thesis. How can firms conduct successful knowledge transfer and develop the foreign industry and at the same time protects its own products and competitive advantage? This qualitative study has been done through interviews with four people having senior positions and a vast knowledge and background in working with offsets, combined with secondary data from previous studies and articles. The study showed that the most important factor for a successful knowledge transfer is the absorptive capacity of the partner and buying country. Furthermore, the success also lies in the offset regulations of the buyer, if you ask for the wrong things or in the wrong way, the industrial effects will be very limited. The Swedish firms were not afraid of sharing their knowledge since they had the confidence that they would keep to stay ahead of any new upcoming competitor, therefore a minor factor to consider. Lastly offsets have often been portrayed negatively. However, if successfully conducted, several positive effects of offsets have been identified by the authors. Showing that even though partnerships may an “arranged marriage” it can still become successful.
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Ellis, Emily Melissa. "Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49977.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.
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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan". [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.
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Tang, Wai-yan y 鄧惠欣. "Hong Kong: an unidentified subject under colonialism". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951181.
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Broxson, Gene Marshall. "A comprehensive examination of the precode horror comic books of the 1950's". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2429.
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Gomez-Rivera, Sara Maria. "Por uma cultura ecológica". Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/91/91131/tde-20092010-141932/.
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O presente trabalho busca compreender e analisar a partir de um ponto de vista conceitual o termo cultura ecológica, que vem sendo usado como sinônimo de uma infinidade de conceitos associados à racionalidade econômica capitalista. O objetivo principal deste trabalho não é definir o quê é cultura ecológica, mas apontar as suas possíveis potencialidades conceituais, já que até agora tem se forjado como um termo mais normativo do que conceitual. Este trabalho propõe uma análise teórica - critica do termo e de vários aspectos ligados a ele, questionando e refletindo sobre a atual crise socioambiental. Primeiramente faz-se uma análise dos termos cultura, ecologia e cultura ecológica, apontando para os usos atuais desta idéia. Baseando-se em alguns aspectos teóricos de Karl Marx, de Max Weber e usando o conceito de cultura política de Gabriel Almond e Sidney Verba, analisaram-se algumas possibilidades de estudo da cultura ecológica. Depois, refletiu-se sobre a relação entre idéias e práticas ecológicas apoiando-se no conceito de práxis, o que levou também a tratar do espaço público, da cidadania e do individualismo.This study aims to understand and analyze from a conceptual point of view the term ecological culture, which has been used as a synonymous of several concepts associated to the capitalist economic rationality. Thus, the main objective is not to define what ecological culture is, but to point at the possible conceptual potentialities, since it has been shaped as a normative term, instead of a conceptual one. This study suggests a theoretical and critical analysis of the term and of several aspects linked to it, inquiring and reflecting on the current socio environmental crisis. First of all, an analysis of the terms culture, ecology and ecological culture is done, pointing at the current usages of the term ecological culture. Some possibilities of study of the ecological culture are analyzed based upon theoretical aspects from Karl Marx, Max Weber and using the political culture concept from Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba. Finally, a reflection on the relation between ecological ideas and practices is made using the praxis concept, what leads to treat about public sphere, citizenship and individualism.
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Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.
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Chen, Hunglin Maggie. "An analysis of the impact of cultural differences upon management styles of selected Taiwanese managers within business/industry organizations of Southern California". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1045.
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Kozain, Rustum. "Contemporary english oral poetry by black poets in Great Britain and South Africa : a comparison between Linton Kwesi Johnson and Mzwakhe Mbuli". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20139.
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Bibliography: pages 242-266.The general aims of this dissertation are: to study a form of literature traditionally disregarded by a text-bound academy; to argue that form is an important element in ideological analyses of the poetry under discussion; and, on the basis of this second aim, to argue for a comparative, rigorously critical approach to the poetry of Mzwakhe Mbuli. Previous evaluations of Mbuli's poetry are characterised by acclaim which, the author contends, is only possible because of under-researched criticism, representing a general trend in South African literary culture. Compared to Linton Kwesi Johnson's work, for instance, Mbuli's poetry does not emerge as the innovative and progressive art - in both content and form - it is claimed to be. Mbuli and his critics are thus read as a case study of a general trend. Johnson and Mbuli mainly perform their poetry with musical accompaniment and distribute it as sound-recording. This study's approach then differs from the approaches of general oral literature studies because influential writers on oral literature - specifically Walter J. Ong, Ruth Finnegan and Paul Zumthor - do not address the genre under investigation here. Nevertheless, their writings are explored in order to show why particularly Ong and Finnegan's approaches are inadequate. The author argues that using the orality of the poetry as an organising, theoretical principle is insufficient for the task at hand. On cue from Zumthor, this study suggests an approach through Cultural Studies and conceives of the subject matter as popular culture.
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Urs, Ion Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "The empowerment of aggressive state ideology in two periods of Russian history". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40568.
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The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.
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Lesson, Benjamin. "La torpille numérique : problématiques métier de l’exploitation cinématographique à l’heure des multiplexes et des diffusions multi-supports". Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20090/document.
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L’exploitant de cinéma articule l’espace public cinématographique et l’espace public ; il offre une définition, une objectivation du cinéma au sein de l’espace public, dans la manière dont il construit un cadre d’expérience esthétique. Il est donc à la croisée des chemins : il doit veiller à donner un site (matériel et symbolique) à l’expérience esthétique, selon les logiques propres à son champ et en considérant la « demande » du public.Les problématiques de son métier concernent aussi bien son positionnement concurrentiel, que son positionnement au sein de l’espace public cinématographique ainsi qu’au sein de l’espace public. La présente thèse vise à en rendre compte, de manière transdisciplinaire et engage également une réflexion sur le discours porté sur le cinéma au sein de l’espace public ainsi que la fonction que lui accorde cet espace. Les nouveaux dispositifs numériques peuvent conduire à la radicalisation du caractère mass media du film (en multipliant les modalités de réception), mais ils offrent également nouvelles configurations esthétiques; le cinéma doit donc être (re)défini en fonction de ces nouvelles possibilités (partie 1).C’est toute l’institution cinématographique qui est confrontée à la problématique de l’émergence des nouveaux médias et qui, malgré elle, tend à réduire la valeur expérientielle du cinéma au caractère mass media du film. Or, c’est le marché qui capte et exploite le plus cette logique (partie 2).Cependant, l’exploitant n’est pas seulement un diffuseur ; le travail de l’exploitant est également d’opérer une médiation. Ainsi, il s’agit de considérer les problématiques de sociabilité engagées par la salle de cinéma et les conditions de création de micro-agora, de micro espace public par l’exploitation (partie 3).Ce n’est que dans une saisie globale des deux aspects du cinéma (mass media et micro agora) que l’exploitant a une fonction claire et importante, qu’il convient de revaloriser au sein de l’espace public cinématographique (conclusion)The movie theatre manager articulates the cinematographic public place and the public place. He proposes a definition and an objectification of the cinema within the public place, depending how he « builds » an aesthetic experiment frame. Thus, the movie theatre manager is on a « crossroad ’: he has to ensure the (material and symbolical) frame required for an aesthetic experiment, depending on institutional practices and according to the spectators « demands». The business challenges of the movie theatre manager concern as well its competitive location, as its location within the cinematographic public place as well as within the public place. This thesis aims at reporting it, in an interdisciplinary way. It also commits a comment on the definitions of the cinema belonging to the public place as well as the function that this space grants it.The new digital devices can drive to the radicalisation of the mass media aspect of the movie (by multiplying the ways of reception). But they also offer new aesthetic configurations. Thus, the cinema has to be (re) defined according to these new possibilities (Part 1).It is all the film institution which is concerned by the problems due to the new technologies emergence and which tends to reduce the cinematographic experiential value to the mass media of the film aspect. Now the market exploits this logic more than the institutions do and so appears as the only guarantor of the quality (Part 2).However, the movie theatre manager is not only a diffuser; his work also is to proceeds a mediation. So, it is a matter of considering the sociability problematics committed by the theatre space and the conditions of creation of micro- agora, micro public place by the movie theatre (Part 3).It is only in a global seizure of both aspects of the cinema (mass media and micro-agora) that the movie theatre manager has a clear and an important function, that it must be revalued within the film public place (conclusion)
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Jacobs, Anthea Hydi Maxine. "A critical-hermeneutical inquiry of institutional culture in higher education". Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71702.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is a conceptual analysis of “institutional culture” in higher education, especially because the concept has become a buzzword in higher education discourse in South Africa. The aim is to develop an understanding of the concept, and more specifically, to explore how institutional culture is organised, constructed and articulated in the institutional documents of Stellenbosch University (SU) and the University of the Western Cape (UWC). These analyses are preceded by an analysis of higher education policy documents. I employ critical hermeneutics as research methodology to construct constitutive meanings of “institutional culture”. Since it is difficult to work with a large set of constitutive meanings, I narrowed the list down to the four most frequently recurring meanings, namely: shared values and beliefs; language; symbols; and knowledge production. These constitutive meanings form the theoretical framework which is used to analyse institutional documents. My findings suggest that all the constitutive meanings of my theoretical framework are addressed in the institutional documents of both SU and UWC, which means that the institutional documents conform to my theoretical framework. SU has, in my opinion, an excellent and comprehensive base of well-prepared and compiled institutional documents. However, most of these documents seem to relate to quality and compliance to national policy requirements, with no significant actions or strategies to address the challenges related to transforming the University’s institutional culture. Even though SU has shown commendable strategic initiatives to transform its institutional culture, there has not been sufficient engagement with the challenges of transformation. Similarly, for UWC, it is my contention that even though UWC is committed to transformation and nurturing a culture of change in order to make meaning of and address the complex challenges of the world, there needs to be more rigorous engagement in shaping and managing strategic direction and planning to ensure an institutional culture to accommodate change. Even though the institutional documents analysed mostly conform to the constitutive meanings of the theoretical framework, what of concern is the lack of an adequate articulation of the concept “institutional culture”. If there is no articulation, it follows that there is an inadequate understanding of the concept. A deeper understanding is crucial if the important link between transformation and “institutional culture” is to be realised. I contend that there exists a disjunction between “institutional culture” and transformation policies. One of the reasons for this disjunction is an impoverished understanding among higher education policy practitioners of the concept “institutional culture”, which creates an impression of compliance with national policy requirements.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling behels ’n konseptuele ontleding van “institusionele kultuur” in hoër onderwys, vernaamlik omdat die konsep ’n modewoord in die diskoers in hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika geword het. Die doel was om begrip van die konsep te ontwikkel, en meer spesifiek om te ondersoek hoe institusionele kultuur in die institusionele dokumente van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch (US) en die Universiteit van die Wes-Kaap (UWK) georganiseer, saamgestel en geartikuleer word. Hierdie ondersoeke word voorafgegaan deur ‘n analise van hoër onderwys beleidsdokumente. Kritiese hermeneutiek is as navorsingsmetodologie gebruik om die konstitutiewe betekenisse van ‘institusionele kultuur’ te bepaal. Aangesien dit moeilik is om met ’n groot stel konstitutiewe betekenisse te werk, is die lys tot die vier mees herhalende betekenisse beperk, naamlik gedeelde waardes en oortuigings; taal; simbole; en die voortbring van kennis. Hierdie konstitutiewe betekenisse het die teoretiese raamwerk gevorm vir die ontleding van die institusionele dokumente. My bevindinge doen aan die hand dat al die konstitutiewe betekenisse van die teoretiese raamwerk in die institusionele dokumente van sowel die US as UWK aan bod kom, wat beteken dat die institusionele dokumente met die teoretiese raamwerk ooreenstem. Na my mening het die US ’n uitstekende en omvattende basis goed voorbereide en saamgestelde institusionele dokumente. Die meeste van hierdie dokumente blyk egter met gehalte en nakoming van nasionale beleidsvereistes verband te hou, met geen beduidende handelinge of strategieë om die uitdagings aan te pak wat met die transformasie van die US se institusionele kultuur verband hou nie. Alhoewel die US lofwaardige strategiese inisiatiewe aanwend om sy institusionele kultuur te transformeer, blyk daar nie ’n genoegsame verbintenis te wees om die uitdagings van transformasie die hoof gebied nie. Eweneens, wat UWK betref, is my argument dat alhoewel UWK verbind is tot transformasie en die kweek van ’n kultuur van verandering ten einde sin te maak van die komplekse veranderinge van die wêreld en sodanige veranderinge aan te pak, ’n meer nougesette verbintenis nodig is rakende die ontwikkeling en bestuur van strategiese leiding en beplanning ten einde ’n kultuur wat verandering tegemoet kom, te verseker. Alhoewel die institusionele dokumente wat ontleed is hoofsaaklik met die konstitutiewe betekenisse van die teoretiese raamwerk ooreenstem, is die gebrek aan voldoende artikulasie van die konsep “institusionele kultuur” rede tot kommer. Die gebrek aan artikulasie lei tot onvoldoende begrip van die konsep. ’n Grondiger begrip is noodsaaklik ten einde die belangrike skakel tussen transformasie en “institusionele kultuur” te verwesenlik. My gevolgtrekking is dat daar skeiding tussen” institusionele kultuur” en transformasiebeleide is. Een van die redes vir sogenaamde skeiding is gebrekkige begrip van die konsep “institusionele kultuur” onder hoër onderwys beleidsrolspelers, wat die idee skep van nakoming van nasionale beleidsvereistes.
Andrew Mellon Foundation
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Czajka, Rodrigo. "Praticando delitos, formando opinião : intelectuais, comunismo e repressão no Brasil (1958-1968)". [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280603.
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Orientador: Marcelo Siqueira RidentiTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A produção artística e cultural realizada no Brasil entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960 é permeada de intensas discussões, tensões e conflitos que envolvem a disputa de distintos projetos intelectuais. Assim, a formação de um campo intelectual, a diversificação dos circuitos culturais e núcleos intelectuais e a emergência de uma intelectualidade de esquerda foram elementos presentes nesse contexto sócio-cultural. Estes foram fatores essenciais na consolidação de uma resistência cultural de esquerda que se defrontava tanto com o centralismo burocrático do Partido Comunista Brasileiro quanto com o regime militar após 1964. Entre dilemas ideológicos e políticos uma intelectualidade de esquerda floresceu não de forma homogênea e unitária, mas entremeada de impasses, disputas e embates que permitiram, em certa medida, a formação de núcleos culturais caracterizados, sobretudo, pela fragmentação. Com intuito de aferir tal modelo de análise dispusemos de um conjunto de Inquéritos Policiais-Militares (IPMs) que além de constituírem um material inédito de pesquisa, trazem elementos importantes para a discussão e detalhamento das questões culturais caras à intelectualidade de esquerda daquele momento. Constata-se, por exemplo, que a resistência cultural, mais que símbolo de uma unidade contra a repressão seja dos partidos ou do Estado, foi um fenômeno a partir do qual determinados núcleos intelectuais viram-se representados; uma hegemonia cultural de esquerda construída não pela coesão dos projetos de resistência, mas pelas dissensões e por aquilo que representava a resistência e a subversão comunista
Abstract: The artistic and cultural production made in Brazil at the 1950s and 1960s is permeated intensive discussions, tensions and conflicts involving the dispute of different intellectual projects. The formation of an intellectual sphere and the emergence of a left intellectuals group were elements presents in this context. These were key factors in consolidating a culture resistance of left that was built in the middle at the bureaucratic centralism of the Brazilian Communist Party and the military dictatorship after 1964. Between ideological and political dilemmas the left intellectuals appeared not homogeneous, but permeate of impasses, disputes and conflicts that favored the formation of cultural groups characterized by ragmentation. To check this analysis we searched a large number of military process (called IPMs) that as being a new material research, provide important elements for discussion and details of the cultural questions of the intellectuals at that time. For example, that cultural resistance, more than a symbol of unity against oppression of the the Party or the State, was a phenomenon from which certain intelectuals groups have been represented; a cultural hegemony of the left not made the cohesion of the projects of resistance, but by dissension and by what it represented the resistence and communist subversion
Doutorado
Doutor em Sociologia
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Sachs, Rafael Salmazi 1990. "O texto digital como processo e a política como regime de enunciação : um estudo de mashups multimodais nas Jornadas de Junho". [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269452.
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Orientador: Marcelo El Khouri BuzatoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Esta dissertação teve como objetivo mais amplo gerar inteligibilidades acerca da relação entre a cultura digital e a ação política na contemporaneidade, a partir da articulação, no campo da Linguística Aplicada, entre a noção de linguagem digital como processo e o conceito de política como regime de enunciação, que objetiva traduzir em um os interesses de muitos. Como contexto para o estudo, escolheram-se os eventos das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, caracterizadas tanto pela emergência repentina de massivos protestos de rua no Brasil, quanto pela publicação, em sites de redes sociais, de uma grande quantidade de remixes e mashups contendo enunciados políticos a respeito. Compõem o corpus empírico da pesquisa 88 textos verbovisuais desse tipo, publicados no Facebook entre junho e julho de 2013. Entendidos como frutos de percursos de desmontagem e remontagem, e, portanto, de desressemiotização, esses textos foram analisados com base na articulação (proposta como objetivo teórico do trabalho) entre as categorias da Semiótica Social para a multimodalidade e as da Teoria Ator-Rede para translações. Como objetivo empírico, buscou-se descrever os significados representacionais e os percursos de constituição das montagens do corpus, em relação ao regime de enunciação da política. As perguntas de pesquisa foram duas, a saber: (1) quais foram os principais actantes mobilizados nos remixes estudados, e em que tipo de processos semióticos tais actantes apareceram com maior frequência?; e (2) quais foram algumas das operações de ressemiotização empregadas nas desreestabilizações sucessivas das diferentes versões de Brasil e realidade brasileira constituídas nesses textos? Os resultados elencaram as figurativizações mais comuns e os processos representacionais mais frequentes no corpus, em que os manifestantes, a nação brasileira, os políticos e a grande mídia foram os principais actantes representados, em geral, através de processos atributivos simbólicos. Destacou-se, nesse levantamento, a figura do gigante de pedra se levantando no Rio de Janeiro, empregada por muitos como representação unificada do Brasil e dos interesses múltiplos em atuação nas Jornadas. A partir dessa figura, descreveram-se ainda os processos de negociação de affordances para constituição de alguns dos textos analisados, e sua relação com as disputas pelo significado dos acontecimentos das Jornadas de Junho, e pela definição que era "ser brasileiro" no momento dos protestos. Como conclusão, os dados refletem a necessidade de buscar caminhos para compreensões menos deterministas da relação entre política, tecnologias digitais e sociedade, e modos de formação cidadã, no âmbito das mídias digitais, que viabilizem a compreensão de enunciados políticos como fruto de enredamentos semióticos sempre articulados em disputas de interesse, mesmo quando se pretendem neutros
Abstract: The main goal of the present study is to suggest ways of understanding the relation between digital culture and contemporary political action, based on the connection, drawn in the field of Applied Linguistics, between the notion of digital language as process and the concept of politics as a regime of enunciation which aims to translate the interests of many into one. The events of the June Journeys in 2013 were taken as context for the study, since they included not only the sudden emergence of massive protests on Brazilian streets, but also the publishing, on social network sites, of large amounts of remixes and mashups containing political statements on that regard. Seen as the outcomes of disassembling and assembling trajectories, and therefore, of deresemiotization trajectories, those texts were analyzed in the light of an articulation (also presented as a theoretical objective of this work) between Social Semiotics studies on multimodality and Actor-Network Theory principles for the understanding of translations. As empirical objectives, this work aimed to describe the representational meanings and the assembling trajectories of the texts in the corpus, in relation to the political regime of enunciation. The research questions were two: (1) what were the main actants mobilized in the remixes in the corpus, and in which kind of semiotic processes those actants appeared more often?; and (2) what were some of the resemiotization operations used for the continuous derestabilizations of different versions of Brazil and Brazilian reality represented in those texts? Results enroll the most frequent figurativizations and the most usual representational processes in the corpus, in which the demonstrators, Brazilian nation, politicians and mass media were the main actants, and were depicted, in general, through symbolic attributive processes. In that enrollment, the image of a stone giant rising in Rio de Janeiro was prominent, for it was used by many as a unified depiction of Brazil as a whole and of the multiple interests acting during the Journeys. From that picture, the results described the processes of negotiation of affordances for the composition of some of the analyzed texts, and their relation to the disputes for the meaning of the June Journeys events, and for what meant "to be Brazilian" then. As a conclusion, data reflects the need of pursuing less determinist ways of understanding the relation among politics, digital technologies and society, as well as the need for ways of citizenship education, regarding digital media, that address the understanding of political statements as outcomes of semiotic entanglements which are always connected to interests in dispute, even when allegedly neutral
Mestrado
Linguagem e Sociedade
Mestre em Linguística Aplicada
36
McClelland, Roderick William. "White discourse in post-independence Zimbabwean literature". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18261.
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Literally hundreds of novels were written by white Rhodesians during the U.D.I. era of the 1960s and 1970s. Since Independence, however, not much more than a handful of literary texts have been produced by whites in Zimbabwe. This dissertation, therefore, involves an interrogation of both white discourse and the (reduced) space for white discourse in postcolonial Zimbabwean society. In addition to the displaced moral space, and the removal of the economic and political power base, there has been an appropriation of control over the material means of production of any discourse and white discourse, which has become accustomed to its position of superiority due to its dominance and dominating tendencies, has struggled to come to terms with its new, non-hegemonic 'space'. In an attempt to come to some understanding of the literary silence and marginalisation of white discourse in post-independence Zimbabwe there has to be some understanding of the voice that was formed during the British South Africa Company's administration and which reached a crescendo of authoritarian self-assertion at the declaration of unilateral independence. Vital to this discussion (in Part I) is an uncovering of the myths that were intrinsic to white discourse in the way that they were created as justification for settlement and to propagandise the aggressive defence of that space that was forged in an alien landscape. These myths have not been easily cast aside and, hence, have made it so difficult for white discourse to adapt to post-colonial society. Most Rhodesian novels were extremely partisan and promulgated these myths. Part II, discusses ex post facto novels about the war (from the white perspective) to investigate whether white discourse is recognising the lies that make up so much of its belief system. This investigation of this particular perspective of the war, then, will help to define at what stage white Zimbabweans are at in the development of a national culture. Part III takes this discussion of acculturation and national unity further. Furthermore, through the discussion of a number of novels in this chapter, it is argued that white discourse is struggling to come to terms with its non-hegemonic position and is continuing to attempt to assert its control. The 'space' available to the early settlers' discourse for appropriation, however, has been removed and, in the reduced space available to white discourse, one continued area of possible control is that of conservation.
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Qiang, Wen. "Cultural resistances in Chinese cyberspace". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2150205.
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Smith, Shahriyar. "Contexts of Reception and Constructions of Islam: Second Generation Muslim Immigrants in Post-9/11 America". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3766.
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The World Trade Center attacks on September 11, 2001 fundamentally transformed the context of reception for Muslim immigrants in the U.S., shifting it from neutral to negative while also brightening previously blurred boundaries between established residents and the Muslim minority. This study explores how second-generation Muslim immigrants have experienced and reacted to post-9/11 contexts of reception. It is based on an analysis of ten semi-structured in-depth interviews that were conducted throughout the Portland Metropolitan Area from January to April of 2016. It finds experiences of discrimination to be primarily affected by two factors: public institutions and gender. It also finds, furthermore, that research participants react to negative post-9/11 contexts of reception by redrawing bright boundaries to include themselves within the American mainstream. Because Islam itself has become politicized within post-9/11 contexts of reception, this study also explores how second-generation Muslim immigrants construct and maintain religious meaning as a form of political identity. It finds that research participants unilaterally construct a Localized Islam that is dynamic and variable in its response to familial and social pressures. The thesis concludes by putting forward a typology outlining its four primary forms of localization within contemporary social and political environments.
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Torrubia, Rafael. "Culture from the midnight hour : a critical reassessment of the black power movement in twentieth century America". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1884.
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The thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture, black and white, yet to be substantively analysed. The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the movement. Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film, sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.
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Lara, Paulo Jose Olivier Moreira. "Fragmentos das taticas da cultura : tecnica e politica dos usos de midia". [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281424.
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Orientador: Renato Pinto OrtizDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa verifica a adaptação do conceito de "tática" desenvolvido por Michel de Certeau e utilizado como fundação teórica de um movimento denominado Midia Tática. Com origens na Europa no final do século XX, este movimento herda modos de expressões culturais aliados à uma construção crítica do aparato tecnológico, notadamente das mídias eletrônicas e informáticas. Situamos a discussão sociológica a partir do conceito de racionalidade emergido no debate sobre recentes mutações na configuração do capitalismo e da tendências à novas formas de dominação que se erguem apoiadas no desenvolvimento tecnológico e na mudança das condutas erigidas das transformações do século XX. Para isso, situamos a Mídia Tática no contexto e discussões que deram origem a esta percepção e discutimos aspectos de recentes manifestações de oposição enquanto culturas que se utilizam desta noção em seus diferentes aspectos de intervenção. A intenção é observar os módulos de conflito e contradições que se dão quando o aumento das manipulações tecnológicas entram em contato com novas formações coletivas e padrões individuais e verificar os elementos políticos e culturais que resultam desta junção.
Abstract: This research verifies the adaptation of the concept of "tactic" developed by Michel de Certeau and its use as a theoretical foundation of a movement called Tactical Media. With it's origins in Europe at the end of the twentieth century, this movement inherits modes of cultural expressions allied to a critical construction of technological apparatus, especially the electronic and informatics media. We locate the discussion based on the sociological concept of rationality emerged at the debate on recent changes in capitalism's configuration and it's trends to new forms of domination which appear supported by technological development and changes of conducts erected by some of the transformations on the twentieth century. For this, we alocate the Tactical Media in the context and discussions that led to this perception and discuss aspects of recent demonstrations of opposition as cultures that make use of this concept in its various aspects of intervention. The intention is to look at the modules of conflict and contradictions that occur when the increase of technological manipulations join with new collective formations and individual patterns and check the political and cultural factors that results in this junction.
Mestrado
Sociologia da Cultura
Mestre em Sociologia
41
Homayun, Sepehr Mohamad. "Les gardiennes des nappes d'offrande en Iran, de la préhistoire à nos jours". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209724.
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Les gardiennes des nappes d'offrande en Iran (de la préhistoire à nos jours) :Cette recherche a été intitulée "les femmes iraniennes héritières des nappes d'offrande". L'objectif de cette recherche est la mise en évidence des bases des nappes d'offrande votive féminines de la préhistoire à nos jours en tant qu‘explication, analyse et interprétation des nappes ;pour cette recherche, nous avons choisi la société actuelle de Téhéran constituée d'ethnies iraniennes variées, notamment les Zoroastriennes et les Shi‘ites. Le fil conducteur de cette recherche est le cadre théorique combiné basé sur la transmission culturelle, l'interprétation religieuse symbolique de Geertz, la réaction symbolique de Parsons et la théorie d'échange de Peter Blau, interprétant les différents aspects des signes et des symboles des nappes avec la présence, la participation des femmes, la réalisation de leurs désirs et la mise en place des nappes. Les théories d'Henri Corbin ont permis de répondre à certaines questions sur la transmission culturelle religieuse et les changements et transformations du monde symbolique iranien, mazdéen zoroastrien aux nouveaux symboles de l'Iran musulman shi‘ite ;nous avons également fait appel aux rapports de Sadegh Hedayat, Henri Massé, Shakouri, Faghiri ,K. et F. Mazdapour. Le commentaire et l'interprétation d'autres sujets des nappes tels que les récits, la lamentation et l'allégresse, les Adjil-é Moshkel Gosha étaient des mystères non élucidés jusqu'alors par les chercheurs ;ils l'ont été dans cette thèse. Il a été essayé de répondre aux questions posées par des réponses basées sur l'anthropologie religieuse symbolique. L'enquête statistique de la recherche porte sur des étudiantes, mariées ou non, de l'Université Azad, Unité Centre de Téhéran. Les questions principales intéressent la féminité des nappes d'offrande et le recours aux saints religieux iraniens shi‘ites. Les souhaits sont relatifs à la vie quotidienne, comme l'obtention d'un travail, la guérison d'un malade, l'achat d'un appartement, la résolution de problèmes financiers, le mariage, l'accouchement, etc. les résultats ont été rassemblés dans les tableaux de l'enquête statistique. Cependant, certaines questions sont restées sans réponses ;elles seront élucidées par de futurs chercheurs.
Mots-clés :nappes d'offrande votive, les femmes gardiennes, la transmission culturelle, Adjil, Moshkel Gosha
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Kaden, Martha J. "Herinnering, geskiedenis, identiteit : 'n ondersoek na beeld en teks in mito-poesis". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/8546.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.214 Leaves printed on single pages, preliminary pages i- xvi and numbered pages 1-191. Includes bibliography and illustrations.
Digitized at 600 dpi grayscale to pdf format (OCR), using a Bizhub 250 Konica Minolta Scanner. Digitized by Ivan Jacobs on request of Niel Hendrickz, 15 April 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This investigation is informed by the assumption that language, as representation and as image, is positioned in a metaphorical relationship to reality. Language, as a structure of representation, is the way in which we represent reality to ourselves and to others and recreate the past, as well as the way in which we invest our lives with meaning, significance and experience. Language includes visual and verbal representation, and this investigation shows how image and text create a variety of multiple meanings through playful and interactive reciprocation. Following from the assumption that language comprises temporal and spatial qualities, it is also the terrain that enables us to know and understand reality, ourselves, and others. This emphasizes the material nature of language, which is also connected with social and cultural practices and, as such, involves reciprocation and interaction between divergences. Language is therefore a mode of action that makes the bridging of divisions possible. Language is proposed as a medium through which the monolithic hegemony of the apartheid past may be confronted within a multicultural South Africa. The aim of representing this past in my work is not to recall it as it was or to discover etemal, inheritable qualities, but rather to bring about re-demption (healing) through re-presentation. Re-demption and re-presentation is a textual practice that involves a re-script of the past. With the understanding that history and culture are regarded as text, re-writing the past does not involve representation as mimesis, but as production. This investigation recognizes the role of the subconscious as the other or the alterity in all language constructs that makes it possible to circumvent the logic of binary oppositions; entertain alternatives simultaneously; erase boundaries; share spaces, and discover the other in the self. This unconscious language of the other, as a strange doubling and interplay between near and far, gives rise to poies/s. The creation of multi-dimensional spaces that draw the poetical and the everyday into an imaginative and directed conceptual interplay as well as provoke dialogue between differences and diversities, engenders a desire for the complexity of the other. The interplay and recurrent movement across divisions and between paradoxes create a new and changed interspace, characterized by difference, plurality, and contradiction. Intertextual spaces allow relationships between differences and exist precisely as a result of dialogicity between diversities. In this way it is possible to establish, by virtue of difference, a mutual, interdependent relationship with the other. Metaphorical language requires an allegorical reading that places divergences in relation to one another, thereby causing a mythic animation of signification that moves from one level to another. Mytho-poeisis, as an allegorical structure, is proposed as a model by means of which symbolic transformation and redemption of the personal and collective psyche may occur. Poetic re-imagining as re-presentation impels change and transformation and points to other possible forms of social and ethical experiences. This impulse, to reconcile the social and the aesthetic, or the cultural with symbolic form, is based on the principle of reconciliation between art and life.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie ondersoek handhaaf die veronderstelling dat taal in 'n metaforiese verhouding tot die werklikheid staan as voorstelling en as beeld. Taal, as 'n struktuur van voorstelling, is die wyse waarop ons die werklikheid aan onsself en ander voorstel en die verlede herskep, asook die wyse waarop ons sin, betekenis en ervaring aan ons lewens verskaf. Taal sluit visuele en verbale voorstellings in en hierdie ondersoek toon op watter wyse beeld en teks in speelse en interaktiewe wisselwerking 'n verskeidenheid meersinnige betekenisse skep. Uitgaande van die veronderstelling dat taal temporele en ruimtelike kwaliteite betrek, is dit ook die terrein wat ons in staat stel om die werklikheid, onsself en ander te ken en verstaan. Dit beklemtoon die materiele aard van taal, wat ook met sosiale en kulturele praktyke verbind is en sodanig wisselwerking en interaksie tussen uiteenlopendhede betrek. Taal is dus 'n modus van doen, wat oorbrugging van skeidings moontlik maak. Taal word as 'n medium voorgestel waardeur die monolitiese hegemonie van die apartheidsverlede binne 'n multikulturele Suid-Afrika gekonfronteer word. Voorstelling van hierdie verlede in my werk is nie met die doel om dit te herroep soos dit was, of ewige, erfbare eienskappe te ontdek nie, maar eerder om herstel deur her-voorstelling te bewerkstellig. Her-stel en her-voorstelling is 'n tekstuele praktyk wat 'n re-skripsie van die verlede behels. Met begrip dat geskiedenis en kultuur as teks beskou word, behels die her-skryf van die verlede nie voorstelling as mimesis nie, maar as produksie. Hierdie ondersoek erken die rol van die onderbewussyn as die ander of die alteriteit (alterity) in alle taalvoorstellings wat dit moontlik maak om die logika van binere oposisies te omseil; alternatiewe gelyktydig in ag te neem; grense uit te wis, ruimtes te deel en die ander in die self te ontdek. Hierdie onbewuste taal van die ander, as 'n vreemde verdubbeling en spel tussen naby en ver, gee aanleiding tot poesis (poiesis). Die skep van multidimensionele ruimtes wat die poetiese en die alledaagse in 'n verbeeldingryke en gerigte konseptuele wisselspel betrek, asook dialoog tussen verskille en diversiteite bewerkstellig, skep 'n aandrang vir die kompleksiteit van die ander. Die interspel en ewigdurende beweging oor skeidings en tussen paradokse skep 'n nuwe en veranderde interruimte, wat gekenmerk word deur verskil, pluraliteit en kontradiksie. Intertekstuele ruimtes laat verskilsverhoudings toe en bestaan juis as gevolg van dialogisiteit tussen diversiteite. Op hierdie wyse is dit moontlik om op grond van verskil 'n wedersydse en interafhanklike verhouding met die ander aan te knoop. Metaforiese taalgebruik verg 'n allegoriese lees wat uiteenlopendhede in verhouding tot mekaar plaas sodat dit 'n mitiese animasie van betekening bewerkstellig wat vanaf een vlak na 'n ander vlak beweeg. Mito-poesis, as 'n allegoriese struktuur, word voorgestel as model waarvolgens simboliese transformasie en herstel van die persoonlike en kollektiewe psige kan geskied. Poetiese her-verbeelding as her-voorstelling motiveer verandering en transformasie en dui op ander moontlike vorms van sosiale en etiese ervarings. Hierdie impuls, om die sosiale en die estetiese, of om die kulturele met simboliese vorm te vereenselwig, berus op die beginsel van versoening tussen kuns en lewe.
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Doppler-Speranza, François. "Civils et militaires : les aspects culturels de la présence américaine en France, 1944-1967". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAC028.
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Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967
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Cowling, Lesley. "Saving the Sowetan : the public interest and commercial imperatives in journalism practice". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017781.
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This thesis examines the complex ways in which notions of the public interest and commercial imperatives intertwine in journalism practice. It does this through a study of the 2004 takeover and relaunch of the Sowetan newspaper, the highest circulation daily in South Africa throughout the 1990s and an institution of black public life. The ‘public interest’ and ‘the commercial’ are recurring ideas in journalism scholarship and practice, and the relaunch appeared to be a challenge to reconcile the Sowetan’s commercial challenges with its historical responsibility to a ‘nation-building’ public. However, the research shows that the public/commercial aspects of journalism were inextricably entangled with Sowetan’s organisational culture, which was the matrix through which its journalism practice was expressed. Conflict in the organisation over the changes was not simply a contest between commercial realities and the public interest, with journalists defending a responsibility to the public and managers pushing commercial solutions, but a conflict between the culture of Sowetan “insiders”, steeped in the legacy of the newspaper, and “outsiders”, employed by the new owners to effect change. Another conclusion of the research is that commercial “realities” – often conceptualised as counter to the public interest – are highly mutable. Basic conditions, such as a dependence on advertising, exist. However, media managers must choose from a range of strategies to be commercially viable, which requires risk-taking, innovation and, often, guesswork. In such situations, the ‘wall’ between media managers and senior editors is porous, as all executives must manage the relationship between business and editorial imperatives. Executives tend to overlook culture as a factor in changing organisations, but I argue that journalism could benefit from engaging with management theory and organisational psychology, which offer ways to understand the specific dynamics of the organisation. Finally, I argue that the case of the Sowetan throws into question the idea that there may be a broadly universal journalism culture. The attachment of Sowetan journalists to their particular values and practice suggests that forms of journalism evolve in certain contexts to diverge from the ‘professional’ Anglo-American modes. These ‘journalisms’ use similar terms – such as the ‘public interest’ – but operationalise them quite differently. The responsibility to the public is imagined in very different ways, but remains a significant attachment for journalists.
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Gu, Xiaoting. "The influence of social media on chinese college students' social activism". Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/839.
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Guided by Uses and Gratifications Theory, this study investigated the relationship between Chinese college students' use of social media and their social activism. Data collected from a goup-administered survey of 309 undergraduate students at a large university in eastern China was used to answer four research questions. The results indicated that Chinese college students who used social media for information seeking were likely to participate in individual social activism. Besides, students who used social media for self-status seeking and information seeking were likely to participate in collective social activism. No significant correlation between entertainment motivation and social activism were found. Neither can socializing motivation predict Chinese college students' social activism. In addition, gender had an impact on individual social activism and frequency of social media use could affect both individual and collective social activism.
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Böhmke, Werner. "A decade of changes : Eastern Cape white commercial farmers' discourses of democracy". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/167/1/bohmke-ma.pdf.
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This paper deals with an analysis of the discursive accounts of Eastern Cape white commercial farmers on the subject of Democracy. Drawing on the theoretical perspectives of Social Constructionism and Discourse Analysis – which view individuals’ accounts of their realities as produced and informed by their particular social and historical context – the paper seeks to provide an analysis of the content of, and rhetorical strategies within the participants’ accounts and explanations. Such accounts of the social, historical and political circumstances in which Eastern Cape commercial farmers find themselves are thought to provide valuable insights into the manner in which the process of democratisation has been received by members of the agricultural sector. Data collection was conducted via brief, audio taped, semi-structured interviews. The participants were all white men and women, living in a commercial farming region of the Eastern Cape Province. Responses to the interviews were subjected to the Discourse Analytical procedure advanced by Ian Parker. Analyses reveal that participants are critical of the notion of democracy; utilize specific rhetorical and argumentation strategies; make use of notions and techniques of ‘Othering’; and subscribe to a colonial / patriarchal ideology which attempts to idealize pre-democratic South Africa. These findings illustrate what is in many ways still an ongoing political and ideological struggle in the rural regions of the country.
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Dibley, Ben. "Expositions : theory, culture, museum". Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146406.
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Duong, Paloma. "Amateur Citizens: Culture and Democracy in Contemporary Cuba". Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8J964WP.
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This dissertation studies the creative practices of citizens who use cultural resources to engage in political criticism in contemporary Cuba. I argue that, in order to become visible as political subjects in the public sphere, these citizens appeal to cultural forms and narratives of self-representation that elucidate the struggles for recognition faced by emerging social actors. I examine blogs, garage bands, art performances, home art exhibits, digital literary supplements, improvised academies, and informal networks of publication that, as forms of aesthetic experimentation with stories of everyday life, disclose a social text. I suggest that their narrative choices emphasize their status as 'regular citizens' in order to distinguish themselves from both traditional voices of political opposition and institutionally accredited cultural producers--professional artists, academics, musicians. This recasts sites of cultural production as models of alternative citizenship where the concept of the political is re-imagined and where the commonplace, pejorative meaning of the term amateur is contested. On the fringes of the republic of letters, adjacent to traditional sites of cultural production, these oblique uses of culture consequently question legitimate forms of public speech. They demand that the way in which the relationship between aesthetics and politics in Cuba has been traditionally studied be reconsidered.
Read in tandem with discourses against and about them from the lettered city--in literature, cultural criticism, film, and visual arts--I also follow the trope of the amateur under revolutionary cultural politics. I suggest that these contemporary voices have a contradictory genealogy in the cultural practices of the early decades of the Cuban Revolution. I try to show that these cultural practices become politically and socially significant because they try to resist--though not always successfully--cooptation by two forces: the remnant of bureaucratic, state-capitalist tendencies on one hand, and the rapid commercialization of popular culture for a foreign audience on the other. As a result, both the reconfigurations of the cultural field and the contested meanings of democracy in post-Cold War Cuba are re-examined through a reading of informal hubs of cultural production. The functions of culture in late socialism can be then comparatively studied by looking at an institutional framework in transition through the social and political subjectivities that are both expressed in, and constituted by, corresponding aesthetic practices and forms.
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RONE, Julia. "'Don't worry, we are from the internet' : the diffusion of protest against the anti-counterfeiting trade agreement in the age of austerity". Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/51824.
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Defence date: 22 Februrary 2018Examining Board: Prof. Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, European University Institute (External Supervisor); Prof. László Bruszt, Scuola Normale Superiore; Dr. Sebastian Haunss. BIGSSS, Universität Bremen; Dr. Paolo Gerbaudo, King’s College London
This thesis focuses precisely on the anti-ACTA mobilization and the way it fits within the broader wave of contention. While the anti-ACTA campaign did not include occupation of squares (but only the more traditional protest marches), it shared many important features with other protests in the wave of contention, including the adoption of the Anonymous mask and the national flag as crucial symbols (Gerbaudo, 2017), the demand for more democratic decision-making, and most importantly – the belief in the Internet as a tool for empowerment that could contribute to a more horizontal democratic society (Beyer, 2014; Jarvis, 2014; Juris, 2012; McCarthy, 2015). The big difference is that for anti-ACTA protesters, the Internet was more than a tool - it became a cause in itself. People protested to defend Internet freedom, interpreted in a wide variety of ways by different actors, but most often as the freedom of sharing culture (and files) online, the freedom of not being 2 under surveillance, and the freedom of expressing oneself as a key prerequisite for the functioning of any democratic community.
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Krieg, Elizabeth K. "Sex, wealth, and power : audience and the real Orange County". 2006. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2572.
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