Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Cried lord"

And it came to pass, after these things, that the son of the woman, the mistress of the house, fell sick; and his sickness was no sare, that there was no breath left in him ...and [Elijah] said unto her 'Give me thy son.' And he took him out of her bosom, and carried him up into the upper chamber where he adobe, and laid him upon his own bed....And he stretched himself upon the child three times, and cried unto the Lord and said: 'O Lord my God, I pray thee, let this child, s soul come back into him.'

This paper discusses the melodic formulas of psalmodic cycles of the Vigil in Russian manuscripts of the 16th to 18th centuries. It shows that some special formulas are used in the melos of the psalmody, along with the formulas of znamenny and putevoy chant. They are found in the eight-mode cycles, such as ?Lord, I have cried? and ?God is the Lord?, and in the cycles with one melodic model (according to the Jerusalem Typicon tradition; sometimes without indication of modes), such as the Polyeleos, the ainoi, or the first antiphon of the first kathisma and the seventeenth kathisma. Similarities between special formulas in various psalmodic cycles, including eight-mode and non-octomodal Psalms, suggest the presence of remnants of the archaic eight-mode psalmodic system in the cycles of the Vigil.

The manuscript containing the service of St. Lazar Hrebeljanovic was presented to the Russian Tsar in 1550 by the abbot of the Hilandar monastery Paisius. We currently know only two manuscripts containing hymns to the Saint Lazar: RNB, Kir.-Bel. 586/843 (eighth decade of the 16th century) and RBB, f. 379 ? 66 (mid- 17th century). The older source is more complete. It includes stichera of Small and Great Vespers (on Lord I have cried and aposticha), stichera at the Litya, stichera at the end of Psalm 50, aposticha of Matins, as well as exapostilarion and theotokion. In addition, there are indications that two canons have been performed (a total of 31 hymns). In the younger source the chanting repertoire is much smaller - there are only doxastika and , stichera at the end of Psalm 50 (a total of 6 songs). The doxastika presented in these manuscripts have different musical variants.

At a cabinet meeting on November 4, 1956, Anthony Eden came face to face with the unravelling of his ill-starred premiership. As two leading cabinet colleagues, Lord Butler and Lord Salisbury, insisted that British military operations in Egypt would have to be ended, the prime minister found it impossible to repress any longer his overwrought and excitable temperament. According to the journalist James Margach, “Eden was emotionally overcome. He broke down in tears and cried: ‘You are all deserting me.’ He was in total collapse, weeping unashamedly. Then he went upstairs to compose himself.” Within two months Eden had resigned. His successor, Harold Macmillan, deliberately set out to create a very different emotional environment around him. In place of Eden's petulant volatility came an emphasis on self-control and steady nerves. In the words of David Maxwell Fyfe, who served under both premiers, Eden's “chronic restlessness” gave way to “a central calmness” under Macmillan. The new prime minister adopted an air of nonchalance and indifference, and according to one of his aides, “anyone who got excited got short shrift.” The contrasting public styles of Eden and Macmillan is a commonplace in the political history of the 1950s and has been credited with facilitating the recovery in Conservative electoral fortunes in the aftermath of the Suez debacle. However, Eden's breakdown and Macmillan's apparent “unflappability” can also be identified as sites on which to explore how dominant codes of masculine emotional culture were manifested in the world of politics.

The De'il cam fiddling thro' the town,And danced awa wi' the Exciseman;And ilka wife cried, ‘Auld Mahoun,We wish you luck o' your prize, man.’We'll mak our maut, and brew our drink,We'll dance, and sing, and rejoice, man;And mony thanks to the muckle black De'ilThat danced awa wi' the Exciseman.There's threesome reels, and foursome reels,There's hornpipes and strathspeys, man;But the ae best dance e'er came to our Ian',Was-the De'il's awa' wi' the Exciseman.(Robert Burns,The De'il's awa' wi' the Exciseman, 1792)In 1823 the English government introduced a new Act reducing the outrageous excise tax to levels that made it possible for enterprising Scots to come out of hiding and legally produce and sell their beloved whisky. (Bottle of Glenlivet malt whisky, 1990)In late December 1783, a desperate king took a seemingly desperate political step. With all of his other options exhausted, George III asked William Pitt, then only twenty-four years old, to form a government. In recognition of both the king's remarkable choice and the time of year, Pitt's critics, eagerly expecting the new administration to be short-lived, dubbed it the “mincepie administration.” The critics were of course wrong; Pitt survived not only that Christmas season but another twenty in office. Yet they had reason to be skeptical. For one of the “presents” delivered to the young chancellor of the Exchequer that first Christmas Eve was the preliminary report of a parliamentary committee, appointed under Lord Shelburne, “to enquire into the illicit practices used in defrauding the revenue.”

On 27 January 1806, in a house of commons newly integrating the momentous events of Trafalgar, Nelson's death, and Napoleon's victory at Austerlitz, the obsequies of William Pitt commenced. Lord Lascelles proposed that the late prime minister be honoured as had been his father twenty-eight years before, with a public funeral. The motion eventually passed but the inter-party wrangle that it caused was unseemly. William Windham, who had served as Pitt's Secretary at War between 1794 and 1801, wondered why such unusual honours were proposed for Pitt, given both the precarious situation of the current war (so unlike the Great Commoner's contribution to British glory) and the fact that Edmund Burke's death in 1797 had elicited no such designs. ‘In every point of comparison that could be made,’ said Windham, ‘Mr Burke stood upon the same level with Mr Pitt, and I do not see the reason for the difference.’ In retrospect, it may appear odd that any leading politician thought Burke was entitled to a state funeral. He had been neither war leader nor prime minister, the usual recipients of public funerals. Few others in the political nation in 1797, whig or Pittite, shared Windham's judgement on this matter. That Windham thought the Pittitesshouldhave shared his judgement was the source of his bitterness in his speech to the House. If Burke's acknowledged enemies, the Foxite whigs, had opposed public honours for Burke, Windham would not have been surprised,But that was not the case; it was not from them that the objection came, but from gentlemen on the other side of the house [Pittites], who took Mr Burke as the leader of their opinions, who cried him up to the skies, who founded themselves upon what he had done, but who were afraid, that if they consented to such honours, it would appear as if they approved of all the sentiments of that great man some of which were, perhaps, of too high a tone for them to relish.

This article aims to explore the treasures of Ibn Rushd's philosophy of rationality versus Al-Gazali's fundamental religious thought related to 3 (three) metaphysical problems, namely: (1). Qadimnya (eternal) nature, (2) God does not need to take care of small things (3). There is no physical resurrection. To understand and know the three problems, it can be described as follows: One: Qadim or eternal nature. The scholars represented by Al-Gazali argue that God created this universe from nothing into existence. According to Ibn Rushd, the opinion of the ulama represented by Al-Gazali cannot be justified. Therefore, what is true is that there are 2 (two) substances of two things which are both eternal (eternal), namely God and Nature, although the nature of God is not the same as the nature of Nature. The existence of God was earlier while the existence of Nature was later or later. Initially, God and finally Nature are not in terms of time or time, but from the side of the level of matter, as previously the movement of a person with the movement of his shadow. In fact, a person's movement occurs first, followed by a moving image, but both of them move at the same time and time. Although it is different from the side of its origin. Second: God doesn't have to take care of little things. Al-Gazali argues that knowledge is something that stands alone, even though it has a relationship or relationship with matter, science stands alone, the matter stands alone, but both of them manifest in one substance. Therefore, God is obliged to know everything big and small. Third: Resurrection of the body. Al-Gazali argues that the bodily awakening coincides with the spirit. This reasoning is based on a large number of texts from the Al-Qur'an which informs about the awakening between the body and the spirit. This is as informed by God through the incident of the Prophet Moses who asked God so that God could show Prophet Moses how God brought life to the dead. The Lord answered, O Moses, chop a bird then put the bird's flesh separately into all the mountains, after that call the bird, surely the meats that you spread will gather together and immediately come before you. When the Prophet Musa cried out to the bird, suddenly the meat quickly moved to one another to become a bird as before.

AbstractExploring the emergence of creedal statements in Christianity about non-time before creation, called precreation rhetorolect, this essay begins with the baptismal creed called the Roman Symbol and its expansion into the Apostles’ Creed. These early creeds contain wisdom, apocalyptic, and priestly rhetorolect, but no precreation rhetorolect. When the twelve statements in the Apostles’ Creed were expanded into the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed, the first three statements added precreation rhetorolect. God the Father Almighty not only creates heaven and earth, but God creates all things visible and invisible. Jesus Christ is not only God’s only Son, our Lord, but the Son is begotten from the Father before all time, Light from Light, and true God from true God. Being of the same substance as the Father, all things were made through the Son before he came down from heaven, the Son was incarnate by the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary, and became human. With these creedal additions, a precreation storyline became the context for a lengthy chain of argumentation about belief among fourth century Christian leaders.

Jesus was mentioned in the Holy Quran as considering God as one, God as his Lord and ordered to worship God only. However, some Christians who believed in Jesus Christ as Prophet and denied him as being Son of God or one of the Three Gods; an evidence of the depravity of the Creed of most Christians and its perversity of Jesus Message, and a reply to the followers of the three large parties (Royalism, Nestorianism and Jacobitism) in Triangulation, and the study of the Christians attitude on Monotheism throughout ages and their switch to Triangulation and notification of the invalidation of their saying of the godhead of Jesus; features the importance of this research [Monotheism among the Christians its concept and Creed implications (Critical Study)]. We will tackle here the concept of Monotheism as seen by Christians, and Monotheism after Jesus, Peace be Upon him, was lifted, the stages of Monotheism in the Christian history and texts of the Holy Book and the proof of Monotheism Creed to the Almighty God and the reply to it.

Abstract This paper inquires about the source of human blood in the Biblical Primeval History, beginning with the report in the Cain and Abel story of bloodshed and a related cosmic-upsetting noise. It is posited that this unique report and the sophisticated case of ancient philology extending to it from the Eden story and relating ʾādām, “Adam,” dām, “blood,” and ʾădāmâ, “earth” are inspired by the Mesopotamian myth of Atraḫasīs, in which an equally complex case of philological speculation concerning anthropogeny also relates to an outstanding account of bloodshed and a cosmic-upsetting noise. This occasion of a posited transformation of Mesopotamian lore in the Primeval History is considered within the broader context of this intercultural contact and its underlying philological and theological assumptions and motivations.

The 318 Fathers at the First Council of Nicaea (325) began their profession of faith in the second article of the creed as follows:Confessing that: We believe in one God … And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father as only begotten, that is, from the essence of the Father, [ek tes ousias tou patros].

Significant evangelical leaders today teach that the Son is eternally subordinated in authority to the Father, sometimes using ontological terms. This teaching would seem to stand in stark tension with the primary Christian confession that ‘Jesus is Lord’ and to contradict the Athanasian Creed which teaches that all three divine persons are ‘almighty’ and ‘Lord’, ‘none is before or after, greater or lesser’, and all are ‘co-equal’. What is more, it would seem to contradict virtually all the Protestant Reformation and post-Reformation Confessions which speak of the three divine persons as equal in being/essence and work/function.

Ahlussunnah stipulates the source of taking the law based on the Qur'an, Sunnah, ijma', and qias. A person is not said to be a Muslim if he does not carry out the five Islamic laws, namely: reading the creed, praying, fasting, zakat and hajj. As for the pillars of faith, the Ahlusunnah stipulates that a person is said to be a believer if he believes in Allah as his Lord, faith in his angels, faith in Allah's books, faith in Allah's Prophets and Messengers, faith in the Last Day (Judgment) and faith in qadha and qadar. ordained by God.

In this article, it is my intention to analyse two theoretical notions related to space, namely Pierre Nora’s idea of the site of memory and Gaston Bachelard’s thoughts on space and the house, as applied to Evelyn Waugh’s Brideshead Revisited (1945). I base my analysis on the symbolic value of the English country house with regard to the interwar English aristocracy and upper classes as depicted in this novel; that is, as a site of memory. I consider the point of view of three characters: Charles Ryder, the novel’s first-person narrator, Lord Sebastian Flyte, Ryder’s intimate friend, and Lord Marchmain, Sebastian’s father, who triggers the novel’s sudden and unexpected ending through his deathbed conversion to Roman Catholicism, his family’s creed. My conclusion links the decline of aristocratic and Christian ideals with the disappearance of communities of memory and their traditions after the Second World War.

In the middle of a pluralistic society, the Indonesian Church exists and develops. The civilization is made up of several tribes, faiths, ethnicities, and nations. Diversity is frequently a source of conflict in the lives of Indonesians. Hate speech in the name of religion, ethnicity, or creed, as well as other acts of intolerance, have become serious issues that must be addressed at this time. Indonesia, which prides itself on its variety, confronts a significant task in moving forward and growing as an independent nation. Tolerance is the attitude and way of living that is required in a plural society. Tolerance is the spirit and energy of variety. Christians, as an intrinsic component of a plural society, must be present to contribute to campaigns and the development of tolerance practice. Tolerance must be established on the teachings and example of the Lord Jesus Christ's life. Tolerance, as taught by the Lord Jesus Christ, must be a way of thinking, speaking, and doing for every believer in a plural society. The Church of God is obligated to apply the Lord Jesus' attitude of life, teachings, and tolerance practices. Tolerance requires lessons such as loving all people as yourself, respecting the teachings of other people's religions and beliefs, and cultivating a forgiving mindset.

Abstract During the time of English Nonconformity, Arianism was not only embraced, but openly acknowledged by most of the Presbyterian ministers. That generation of ministers, who contended so zealously for the orthodox faith, had finished their labours, and received from their Lord a dismissal into eternal rest. Those champions among the laity who, at the beginning of the controversy, stood up so firmly for the truth, had entered as well into the joy of their Lord. Though their children continued Dissenters, too many of them did not possess the same sentiments or spirit. Among those who succeeded these ministers were too many who embraced the Arian creed. To this unhappy change contributed the example and conversation as well of many from the younger Presbyterian ministers. In consequence Arianism spread far and wide in the Presbyterian congregations, both among the ministers and the people. This unhappy controversy proved the grave of the Presbyterian congregations, and of those of the General Baptists. The effects of Arianism, though at first scarcely visible, gradually produced desolation and death.

The Son of the Widow from Nain.By Kaj ThaningThis article intends to elucidate the distinctions that Grundtvig made in his world of ideas in the course of the years from 1824 to 1834, first between spirit and letter, church and church-school (1826-1830), and then between natural life and Christian life (in 1832). In His "Literary Testament" (1827), Grundtvig himself admits that there was a "Chaos" in his writings, due to the youthful fervour that pervaded his literary works and his sermons in the years 1822-1824. But not until 1832 does he acknowledge that "when I speak or write as a citizen, or a bard, or a scholar, it is not the time nor the place to either preach or confess, so when I have done so, it was a mistake which can only be excused with the all too familiar disorder pertaining to our church, our civic life, and our scholarship...", as it says in a passage omitted from the manuscript for "Norse Mythology”, 1832. (The passage is printed in its entirety in ”A Human first...”, p. 259f.)The point of departure for Thaning’s article is a sermon on the Son of the Widow from Nain, delivered in 1834, which the editor, Christian Thodberg also found "singularly personal”, since Grundtvig keeps using the pronoun ”1”. In this sermon Grundtvig says that those who have heard him preaching on this text before, would remember that he regarded the mourning widow as ”an image of the same broken heart at all times”, and her comforter, Jesus, not only as a great prophet in Israel, but ”as the living Being who sees us and is with us always until the end of the world”. Thodberg is of the opinion that Grundtvig refers to his sermon from 1823. Thaning, however, thinks that the reference is to the sermon from 1824. But Grundtvig adds that one may now rightly ask him whether he ’’still regards the gospel for the day with the same eyes, the same hope and fear as before.” He wants to discuss this, among other things ’’because the best thing we can do when we grow old is ... to develop and explain what in the days of our youth .. sprang up before our eyes and echoes in our innermost mind.” In other words, he speaks as if he had grown old. So Thaning asks: "What happened on the way from Our Saviour’s Church to Frederick’s Church?"Thaning’s answer is that there was a change in Grundtvig’s view of life. Already in his first sermon in 1832, he says that his final and truly real hour as a pastor has now arrived. Thaning’s explanation is that Grundtvig has now passed from the time of strong emotions to that of calm reflections. Not until now does he realize "what is essential and what is not". And in 1834 he says that our Christian views, too, must go through a purgatorial fire when we grow older. This is not only true of the lofty views of human life which, naturally, go through this purgatory and most often lose themselves in it. Here Grundtvig distinguishes between natural and Christian life which is something new in a sermon. Thaning adds that this purgatorial fire pervades Grundtvig’s drafts for the Introduction to "Norse Mythology" in 1832. But then, Grundtvig’s lofty views did not lose themselves in purgatory. He got through it. His view of life changed. (Here Thaning refers to his dissertation, "A Human First...", p. 306ff).This is vaguely perceptible throughout the sermon in question. But according to Thaning Grundtvig slightly distorts the picture of his old sermon. In the latter he did not mix up natural and Christian life. It is Thaning’s view that Grundtvig is thinking of the distinct mixture of Christianity and Danish national feeling in the poem "New Year’s Morning" (1824). But he also refers to Grundtvig’s sermon on Easter Monday, 1824, printed in Helge Toldberg’s dissertation, "Grundtvig’s World of Symbols" (1950), p. 233ff, showing that he has been captured by imagery in a novel manner. He seems to want to impose himself upon his audience. In 1834 he knows he has changed. But 1832 is the dividing year. In the passage omitted from the manuscript for "Norse Mythology", Grundtvig states explicitly that faith is "a free matter": "Faith is a matter of its own, and truly each man’s own matter". Grundtvig could not say this before 1832. Thaning is of the opinion that this new insight lies behind the distinction that he makes in the sermon in 1834, where he says that he used to mix up Christian life with "the natural life of our people", which involved the risk that his Christian view might be misinterpreted and doubted. Now it has been through purgatory. And in the process it has only lost its "absurdity and obscurity, which did not come from the Lord, but from myself”.Later in the sermon he says: "The view is no more obscured by my Danish national feeling; I certainly do not by any means fail to appreciate the particularly friendly relationship that has prevailed through centuries between the Christian faith and the life of this people, and nor do I by any means renounce my hope that the rebirth of Christianity here will become apparent to the world, too, as a good deed, but yet this is only a dream, and the prophet will by no means tell us such dreams, but he bids us separate them sharply from the word of God, like the straw from the grain...". This cannot be polemically directed against his own sermons from 1824. It must necessarily reflect a reaction against the fundamental view expressed in "New Year’s Morning" and its vision of Christianity and Danishness in one. (Note that in his dissertation for the Degree of Divinity, Bent Christensen calls the poem "a dream", as Thaning adds).In his "Literary Testament" (1827) Grundtvig speaks about the "Chaos" caused by "the spirits of the Bible, of history, and of the Nordic countries, whom I serve and confuse in turn." But there is not yet any recognition of the same need for a distinction between Danishness and Christianity, which in the sermon he calls "the straw and the grain". Here he speaks of the distinction between "church and church-school, Christianity and theology, the spirit of the Bible and the letter of the Bible", as a consequence of his discovery in 1825. He still identifies the spirit of human history with the spirit of the Bible: "Here is the explanation over my chaos", Grundtvig says. But it is this chaos that resolves itself, leading to the insight and understanding in the sermon from 1834.In the year after "The Literary Testament", 1828, Grundtvig publishes the second part of his "Sunday Book", in which the only sermon on the Son of the Widow in this work appears. It is the last sermon in this volume, and it is an elaboration of the sermon from 1824. What is particularly characteristic of it is its talk about hope. "When the heart sees its hope at death’s door, where is comfort to be found for it, save in a divine voice, intoning Weep not!" Here Grundtvig quotes St. John 3:16 and says that when this "word of Life" is heard, when hope revives and rises from its bier, is it not then, and not until then, that we feel that God has visited his people...?" In the edition of this sermon in the "Sunday Book" a note of doubt has slipped in which did not occur in the original sermon from 1824. The conclusion of the sermon bears evidence that penitential Christianity has not yet been overcome: "What death would be too hard a transition to eternal life?" - "Then, in the march of time, let it stand, that great hope which is created by the Word ... like the son of the great woman from Nain."It is a strange transition to go from this sermon to the next one about the son of the widow, the sermon from 1832, where Christ is no longer called "hope". The faith has been moved to the present: "... only in the Word do we find him, the Word was the sign of life when we rose from the dead, and if we fell silent, it was the sign of death." - "Therefore, as the Lord has visited us and has opened our mouths, we shall speak about him always, in the certain knowledge that it is as necessary and as pleasurable as to breathe..." The emphasis of faith is no longer in words like longing and hope.In a sense this and other sermons in the 1830s anticipate the hymn "The Lord has visited his people" ("Hymn Book" (Sangv.rk) I, no. 23): the night has turned into morning, the sorrow has been removed. The gospel has become the present. As before the Church is compared with the widow who cried herself blind at the foot of the cross. Therefore the Saviour lay in the black earth, nights and days long. But now the Word of life has risen from the dead and shall no more taste death. The dismissal of the traditional Christianity, handed down from the past, is extended to include the destructive teaching in schools. The young man on the bier has been compared with the dead Christianity which Grundtvig now rejects. At an early stage Grundtvig was aware of its effects, such as in the Easter sermon in 1830 ("Sunday Book" III, p. 263) where Grundtvig speaks as if he had experienced a breakthrough to his new view. So, the discovery of the Apostles’ Creed in 1825 must have been an enormous feeling of liberation for him – from the worship of the letter that so pervaded his age. Grundtvig speaks about the "living, certain, oral, audible" word in contrast to the "dead, uncertain, written, mute" sign in the book. However, there is as yet no mention of the "Word from the Mouth of our Lord", which belongs to a much later time. Only then does he acquire the calm confidence that enables him to preach on the background of what has happened that the Word has risen from the dead. The question to ask then is what gave him this conviction."Personally I think that it came to him at the same time as life became a present reality for him through the journeys to England," Thaning says. By the same token, Christianity also became a present reality. The discovery of 1825 was readily at hand to grant him a means of expression to convey this present reality and the address to him "from the Lord’s own mouth", on which he was to live. It is no longer enough for him to speak about "the living, solemn evidence at baptism of the whole congregation, the faith we are all to share and confess" as much more certain than everything that is written in all the books of the world. The "Sunday Book" is far from containing the serene insight which, in spite of everything, the Easter sermon, written incidentally on Easter Day, bears witness to. But in 1830 he was not yet ready to sing "The Lord has visited his people", says Thaning.In the sermon from 1834 one meets, as so often in Grundtvig, his emphasis on the continuity in his preaching. In the mourning widow he has always seen an image of the Church, as it appears for the first time in an addition to the sermon on the text in the year 1821 ("Pr.st. Sermons", vol I, p. 296). It ends with a clue: "The Church of Christ now is the Widow of Nain". He will probably have elaborated that idea and concluded his sermon with it. Nevertheless, as it has appeared, the sermon in 1834 is polemically directed against his former view, the mixture of Christian and natural life. He recognizes that there is an element of "something fantastic" sticking to the "view of our youth".Already in a draft for a sermon from March 4,1832, Grundtvig says:"... this was truly a great error among us that we contented ourselves with an obscure and indefinite idea of the Spirit as well as the Truth, for as a consequence of that we were so doubtful and despondent, and we so often mistook the letter for the spirit, or the spirit of phantasy and delusion for that of God..." (vol. V, p. 79f).The heart-searchings which this sermon draft and the sermon on the 16th Sunday after Trinity are evidence of, provide enough argument to point to 1832 as a year of breakthrough. We, his readers, would not have been able to indicate the difference between before and now with stronger expressions than Grundtvig’s own. "He must really have turned into a different kind of person", Thaning says. At the conclusion of the article attention is drawn to the fact that the image of the Son of the Widow also appears in an entirely different context than that of the sermon, viz. in the article about Popular Life and Christianity that Grundtvig wrote in 1847. "What still remains alive of Danish national feeling is exactly like the disconsolate widow at the gate of Nain who follows her only begotten son to the grave" (US DC, p. 86f). The dead youth should not be spoken to about the way to eternal life, but a "Rise!" should be pronounced, and that apparently means: become a living person! On this occasion Grundtvig found an opportunity to clarify his ideas. His "popular life first" is an extension of his "a human being first" from 1837. He had progressed over the last ten years. But the foundation was laid with the distinction between Christian and natural life at the beginning of the 1830s.

We finding (right dread and soveraigne Lord), in the sacred records of God that the most worthy kings set over his people sanctifyed the entrance of their raigne with clensing the house of God from all idolatry and superstition and reforming the ministers thereof, according to the order appointed by God; the safest and surest way to establish the thrones of kings to themselves and their posterity. And we acknowledging with all thankfulnes to God that he hath touched your royall hart with a true love unto his sanctuarie and raysed you up as another Josiah even to pull down all the high places and to breake in peeces all the strange altars that remaine yet in Israell (for we must acknowledg as the truth that many of us and of the people have not yet prepared our harts to the God of our fathers) ar moved in those respects (most noble king) as remembrancers of the Lord to crie with our hart and voice for the effecting herof.

This scientific article describes the characteristics and significance of the religion of Islam. The ideology of Islam is set out in the Holy books of Muslims, the Koran and the Sunnah. The Sunnah according to the creed is a collection of sayings of Muhammad and stories about his life. Imam al-Bukhari, this name is one of the most revered in the Muslim world. His name has been celebrated in the Muslim world for more than 12 centuries and the book "al-Jomi-as-Sahih" is considered the most reliable Muslim book after the Koran. "As-Sahih al-Bukhari" will consist of more than four dozen books, different in volume and number of hadiths covered. For his deep knowledge of hadith, the scholars of the ulama gave him the title "Imam al-Muhaddisin" (Lord of the world according to Hadith).

Paternalism is a construct that continues to be used by historians of eighteenth-century English society. As an explanatory or exploratory term it does resonate with some of the inflections in the sources, particularly those dealing with the mediation of class relations by the prototypical country gentleman justice of the peace, that denizen of countless novels, and the subject of much historical research over the last thirty years. Paternalism, in the sense of a putative concern for the welfare of the working poor, provided they kept within bounds, was certainly the announced creed of many better- and lesser-known philanthropic gentlemen of the period, and we can find (apparent) plebeian celebrations of the belief:God bless Lord Dudley WardHe knows as times been hard.He called back the sodgermen,And we'll never riot again,Na boys, no boys, no the brave Dudley boys.

ABSTRACT Besila is a paradisical setting in the Kushnameh, an early twelfth-century Persian epic that combines the ancient Iranian messianic legend of Kangdez with more recent geographical knowledge, based on travelers' reports, of China and Korea. Besila’s messianic role in the narrative, its antipodal location, and its quasi-fictional status are quintessentially utopian, and yet little is revealed about the society of Besila. The Kushnameh instead emphasizes the means by which paradises are formed, including the rational origins of Besila’s monotheistic creed, organic growth, translatio imperii, travel, and geographical knowledge. The Kushnameh’s vision of universal monotheism anticipates the story of Hayy ibn Yaqzan, a later utopia with important connections to the development of Islamic political theory. The case of Besila thus suggests that the early modern genre of utopia has deep roots in the medieval discourse of travel and travelers.

The researcher dealt with the problem of suspicions about fighting verses, in which he clarified that Islam did not spread by the edge of the sword, and that the Holy Prophet - may Allah bless him and grant him peace - did not like blood in his character, nor did the people of Medina love wars. Studies have proven to Westerners that blood raises fear among Arabs, especially the Bedouins, and that fighting came to ward off danger and support the oppressed people and islam creed. The rule proved by the Holy Qur’an is that there is no compulsion in religion, and that the Noble Qur’an in all the verses of fighting did not say kill. On the contrary all the verses say fight those who fight you and this indicates the interaction, and urges the youth of the nation that Islam is the Islam of peace, affection and tenderness, and it is not permissible to oppose the infidels as long as they are peaceful. Indeed, the first verse of the Noble Qur’an, says that Allah is the Lord of the worlds and not only the Lord of Muslims. Key words: verses, fighting, the Qur’an, reading, exegesis

Abstract This article argues that Suzan-Lori Parks’ Pulitzer-prize winning play Topdog/Underdog (1999) mobilizes a conspiracy theory concept of anti-black violence in America. The highly discursive play depicts a pair of black brothers named Lincoln and Booth as they banter, argue, and compete with each other over games of three-card monte. In the final scene of the play, the brothers fulfil the destiny inscribed in their names: Booth shoots and kills his brother Lincoln after a dispute over their meager inheritance. The play frames this final act of brutal fratricide as a form of political assassination in order to activate the rescaling that comes with a conspiracy theory lexicon: Topdog/Underdog formulates a generative and radically resistant conspiratorial conception of anti-black violence that ultimately enables a genuine confrontation with the origins and structures of racialized oppression. The play thus belongs to a lineage of works by black writers that have wielded a paranoid aesthetic in order to galvanize a revolutionary opposition to the structures of racial oppression. This tradition includes authors such as W. E. B. Du Bois, Richard Wright, and, most explicitly, John A. Williams, whose novel The Man Who Cried I Am (1967) emerges in the article as a precedent for the conspiratorial racial politics of Parks’s play. In its own interpretation of paranoid anti-racist critique, Topdog/Underdog elaborates a concept of conspiracy without intentionality whose hierarchies, despite being beyond the parameters of any single individual or collective entity’s agency, can nonetheless be undermined and, ultimately, toppled.

Abstract“Songspirals are a university for us, they are a map of understandings” (Gay’wu Group of Women, 2019, p. 33).This paper is authored by Bawaka Country, acknowledging Country’s ability to teach and share. Country is homeland and place. Country is everything and the relationships that bring everything to life. Country is knowledge. This paper is shaped and enabled by songspirals. Songspirals are sung and cried by Yolŋu people in north east Arnhem Land, Australia, to awaken Country, to make and remake the life-giving connections between people and place.The Goŋ-gurtha songspiral leads this paper, showing us how a Yolŋu Country-led pedagogy centres Country’s active agency by learning through, with, and as Country. This pedagogy shares with us the ongoing connections within and between generations to ensure that knowledge remains strong and that sharing is done the right way, according to Yolŋu Rom, Law/Lore. This learning is predicated on relationality and responsibility. It is a more-than-human learning in which human knowing is decentred and Country is knowledgeable. It is a learning which recognises and respects its limits and it is a learning in which the ongoing sovereignty of Yolŋu people is front and centre.

On August 30, 1914, Admiral Charles Penrose Fitzgerald, an inveterate conscriptionist and disciple of Lord Roberts, deputized thirty women in Folkstone to hand out white feathers to men not in uniform. The purpose of this gesture was to shame “every young ‘slacker’ found loafing about the Leas” and to remind those “deaf or indifferent to their country's need” that “British soldiers are fighting and dying across the channel.” Fitzgerald's estimation of the power of these women was enormous. He warned the men of Folkstone that “there is a danger awaiting them far more terrible than anything they can meet in battle,” for if they were found “idling and loafing to-morrow” they would be publicly humiliated by a lady with a white feather.The idea of a paramilitary band of women known as “The Order of the White Feather” or “The White Feather Brigade” captured the imagination of numerous observers and even enjoyed a moment of semiofficial sanction at the beginning of the war. According to the Chatham News an “amusing, novel, and forceful method of obtaining recruits for Lord Kitchener's Army was demonstrated at Deal on Tuesday” when the town crier paraded the streets and “crying with the dignity of his ancient calling, gave forth the startling announcement: ‘Oyez! Oyez!! Oyez!!! The White Feather Brigade! Ladies wanted to present the young men of Deal and Walmer … the Order of the White Feather for shirking their duty in not coming forward to uphold the Union Jack of Old England! God save the King.’”

The sermons of Quodvultdeus Bishop of Carthage during the time of the Van­dal invasion of Africa are characterised by their harsh polemics against the Jews, Pagans, and Arians (De symbolo 1-3; Contra Iudaeos, paganos, et Arrianos; De accedentibus ad gratiam 1-2). The polemics against the Arians derived from the fact that the new lords of Africa, the Vandals, were Arians who promoted their belief and persecuted the Romans for professing their Catholic faith. This paper aims to reassess the polemical character of Quodvultdeus’ sermons. They are exa­mined in their liturgical context and compared to other contemporary writings on the Creed, and finally discussed in their historical and religious context. In view of this analysis, it can be stated that the works of Quodvultdeus studied here are not primarily anti-heretical, but they rather focus on affirming the doctrine of the Church and on the adherence of the newly baptised to the Church as a means of salvation. Quodvultdeus’ harsh anti-heretical language is not exceptional in the Latin tradition of creedal catechesis during the 4th and 5th centuries and has there­fore chiefly a catechetical function.

This paper aims to understand the spiritual revitalization of millennial youth through a religious trilogy as the three foundations of scientific foundations in Islam. This study uses a qualitative method of library research. The data analysis technique uses analysis content. The study results show that the Religion trilogy is a term from the three main foundations of Islam, namely Sharia, aqidah, and morals. Islam represents Sharia, Iman represents Akidah, and Ihsan represents Morals. Faith is, in the first place, functioning as the foundation of life. Adolescents can support various winds and storms of life if their creed or faith is of high quality; like a building, teenagers have a solid foundation that can support other buildings. The second order is Sharia; it regulates attitudes-interaction with His Lord and attitudes-interaction with others. Adolescents with good sharia quality will be able to stand up to the problems that arise in society. The third order is morality, which functions as a decoration, beautifies and beautifies the view. The Religious Trilogy must be understood correctly and adequately for success as Caliph Fi al-Ard'I has a religious-nationalist-ethical-humanistic personality.

On 26 July 1647 Westminster, in the grip of plague and political crisis, exploded with rioting. With the connivance of leading Presbyterian politicians in parliament and the City, a throng of apprentices and demobilized soldiers besieged the two Houses, coercing the imprisoned members to accede to their demands. Many of the rioters had subscribed to an outlawed ‘Solemn Engagement’, calling for the restoration of the king: they demanded the reversal of parliament's declaration against this Engagement, and the return of the City's militia forces to its own strongly ‘Presbyterian’ Militia Committee. As the main body of rioters swarmed into the Court of Requests, through the Painted Chamber and assailed the doors of the house of lords, another smaller party led by one Brace, a grocer, ran down the Water Lane leading from the house to the river, to block this means of escape. Reminded by one of the rioters that ‘not at anie hand [was] this house to be forced’ Brace retorted ‘what they did, they were aduised by a Member of the house of Comons’.6 ‘Keepe them in, keepe them in thises three daies’, shouted their ringleader, the reformado captain, William Musgrave, ‘and if they will not grant your desires, cutt their throates’ ‘Through the barred doors of the Lords’ chamber came cries of ‘Traytors, put them out, hang their guts about their necks and many other like words’.

Abstract This article argues that Suzan-Lori Parks’ Pulitzer-prize winning play Topdog/Underdog (1999) mobilizes a conspiracy theory concept of anti-black violence in America. The highly discursive play depicts a pair of black brothers named Lincoln and Booth as they banter, argue, and compete with each other over games of three-card monte. In the final scene of the play, the brothers fulfil the destiny inscribed in their names: Booth shoots and kills his brother Lincoln after a dispute over their meager inheritance. The play frames this final act of brutal fratricide as a form of political assassination in order to activate the rescaling that comes with a conspiracy theory lexicon: Topdog/Underdog formulates a generative and radically resistant conspiratorial conception of anti-black violence that ultimately enables a genuine confrontation with the origins and structures of racialized oppression. The play thus belongs to a lineage of works by black writers that have wielded a paranoid aesthetic in order to galvanize a revolutionary opposition to the structures of racial oppression. This tradition includes authors such as W. E. B. Du Bois, Richard Wright, and, most explicitly, John A. Williams, whose novel The Man Who Cried I Am (1967) emerges in the article as a precedent for the conspiratorial racial politics of Parks’s play. In its own interpretation of paranoid anti-racist critique, Topdog/Underdog elaborates a concept of conspiracy without intentionality whose hierarchies, despite being beyond the parameters of any single individual or collective entity’s agency, can nonetheless be undermined and, ultimately, toppled.

At some point in the 1520s the printer Richard Pynson ran off a poster to spread information about an indulgence. The sheet has a poor survival rate: what appears to be the unique extant copy exists as printer’s waste used for book-binding, and is now badly damaged. Nevertheless, the bit which matters for present purposes is almost intact. It notes that Cardinal Wolsey had offered a pardon of ten years and ten Lents to all who recited a specific psalm and set of prayers ‘for the most noble and prosperous estate of our soverayne lorde king Henry the .viii. the quene and the pryncesse’, which could be gained once each day. In addition, all the other bishops of the realm had offered forty days of pardon to everyone who recited five Our Fathers, five Hail Marys, and a Creed for the same intent. (How often that indulgence could be gained is unclear: it may have been secured at each recitation.) The Latin prayers specified to gain Wolsey’s pardon were printed on the bottom half of the sheet, but more than half of that text is now lost.

Paul Rich has written that “nationalism in English society has not been a subject that has especially interested historians until comparatively recently.” This judgment could equally be applied to what Gerald Newman has described as that “mere primitive feeling of loyalty,” the less complex and far more ancient phenomenon of patriotism, which, for the purposes of the present article, will simply be taken to mean “love of country.” In the last few decades, the attention given to patriotism by British historians has grown rapidly. However, historians of party politics, particularly those interested in the late nineteenth century, have proved something of an exception to this rule. Although few would dispute Lord Blake's view that “‘patriotism’ … has usually been a valuable weapon in the Conservative armoury,” even work done on the tory party has avoided serious discussion of the subject. Most writers, particularly those of textbook studies, have found it difficult to move beyond rather general allusions to the Conservatives' transformation intotheparty of patriotism in the 1870s, with “Disraeli's speeches of 1872–3” and his “performance at Berlin in 1878” establishing once and for all “the image of the Conservative party as the champion of national honour.” This argument, of course, owes much to Hugh Cunningham's importantHistory Workshoparticle of 1981, which put forward the view that patriotism—originally an antistate and libertarian “creed of opposition”—had by the late nineteenth century passed from the hands of the radicals into the possession of the political Right.

In 1854, Philip Schaff, professor of church history at Mercersburg Theological Seminary and minister of the German Reformed Church, reported to his denomination on the state of Christianity in America. Although the American Church had many shortcomings, according to Schaff the United States was ‘by far the most religious and Christian country in the world’. Many Protestant leaders, however, took a dimmer view of Christianity's prospects. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century, a nagging sense prevailed that traditional theology was no longer capable of integrating religion and culture, or piety and intelligence. Bela Bates Edwards, a conservative New England divine, complained of the prevalent opinion ‘that an intellectual clergyman is deficient in piety and that an eminently pious minister is deficient in intellect’. Edwards was not merely lamenting the unpopularity of Calvinism. A Unitarian writer also noted a burgeoning ‘clerical skepticism’. Intelligent and well-trained men who wished to defend and preach the Gospel, he wrote, ‘find themselves struggling within the fetters of a creed by which they have pledged themselves’. An 1853 Memorial to the Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church summed up the doubts of Protestant clergymen when it asked whether the Church's traditional theology and ministry were ‘competent to the work of preaching and dispensing the Gospel to all sorts and conditions of men, and so adequate to do the work of the Lord in this land and in this age’.

Epidemiological and molecular biological data suggest that the beta human papillomavirus (HPV) can cause the development of a number of epithelial skin tumors, but this interconnection is currently not fully understood. Besides detection of beta HPV, it is necessary to measure and quantify the viral load, it is a new approach in the diagnosis of HPV infection. 52 patients were examined to identify the association of epithelial neoplasias beta human papilloma virus in immunocompromised and immunocompetent patients in the department of chronic hemodialysis and kidney transplantation of Moscow Regional Research and Clinical Institute. HPV detection was performed by polymerase chain reaction (PCR) with hybridization-fluorescence detection in real time (Real-Time). Amplification and detection were performed on the tool Rotor-Gene 3000 (“Corbett Research”, Australia). For quantification of beta HPV recombinant plasmid positive controls, as well as control plasmidfragment offi-globin human gene (FSIS CRIE Rospotrebnadzor) were used. In fibroepithelial polyp and in apparently healthy skin of immunosuppressive patients - renal transplant recipients (RPT) with a high frequency was detected beta HPV DNA - 64 and 54%, respectively, compared to healthy skin (47% of cases). In fibroepithelial polyp in 57% of immunosuppressive RPT mixed infection was revealed. Viral load in the fibroepithelial polyp was higher than that as in apparently normal skin and in donors skin. The high detection ofHPVDNA in RTP, as in the fibroepithelial polyp and in apparently healthy skin was found. Immunocompetent patients had high HPV DNA detection only in fibroepithelial polyp compared with apparently healthy skin.

Everyone faces difficult times all the time according to the times. In suffering and trouble often arise questions, cries and complaints to God. How much longer Lord? Where is your justice? The author takes the book of Habakkuk which teaches today's believers to be a guide to face difficult times. This study aims to determine the views and attitudes of the prophet when facing difficult times can be an example that can be applied in everyday life for believers today. The name Habakkuk means one who hugs or embraces. In accordance with the meaning of his name, he is someone who embraces, embraces God and dares to argue to get answers to his questions, screams and complaints until he gets answers. Allah's answer made the prophet's faith strong and at the end of his sentence, the prophet said that it was precisely through this struggle that Allah made the prophet strong, like the feet of a deer that trod on the hills.Setiap orang menghadapi masa sulit sepanjang masa sesuai perkembangan zaman. Dalam penderitaan dan masalah sering muncul pertanyaan, teriakan dan pengaduan kepada Allah. Berapa lama lagi Tuhan? Di manakah keadilan-Mu? Penulis mengambil kitab Habakuk yang mengajarkan bagi orang percaya masa kini untuk menjadi pedoman menghadapi masa sulit. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pandangan dan sikap nabi ketika menghadapi masa sulit dapat menjadi teladan yang bisa diaplikasikan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari bagi orang percaya zaman sekarang. Nama Habakuk memiliki arti yaitu orang yang memeluk atau merangkul. Sesuai dengan arti namanya, dia adalah seorang yang memeluk, merangkul kepada Allah dan berani berdebat untuk mendapat jawaban atas pertanyaan, teriakan dan pengaduannya sampai mendapatkan jawaban. Jawaban Allah yang membuat iman nabi kokoh dan di akhir kalimatnya, nabi mengatakan justru melalui pergumulan ini Allah menjadikan nabi kuat, bagaikan kaki rusa yang berjejak di bukit-bukit.

Introduction: Skeletal tuberculosis (TB) accounts for approximately 10–35% of the extra-pulmonary cases, where knee TB accounts for around 8% of extra-pulmonary TB cases after hip and spine. In about one-third of patients with extra-pulmonary TB, pulmonary TB is concomitantly found. The management of knee TB poses an initial diagnostic challenge due to its non-specific symptoms and absence of constitutional symptoms after which depending on the response to AKT – surgical intervention open or arthroscopic could be contemplated. Case Report: We have a 30-year-old female patient diagnosed with the right-sided knee TB on synovial biopsy started on anti-tubercular treatment. After 1 month of conservative middle path regimen, She presented to us with worsening knee pain and swelling over the right knee and difficulty in standing and moving out of bed as well as inability to sleep and night cries affecting significantly her activities of daily living. The patient was managed with open arthrotomy and subtotal synovectomy was done along with thorough debridement resulting in significant reduction in the pain and swelling in the post-operative period with return of range of motion with daily activities. Conclusion: As clear in our case, apart from the conventional chemotherapeutic regimen for TB, surgical management is sometimes indicated in patients with an aggressive joint infection with severe impairment in performing activities of daily living. It also helps to decrease the disease load which provides symptomatic relief to the patient and helps in recovery, thereby improving the quality of life.

This COVID-19 pandemic has led to a state of health shock in almost all the affected countries. The strain on the health facilities all over the world has increased drastically in the last few months leading to inability of health ministries all over the world to fulfil the demands of the country.The Coronavirus pandemic didn’t just influence the wellbeing status of different nations but on the other hand is strongly affecting the worldwide economy. Perhaps the greatest inquiry is about the conceivable monetary and monetary aftermath of requesting a third from the total populace to remain in an exacting lockdown.Some are contrasting the present-day monetary emergencies with the monetary emergency of 2008 yet the 2008 cries managed the interest side of the economy while the present-day emergency is a stock stun. It is a wellbeing stun.Countries around the world now face a major challenge to balance the load of decelerating economy and to deal with a health crisis, while not holding it too low back so that the recovery would become difficult.So, to deal with the health crises with lockdown and practice social distancing we have to hold the economy down cause if we don’t do that then we won’t be able to practice social distancing.Authorities worldwide have responded to stop the spread of the virus by initiating lockdowns, strict border monitoring, facility closures and workplace hazard controls. Most of the nation have responded by increasing their testing capacity and also tracing the contacts of infected persons so that effective self-isolation by contacts can be followed.The pandemic has caused overall social and financial interruption, which is second to the popular economic disruption of the Great Depression but India was not much affected due to respected Prime ministerManmohan Singh. Because of this the legislatures worldwide have been compelled to delay or drop donning, strict, social, and political occasions, most and majority of stock clearance skyrocketed by over purchasing, over stocking and diminished emission of poisonous and global warming substances. The instruction of youngsters has been influenced overall reason the education system from primary to top of colleges have been shut either on a from one side of the country to the other or local basis in 172 nations.

BackgroundDespite continuous improvements in antirheumatic pharmacological treatment, many people with inflammatory arthritis (IA) still report substantial disease impact. Based on the framework for complex interventions [1], we developed a self-management intervention (INSELMA)[2]. Based on shared decision-making, which included an initial assessment and a goal setting process a rheumatology nurse coordinated interdisciplinary support and available offers in primary care to achieve the patients’ individual goals. A feasibility test of the six-month intervention encompassed 19 patients with IA and substantial impact of the disease.ObjectivesThe objective of this study was to explore the participants’ experience of feasibility, acceptability, and potential benefit from participation in the INSELMA intervention.MethodsIndividual semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants in INSELMA. Thematic analysis was applied [3].ResultsFifteen participants were interviewed (9 women, 6 men, aged 44-75, 17-75 min.). The participants associated the benefits they experienced from the intervention to the impact IA had on their everyday lives.The analysis derived four overall themes.1)A new opportunity. Participation in INSELMA was experienced as an opportunity to improve, reduce challenges, or change issues they felt they had fought alone until now. Some expressed worries that their situation was too complex to be able to contribute to the study and some participated to contribute to scientific IA evidence.2)The importance of person-centred goals. The individual goals encompassed both physical, social, and emotional life skills. When expectations and goals were aligned, it facilitated a positive outcome. The empathic support and coaching from the nurses, who listened, motivated, and understood their problems were considered especially valuable. Time between consultations to work with goals at home was pointed out as important to experience progress.3)A little nudging means everything.Several participants expressed that the intervention had contributed with new or refreshed knowledge and motivation to change habits. Some would like continued follow-up with the nurse after the end of the study to stay committed. Also some suggested that this type of intervention should be a general offer for all patients with IA. Having access to a physiotherapist and an occupational therapist with rheumatology experience for exercise support adapted to the participants’ needs and abilities was especially important for them.4)I got more than I wished for. The intervention was experienced as feasible and meaningful, and the overall impression was positive. Several cried tears of joy and gratitude as they experienced decreased symptom load, improvement in physical strength, mobility, and sleep as well as increased energy and coping. Two had experienced no change, of which one had resumed physical activity after several years. The participants expressed hope for the future as they had new tools and habits to prevent problems and manage symptoms, which resulted in motivation to work towards new goals.ConclusionPatients found the INSELMA intervention feasible. They experienced decreased disease impact and increased activity level, facilitated by empathy and self-management support from the health professionals.References[1] DOI: 10.1136/bmj.n2061[2] DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2022-eular.984[3] DOI: 10.1191/1478088706qp063oaAcknowledgementsThe authors thank the participants for generously sharing their experiences.Disclosure of InterestsNone Declared.

This communication is something of a paradox. The project I am going to discuss here concerns an issue I have been working on for years, but on the other hand it is very much work in progress –and for technical reasons the progress is unfortunately much less advanced than I thought it would be when I first planned my contribution.First of all, the map illustrates what I mean by the term ‘notarial societies’ –mostly the world of the Greek islands – both along the western coast (Ionian islands) and the central Aegean (Cyclades and others), as well as in the south (Crete). The fall of Constantinople (1453) confirmed the Ottoman dominance on the major part of the former Byzantine Empire. However, some islands remained in Venetian hands or under various Latin lords affiliated with Venice (Khios with Genoa): major examples are Crete (until 1669), the Cyclades (to 1566) and the Ionian islands (to 1797). During the 17th century the Venetian presence was still strongly felt in the region. But the local population was – and remained – predominantly Greek in language and Greek Orthodox in religion. Those societies preserved the notarial tradition throughout the period and part of the vast amount of notarial acts has survived, throwing light on aspects of the social life about which there is very little evidence for the ‘non notarial’ parts of the region.Thus, the term ‘notarial societies’ designate those parts of the post Byzantine Greek world that preserved the medieval notarial tradition up to modern times. The extant notarial documents, therefore, outline the realities of populations, which in their majority shared a common language, religious creed and cultural (Byzantine) heritage. At the same time these were societies with differing physical characteristics, varying historical experiences, and different political and administrative framework, which moreover were subjected to variable cultural influences. All these factors are reflected in the significant regional variations that can be observed: take the example of the types of law regulating notarial practice, which offer a vital key for the interpretation of the information gleaned from the documents. At any given place the prevalent legal system might be any mixture of disparate elements: the Venetian law, in territories held by Venice; the customary law, which regulated most legal relations in regions like the Cyclades; and other influences, such as the feudal Frankish code used by the Latin rulers of formerly Byzantine lands; also, the canon law (which was in effect a continuation of Byzantine legal theory and practice) or the Islamic law, in places where Muslims had settled in large numbers.

Grundtvig 's version of Three Old Testament HymnsBy Else Kragelund HoltThe article seeks to demonstrate the significance of Grundtvig’s interpretative use of the old Testament in Sangværk /. The methodological inspiration for the study is not to be found in the ongoing Grundtvig research, but in Old Testament exegesis, especially in the shape of Tradition History and Wirkungsgeschickte.The questions raised are not primarily why Grundtvig did so and so with his Old Testament Vorlage, but rather what he did with it. The material of the investigation is three hymns from the Easter part of the Sangværk. According to Grundtvig, SV #206, / de gyldne Himmel-Sale (»In the Golden Halls of Heaven«), was written »after the 16th Psalm of David«. On the basis of its form, this psalm should be designated as a psalm of confidence, i.e. a psalm expressing trust in the Lord’s will to take care of those faithful to him, while life will be burdensome to the godless. The Psalmist presents himself as a man obedient to God (v.2), a man who knows that the Lord has given him counsel (v.7), and that He will not let him meet an untimely death (v. 10). One might expect Grundtvig to use Ps 16 as an expression of the Christian’s joy of life, but this is not what he does. Presumably inspired by Christian Vi’s Danish Bible, he reproduces Ps 16 as a heavenly dialogue between the Father and the Son. The Father consults the Son about how mankind can be delivered. Whereas Ps 16 depicts God as the support of man, Grundtvig uses the words of the psalm as a prediction of Christ supporting the Father’s plan of deliverance. In stanza six the speaker changes: Jesus praises the Father for the help that He will show him, when He is to fight Death. Ps 16, 9-10 becomes a prediction of Jesus’ victory over Death, and Ps 16, 11, correspondingly, a prediction of the Ascension. Grundtvig uses Ps 16 »prophetically«, reinterpreting the Old Testament motif of the guidance of the Lord in a different context. Where Ps 16 has an earthly orientation, the perspective of the reproduction becomes cosmic - and, one might add, part of the Easter service in church.SV #207 - O min Gud, min Gud og Fader! (»Oh, My God, My God and Father!«) is said to be »the 22nd Psalm of David, freely translated«. This is the psalm which opens with Jesus’ last words from the Cross: My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? The Old Testament psalm is a personal lament. Vv. 2-22a describe the despair of one, abandoned by God and community, vv. 22b-31 are the praise of a man whose cries have been heard.Grundtvig does not overtly take up the theme of the Passion. Rather he reproduces the psalm very closely, as if to make it usable as a hymn for the Danish church. Nevertheless, a personal adaptation is detectable. First, the hymn talks to God as a father - a divine metaphor, which is not used in the Book of Psalms at all. Here the words from the Cross are traceable. Another vestige of the Passion can be found in the beginning of the hymn, where the poet asks »my God and Father« to »stay with me now«. It seems as if the worshipper has not yet been abandoned, but that he knows that he will be, like Jesus in Gethsemane. Finally, Grundtvig identifies the enemy from whom the worshipper asks to be saved, as Death.In SV #209 - Stat op i Gry, min Gud! stat op! (.Arise at Dawn! My God, Arise.) Grundtvig again translates the Old Testament psalm very closely. PS 68 is a rather martial psalm of thanksgiving for a royal victory, and Grundtvig uses it to portray the victorious resurrection of Christ. Literally between the lines, Grundtvig puts christological interpretations, using allusions to Christmas for instance, and to the Word that bears a giant’s strength. In stanza four Grundtvig changes the reference of the Old Testament psalm to the Wanderings in the Wilderness as a metaphor of fertility and creation (vv. 8-9), using, instead, the stream rising in Eden (Gen 2,4) which he interprets as baptism.What can be concluded is that Grundtvig at the same time re-writes and reinterprets the Old Testament poetry more or less in the tradition of how the Old Testament was re-interpreted in the New.

A Word by the Son of GodBy Jørgen ErtnerIn the Jubilee Year 1983, a hitherto unknown Grundtvig letter emerged. The letter, dated May 28., 1844, was written to the vicar Ferdinand Fenger in Lynge near Soro, who was one of the clergyman friends that Grundtvig visited on his recuperational journey in May 1844 during the crisis that had hit him earlier that year. This letter throws new light on the hymn »Sleep sound, little child« (Sov sodt, barnlille) as regards its genesis as well as its content. Thus, on the basis of this letter, it is now possible to determine the chronological order of the composition of the stanzas, and to prove that the stanzas written first, presumably during the visit to Peter Rordam in Mem, are stanzas 1, 3 and 4 (following the counting in Den Danske Salmebog, DDS no. 488), while stanzas 2, 5 and 7 were composed later, presumably during Grundtvig’s stay at Gunni Busck’s in Stigs Bjergby, all stanzas with variants compared with the later known form. In particular, the letter, so far not used in Grundtvig research, sheds new light on the understanding of the significant variant in stanza 4 (DDS), the original expression ≫Maggot-Tongue≪, which can be traced back to Job 25,6. In the letter Grundtvig writes that the expression ≫Maggot-Tongue≪ is most fitting in an angel’s mouth for ≫us poor imitators of Him who said: ‘I am a worm, not a man’≪ (Psalm 22.7 in the Old Testament). It is ≫moreover an old medicine for my old Adam≪, Grundtvig adds, that is a medicine for his haughtiness, perhaps referring to the crisis of 1810. In very much his own manner Grundtvig combines Job 25,6 and Psalm 22,7 as an expression of the community with Christ in the hour of doubt and feeling forsaken by God. We are poor imitators of Christ, who in the midst of doubt and feeling forsaken by God maintained the community with God in prayer (cf. Psalm 22,2). Psalm 22.7 and 22,2 merge and become the Lord’s Prayer which, through Christ’s presence in the hour of doubt and feeling forsaken by God, becomes our prayer, which reaches God, who says ≫yes≪ to that prayer, because it is ≫a word by the Son of God≪. Thus it is the Lord’s Prayer, given to man in baptism that becomes Grundtvig’s help in the crisis. The thesis also points out how this understanding corresponds to the ≫discovery≪ of the Lord’s Prayer at which Grundtvig had arrived, at least from the late 1830s, a ≫discovery≪ on a par with ≫the matchless discovery of the Apostles’ Creed≪ as it has been shown by Christian Thodberg, an understanding of the Lord’s Prayer which is a precondition for the Lord’s Prayer being so helpful in the crisis as it turned out to be.In August 1884, in a letter to Peter Rordam, Grundtvig could write that through the crisis he had gained a new, clearer insight into life and the relation between Our Lord and man. At the end of the thesis it is shown how this ≫new≪ awareness finds its expression in a sermon on the 11th Sunday after Trinity where the Lord’s Prayer occupies a prominent position, a sermon that is echoed in a couple of contemporary hymns, where, for one thing, the word ≫maggot≪ about man occurs, and where, for another, it is said about Christ that He writhes like a worm in the earth. These are wordings that point back to the crisis in 1844 and to the hymn ≫Sleep sound, little child≪.

In behalf of our family, allow me to start by thanking each and everyone’s offering of support and prayers. Indeed, we are having a most difficult time facing this loss. We desperately try and search for answers hoping to appease the hurt. I remember during his last days, Papa turned to his Bible and one of his favorite chapters was from Psalms: “Be still and know that I am God” (Psalms 46:10), a passage that I have come across to dwell on. Most of you probably received Dr. Jesus Co’s passing in shock. Unbeknownst to you, we have been dealing with his illness for about six months. And we know there are unending questions about the how, when and even why, but kindly indulge me in giving you a glimpse into his journey. Jess, as his friends endearingly called him has been most passionate about his work. He cared deeply for his patients. He was so articulate and well-versed and could talk about anything under the sun. Papa had a voracious appetite in reading and learning not limited to his field. He challenged us into healthy debates in all of our specialties -gastroenterology, pediatrics and especially ENT, but unfortunately he was no match for my mom’s showbiz knowledge. He was an avid sportsman as well- in golf and lately, one of his other loves, fishing. My dad’s happiest moments would be spending time with his grandchildren teaching them how to fish. I could go on endlessly with this tribute for he excelled in various endeavors. But let me just share with you that he was first and foremost a family man. He was the eldest of 10 children hailing from Binalonan, Pangasinan. His brothers and sisters addressed him as “manong” for he was almost like the head of their family since “angkong” died. I remember my aunts and uncles visiting often and heeding his advice. As my mom’s better half, he doted on her. Their lives were so much intertwined and the best way to describe it is through their favorite love song- “I can’t stop loving you.” Surely, there are precious moments that only the two of them will treasure. It must have been a pleasant surprise to him that the stork delivered four girls. He instilled in us to strive for excellence and accept defeat as a stepping stone. One of my fondest recollections of when I was younger was losing a dog- back then it seemed like such a tragedy. I was inconsolable and amidst my cries he tenderly imparted a pearl of his many wisdoms about life’s reality: There will be challenges and battles to bear and sometimes our best recourse is to be silent. For God is strong when we are at our weakest. It was heartbreaking to see him physically deteriorate but despite this, he pursued his dedication for his work and kept his dignity in times of suffering. We earnestly pray that beyond our words we were able to provide him with comfort and ease his pain. Certainly, we would want to focus only on the joys of his life as it is painful to recall how tirelessly he fought and tried to overcome his sickness. His strength, character and unwavering faith carried him through until he eventually succumbed to the Lord’s calling. Friends and family, let us celebrate how Dr. Jesus Co has inspired us to persevere and trust wholeheartedly in the Lord. We can be still and be at peace in the knowledge that God’s grace will suffice and take care of all our needs. Thank you.

Kirke og menighed i Grundtvigs teologi og kirkepolitik 1806-61[Church and Congregation in Grundtvig’s Theology and Church Politics 1806-61]By Bent ChristensenFrom his 1806 work “Om Religion og Liturgie” (On Religion and Liturgy) and forthe rest of his life, N. F. S. Grundtvig was preoccupied with the substance andthe conditions of the church. In this paper, however, the latest text consideredis the final chapter of his book Den christelige Børnelærdom (Christian Childhood Teachings) (1861).The paper presents and analyses a number of statements showing whatGrundtvig understood by the terms “church” and “congregation” through threemain periods: 1. 1806-25 when Grundtvig by criticizing tried to clear the StateChurch of the Danish absolute monarchy of the current heterodox teachings andpractices. - 2. 1825-32 when Grundtvig had to admit that the battle was lost and that he himself was close to ending up as a separatist - 3. The years after 1832 when Grundtvig developed a freedom strategy based on the right of eachparishioner to choose another vicar or minister than the official incumbent ofthe parish (the so-called “sognebåndsløsning”).“On Religion and Liturgy” (written 1806 and printed 1807) was conceivedunder the State Church of the Danish absolute monarchy, a situation in whichit was not feasible to distinguish between the state and the church, nor betweenpeople and congregation. Grundtvig in his harsh criticism of contemporary clergy, however, was moving in the specific Christian dimension. He strove to change the state of things by criticizing them. In a poem dated 1811 he described in a strongly pentecostal and Apostolic perspective how he experienced his recent ordination and his future clerical calling.In his treatise “Om Kirke, Stat og Skole” (On Church, State and School)(1818-19), Grundtvig endeavoured to define the word and the conception of“church” and to examine the relationship between the church and the state. Heused the word “church” in a very broad sense, whereas he defined the Christian“kirkesamfund” (i.e. the community of Christians within the church) quiteprecisely.In his great poem Nyaars-Morgen (New Year’s Morn) (1824), Grundtvigfor the last time expressed his daring dream of a joint Christian and popular revival in Denmark, and in 1825 in the pamphlet Kirkens Gienmæle (The Church’s Retort) he used his “mageløse opdagelse” (i.e. his “matchless discovery”, as he termed it, that the confession of the Apostles’ Creed at the baptism is the only true basis for the authentic Church) for an attack on a heterodox professor of divinity. Grundtvig’s experiment to enforce true Christianity in this way was a failure. He lost the ensuing libel action brought against him by his victim, thus automatically, according to the Freedom of the Press Act of 1799, incurring life-long censorship.“Skal den Lutherske Reformation virkelig fortsættes?” (Should the LutheranReformation Really Continue?) (1830-31) represents Grundtvig’s last attemptto preserve the state church as a Christian community. From the autumn of 1831 until February 1832 he and his revivalist friends approached a separatist solution. However, the outcome was that on 1 March 1832 Grundtvig was granted permission to officiate in a Copenhagen church as a free preacher.From then on Grundtvig took on a radical freedom strategy. The state churchwas to be preserved as an institution embracing heterodox as well as orthodoxbelievers. This would be possible if the parish-defined obligations were abolished(the possibility of “sognebåndsløsning”) so that those Christians who did not feelconfident with the incumbent of their parish might choose to avail themselvesof the services of another vicar. This model was presented in two papers: OmDaabs-Pagten (On the Baptismal Covenant) (1832) and Den Danske Stats-Kirke upartisk betragtet (An Impartial View of the Danish State Church) (1834).Grundtvig could now, at one and the same time, be an orthodox Christianamong his co-orthodox supporters and engage in realizing the cultural programme presented in the comprehensive Introduction to his Nordens Mythologi (Norse Mythology) (1832). From around 1835 he was seized by strong optimism.In 1861 the final part of Den christelige Børnelærdom was published, subtitled“The Eternal Word of Life from the very Mouth of our Lord to his Congregation”.In it, Grundtvig took as a supposition the most radical version of a freechurch, i.e. one with a congregation of perhaps only a few thousand members.Above all, however, this was meant to legitimate that Grundtvig and his friendsremained in what was now, pursuant to the new Danish democratic constitutionfrom 1849, labeled the Danish People’s Church. With the possibility of secessionfrom the People’s Church, and after the passing in 1855 of the law legalizing“sognebåndsløsning”, there actually might be several good reasons to stay.Grundtvig now viewed the People’s Church as a state institution withroom for anything which could in any way be defined as Christianity, and indeedfor the true congregation of orthodox believers. Things never went so far,however. The 1849 Constitution states that the Evangelical-Lutheran Church is the Danish People’s Church. In practice, however—and to a high degree thanks to Grundtvig—there is a great liberality in the People’s Church, and those who desire so may break their ties to their parish and attach themselves to a minister they trust or even form their own elective congregation within the People’s Church.

THE DOCTRINE OF CREATION: A Constructive Kuyperian Approach by Bruce Riley Ashford and Craig G. Bartholomew. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2020. 366 pages, appendix, bibliography, index. Hardcover; $50.00. ISBN: 9780830854905. *This book is a welcome addition to our need for more work on the doctrine of creation. The authors, one Baptist (Ashford) and one Anglican (Bartholomew), offer what they term a "Kuyperian" or Dutch neo-Calvinist perspective (perhaps more properly, neo-Reformed?). They seek to be exegetical, not merely creedal, in their exposition. In 366 pages of text, they offer a doctrine of creation that comprehends the classical loci and add some of more recent concern. *The authors cover the classical loci in a systematic, well-organized way. In the first, creedally based, chapter, they lay out their approach and orient readers to their exposition of the doctrine. The following two chapters provide a brief but very well-done history of the doctrine. In the chapter from the early church up to the modern period, they survey the teachers of the church, with Irenaeus holding pride of place. This survey touches on the right people and draws out the constructive contributions that each makes. The only group that is treated almost entirely negatively is, predictably, the Anabaptists (pp. 66-68). The authors select negative examples, confuse an Anabaptist doctrine of the world with a doctrine of creation, and make tendentious use of selective quotes. It's hard to credit Anabaptists with a denigration of creation (or earthly matters) when they have well-formed practices of communal life, the sharing of goods, and, to be anachronistic, a thoughtful political theology rooted in particular practices of pacifism. Anabaptists are far from perfect, but they do not lack a doctrine of creation. It's just not one that's discernible through Dutch neo-Calvinist eyes. *The following chapter is an insightful tour of some highlights of the Modern Period with welcome attention to the wrongly neglected Johann Georg Hamann (pp. 75-80). In a clear and concise account of interpretations of Genesis 1 and the entanglement of God, creation, and science, Ashford and Bartholomew describe five positions that depend on "the conclusions of modern science" (p. 98). They then espouse a "literary framework theory" represented by Lee Irons and Meredith Kline, which argues that Genesis 1 reveals "three creation kingdoms" (days 1-3) and "three creation kings" (days 4-6). The picture is completed on day 7 when "God establishes himself as King on the Sabbath" (p. 98). This is filled out in the authors' later chapter on Genesis 1: the three creation kingdoms are "light; sky/seas; land/vegetation;" the three creation kings are "luminaries; sea creatures/winged creatures; land animals/men" (sic, pp. 155-70). This chapter concludes with a foundational assertion: "In the twenty-first century, a full-orbed Irenaean doctrine of creation presents itself as a salient remedy for the ills of our modern and postmodern eras ... Among Christian traditions in the modern period, the Dutch neo-Calvinist tradition is, in our opinion, particularly fruitful in providing resources for a recovery and renewal of the Irenaean doctrine of creation" (p. 99). *Following from this, the authors "outline the broad contours of the neo-Calvinist view of creation in seven propositions ..." (p. 103). Most of these propositions are familiar and commonplace within Christian orthodoxy. But two require further comment. The sixth proposition states that "sin and evil cannot corrupt God's good creation structurally or substantially" (p. 102; italics theirs). There may be profound truth in this, but the question of corrupt structures must be clarified. How does a "Kuyperian approach" empower a critique of injustice and oppression in, for example, the over-familiar case of apartheid? The concept of incorruptible structures cries out for further elucidation and glaring warnings against its abuse. The seventh proposition states that "God's restoration of creation will be an elevation and enhancement of creation in its original form" (p. 102). Here the language seems to fall short of a full-orbed Irenaean doctrine of creation. Isn't God's restoration the fulfillment and completion of creation? *After these first chapters that establish the direction and tone for the book, the following chapters are remarkably comprehensive in doctrinal coverage and practical import. Most of the ground covered is traditional, but the authors' discussions are lively and well argued. They proceed mostly by engaging the works of others, so readers of these chapters will receive an education in the scholarly world of the doctrine of creation. One welcome contribution, among others, is an entire chapter devoted to "The Heavenly Realm," which retrieves this inescapable biblical teaching and guards against "over-spiritualizing" (pp. 202-22). *Throughout the book, the authors maintain their commitment to biblical exegesis. They do this through engagement with the work of other scholars, which occasionally threatens to overshadow the biblical text itself. Like the rest of us heirs of modernity, they struggle to achieve what Oswald Bayer says of Hamann: "Scripture interprets me and not I scripture" (p. 77). Still, their determination to be faithful to the biblical narrative as they "do theology" is one to emulate. *Their commitment to exegetically grounded theology is fully displayed in a chapter devoted to Genesis 1. As they engage critically with other scholars, they lay out the foundations of their doctrine of creation. The chapter concludes with an exposition of creation order in the Kuyperian tradition. For the authors, "Creation order is good news!" (p. 173), allowing for the flourishing of life. Injustice only appears against the backdrop of this order. They conclude the chapter with one of their many in-text excurses, asserting that "at the heart of the biblical metanarrative stands the cross, which alerts us to the grace of the biblical story and its resistance to violent coercion" (p. 174). *Here, a number of questions arise. How can the crucifixion of a Galilean peasant on a hill outside Jerusalem sometime around AD 33, be part of a metanarrative? Doesn't its particularity preclude that? Don't we need some other language? Would "Christ is Lord" suffice? How might their account of creation order change if the crucifixion was indeed at the heart of their account? Are there forms of coercion that are not violent? If so, does the biblical story resist those? Is "resistance" strong enough to represent the relationship between the story and violence? *The following chapter, "Place, Plants, Animals, Humans, and Creation," covers a wide range of topics grounded in exegetical theology that leads to changed disposition. This excellent chapter brings together all the strengths of the book: its biblical exegesis, theological maturity, and practices grounded in the first two. *In the chapters that follow, Ashford and Bartholomew cover a lot of ground and give direction from "the Kuyperian tradition." This is evident in their discussions of sin, common grace, culture making, and providence, among other things. Culture making (in chapter 9, "Creation and Culture") takes on particular importance in their account. It occurs in "spheres" that "have their own integrity and function according to unique, God-given principles" (p. 267). But like some of their earlier accounts of creation order, true relationality is mostly missing. Culture doesn't occur in spheres; it occurs in messy, boundary-crossing relationships between God, humans, nonhuman creation, and self. Yes, God is sovereign over all of life, but it is a relational sovereignty, not a spherical and principled sovereignty. Moreover, one could easily conclude that culture making, as in the Kuyperian tradition, is the main calling of human beings. Missional witness to Jesus Christ by the body of Christ is offstage. It is possible to see the so-called cultural mandate of Genesis 1:26-31 as our missional mandate, in which case the wholistic calling envisioned by a "cultural mandate" is really a full, biblical practice of the missional mandate of Genesis 1. The calling is lived out in the healing of relationships under the condition of fallenness through the crucifixion of the one "through whom and for whom all things have been created," and in obedience to the Great Commission and Great Commandment. *Perhaps one striking indication of the absence of a robust account of relationality is the rare appearance of the Holy Spirit in the book, especially a book that aspires to be trinitarian. This may also account for the relatively minor role that the people of God play in the authors' exposition. *Even in a lengthy review such as this, I have not adequately represented the breadth and depth of this book. The authors manage to comment, often at length and in depth, on an enormous range of life, which, of course, the doctrine of creation comprehends. *My criticisms of this book (I have more!) are a sign of my deep respect for and learning from Ashford and Bartholomew. Critical matters for the life and witness of God's people are at stake in the development of a mature, robust conversation about the doctrine of creation and living it out. Bruce Ashford and Craig Bartholomew articulate a mature, robust, Irenaean doctrine of creation reshaped by Dutch neo-Calvinism that should be a part of a larger conversation and urgent action as we seek to bear witness to the One Creator and Redeemer in these times. *Reviewed by Jonathan R. Wilson, PhD, Senior Consultant for Theological Integration, Canadian Baptist Ministries; and Teaching Fellow, Regent College, Vancouver, BC V6T 2E4.